KULTURNO-IDENTITETSKE ODREDNICE BOSANSKOHERCEGOVAČKOG DRUŠTVENOG KONTEKSTA

Author(s): Vlado Kovačević / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1/2015

The paper deals with an important theme of national and religious relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the processes of religious nationalization and politicizing in current globalization processes. This paper focuses on the understanding of national ideology, which interprets the world according to its ethnicity and the process of politicizing religions and religionization of politics. Referring to the American sociologist Manuel Castells, the paper warns that new global networks “empower former social patterns”, which are related to national and religious content. In the paper we start from the thesis that finding new models for social communication in the society of Bosnia and Herzegovina cannot be an attempt of a new establishment of life and country monitoring, in both the nationalist ideology and in the ideology of consumer´s culture, life styles, and hybrid-transnational cultures that change identities. We have found in the works of one of the most significant sociologists of religion in the South-Slavic area Esad Ćimić the encouragement for the cultural and identity determinants of the relations between the national and the religious in the social context of Bosnia and Herzegovina.At the same time, this paper affirms the human dimension of openness between the relation of the national and religious in Bosnia and Herzegovina, developing a basic level of civilisation which is capable of accepting, justifying and managing the standpoints that are adopted as part of the spiritual, intellectual and moral heritage. This heritage is more spiritual, free and less caused by the ideological concept of a contemporary society. The heritage of Bosnian and Herzegovinian society as a living part of history, the bridge between the present and the future is a sign of a social and spiritual continuity. Without it, we would be stuck in a situation that could have negative consequences on human life concerning contemporary modern ideologies.

ZAŠTO BI FILOZOFI TREBALI BITI UPRAVITELJI DRŽAVE

Author(s): Ivica Musić,Mate Buntić,Mate Penava / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1/2015

When we talk about the state, the key emphasis is put on its order and whether the best order is democracy, socialism or some other form of government. People tend to forget that the persons who rule are more important than the systems in which they work. Having seen this problem, Plato offered a solution that is, according to him, ideal. Namely, he believes that the state should be governed by philosophers. Of course, word philosopher is understood in its primary meaning – it refers to the people who love wisdom, people who strive for the elevated good. The paper discusses questions of societal order and the choice of the ruler, mostly through Plato's paradigms of political philosophy. Emphasis is put on the part about a philosopher's characteristics as a ruler and the reasons why a philosopher should be a ruler. The concept philosopher in this context refers not only to the people who are professionally involved with philosophy, but to all those who in their work exibit four basic virtues: wisdom, bravery, modesty and justice. In order to avoid a one-way discussion, the paper exposes also two theories that criticize the idea about philosophers as rulers. It is Kant's and Popper's notion of this problem. Based on these confronted attitudes, we conclude that there is no real rulership without an aretheistic approach to politics.

ETNOPOLITIKA U DOBA NJEZINOG „GRAĐANSKOG PREVLADAVANJA“

Author(s): Ugo Vlaisavljević / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1/2015

If there is indeed a national issue in post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina, then it is the Croatian issue. Already with the Dayton Agreement that issue has been changed to a state issue with Bosniaks and Serbs: their main national political interest is a final national statehood. For Bosniaks it is Bosnia and Herzegovina, whereas for Serbs it is the Republic of Srpska, as their nation-state. Since the dominant Bosniak national politics is focused on strengthening the state as a whole, the national in that politics is intertwined with the civil. That is why it seems that their national issue does not exist anymore and that there is only the issue of the statehood and civil political participation. In the dominant Serbian politics the national refers only to the statehood of exclusively Serbian entity, so that the national issue is indeed the state issue, but also national. If we see it as a national issue, Croatian issue is then an issue of constitutionality and sovereignty of the nation, of their collective rights. It is raised by the fact that Croats are not constitutive in the Federation, let alone in the Republic of Srpska. That is why Croatian national politics focuses on statutory changes, but that is how it is directly confronted with the Bosniak national politics, because the latter wants to escape the chaos of collective rights in this way. We can assume that Croats, being a minority, do not have their national issue solved. Serbs and Bosniaks do not put up their national issue qua national, in the areas where they are majority – in the two entities. In that case is Croatian entity the only solution? Or is it a delusion of the proponents of the collective rights politics?

OKOVI DEMOKRACIJE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI

Author(s): Irena Musa / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1/2015

This article gives a short overview of democracy from its beginnings till the 20th century, when it became accepted as the most desirable social invention. Some theoretical contributions to the development of democracy are stated, especially the reformatory ideas of John Stuart Mill about society, state and its organization. Mill argues that democracy is the most suitable form of government because it can ensure equal life opportunities for all, order and progress. The paper also focuses on the issue of crisis of democracy and its paradoxes in mature democracies of the capitalist West and also on the beginnings of democracy in the socialist East. A special emphasis is put on establishment and development of democracy in a multinational state such as Bosnia and Herzegovina. In BiH the democratic experience is relatively short and is often frustrating, because the state is still unstable and burdened with many problems from closer and further history which slow down the democratic process and a functional establishment of democratic order. Importance and inextricable connection of political culture, democratic education, and civil society with democracy is also emphasized. It is also noted that these phenomena are undeveloped, neglected or marginalized in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Coffitivity: dźwięk, praca kreatywna i posthegemonia

Author(s): Artur Szarecki / Language(s): Polish Issue: 5/2015

Sound presents a unique subject of study, functioning in culture not only as a conveyor of meaning, but also as a sensory and affective intensity. To perform a cultural analysis of acoustic phenomena, therefore, we must take into account both the semiotic/interpretive dimension of soundedness and its bodily/material dimension. Szarecki illustrates his approach with the example of the internet site Coffitivity, which supports creative thinking by reproducing the ambient noise of a cafe. Szarecki draws on the theoretical tools of sound studies and of posthegemonic political theory to show how by arranging and controlling the sound environment Coffitivity broadens the possibilities – in time and space – of performing creative work, thus turning such work into an omnipresent component of everyday life.

Polityka głosu

Author(s): Mladen Dolar / Language(s): Polish Issue: 5/2015

For Dolar, voice represents the primordial or animal aspect of the human being, zōē, or naked life. Speech, meanwhile, is understood as voice endowed with meaning. Considering the problem of voice, Dolar argues that zōē rubs against bios, i.e. political and social life. Zōē manifests itself in many areas of life; the primordial voice appears in contexts such as justice, education or religion. It also represents an integral attribute of rulers and dictators, who use their voice to create laws, or who enforce those laws into life. Voice is indispensable for logos and the written word. Therefore it is inexorably linked with social life; it exists between naked life and social life, between sound and speech.

İLKELLERDE DİN

Author(s): Mehmet Emin Kiliç / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 15/2012

Primitive human is an exemplary citizen who completely respects the rules of his/her own community and who is ready to obey them at any time. In the same way, following all the rules and restrictions determined by the tribe are accepted as axiom. Primitive human greatly respects own customs and traditions, automatically submits to orders. Everything is based on the fear of supernatural ideas and punishments, in addition to deep loyalty to “group feeling”. However, has there ever been any person -whether civilized or primitive - who followed the undesired, boring rules and taboos without having difficulties? Nevertheless, this understanding is dominant in the studies about primitive order and primitive rules.

TÜRKİYE’DE DEMOKRASİ KÜLTÜRÜ

Author(s): Nazike Toktok / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 7/2010

Dilimize Fransızca’dan giren demokrasi terimi, Yunanca “demo” (halk) ve “kratos” (iktidar, güç) sözcüklerinin birleşmesinden türemiştir. Sözcük anlamı “gücün halkın elinde olması” demektir. Sözlük tanımında demokrasi “üstün iktidarın halkta bulunduğu veya halk tarafından doğrudan ya da özgür bir seçim sistemi içinde seçilmiş temsilcileri aracılığıyla kullandığı, halk tarafından yönetimdir.” Genellikle devletlerin yönetim biçimi olarak alınmasına ve devletin faaliyet alanına ait bir kavram gibi görünmesine rağmen aslında kolektif her türlü organizasyonun yönetim şeklidir.

Едно нестандартно представяне: Jean-François Gossiaux. Les débris épars du pogrès. Évolutionnisme vs anthropologie. Paris: Éditions de la Maison des sciences de l’homme, 2016

Author(s): Mila Santova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 3/2016

Book Review

Jak słowo ciałem uczynić

Author(s): Zygmunt Bauman,Sławomir Czapnik / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2016

Recepcja i aplikacje pedagogiki oraz psychologii krytycznej

Author(s): Śliwerski Bogusław / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2016

psychology in the humanities and social sciences in Poland from the late 1980's through the first half of the second decade of the 21st century. Meta-theoretical and educational research was conducted in various Polish universities on basic pedagogical categories and educational processes in schools whose premises are rooted in the philosophy of the Frankfurt School, as well as French, Italian and Anglo-American critical sociology of education. The text presents the extent to which translations of classical treatises from critical schools of philosophy, pedagogy and psychology into Polish, as well as hermeneutical studies from these fields that have not been translated into Polish, on the one hand contributed to strengthening the political and social transformations that began in 1989 and, on the other hand, were, as part of comparative research, part of a completely new interpretation of concepts, language and critical theory within the Polish context.

The Nationalist Perspective within Slovak Communist Intellectual Thinking (1921–1968)

Author(s): Adam Hudek / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

This study deals with the idea of nationalism in the thinking of Slovak communist intellectuals from the early 1920s until the end of the 1960s. The variety of roles that national communism took during these decades are detailed, including an “intellectual exercise” in the 1930s, an ideological deviation in the 1950s, a program of national emancipation in 1960s and finally, the narrative of legitimizing the normalization orthodoxy after the 1968 Warsaw Pact invasion into Czechoslovakia. The aim of this paper is to explore the variety of ways Slovak communist intellectuals connected the Marxist-Leninist worldview with their own nationalist discourse in different periods, describing how encountered ideological dilemmas were solved and then integrated into the program of Slovak national communism. The opening pages discuss the first generation of Slovak Marxist intellectuals in the interwar period, who defined the essential points of the Slovak national communist program. Next, following the example of historian Ľubomír Lipták, the second part documents the “intellectual de-Stalinization” of the 1960s, which included profound criticism of the Slovak position in the republic. The final piece of this study analyzes the culmination of discussions regarding Czech-Slovak relations in 1968 and 1969.

DISCURSIVE PRAGMATICS VIA CLASSICAL RHETORIC IN THE EUROPEAN DISCOURSE OF ASSISTENCE TO UKRAINE (BASED ON ENGLISHLANGUAGE SPEECHES OF GERMAN POLITICIANS)

Author(s): Natalia Kravchenko,Viktoriia Blidchenko-Naiko,Oleksandr Yudenko / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2023

The specificity and conjugation of discursive pragmatics and classical rhetoric manifests itself when politicians are faced with the need for evasive formulations to mitigate a potential threat to their face. To substantiate the conceptual basis of discursive argumentation, the article differentiates between “topoi-integrators” and “topoi-arguments”. The topos-integrator "responsibility", actualized at the local and global discursive levels, appeal to ethos, supporting the logos-based argumentation by involving the ethos-based moral foundations of the speaker's position. Topoi-arguments "responsibility", “threat”, “reliability” and “law’ are rhetorically based on enthymeme as figures of reasoning that appeal to logos as well as on auxiliary figures of digressio, Past Fact / Future Fact, exergasia, climax, congeries, hyperbole and apagoresis, appealing to logos, ethos, and pathos. Pragmatically, the restoration of implicit premises and conclusions of enthymemes corresponds to explicatures, which become the basis for the generation of implicatures, provided that the speakers flout cooperative maxims. Disobeying the maxim of quantity of information is based on the figures of exergasia, climax, congeries, the maxim of relevance - on digressio, Past Fact / Future Fact, and the maxim of quality - on hyperbole and apagoresis. Through rhetorical figures and the corresponding pragmatics, the speakers implement the strategies of transferring and reducing responsibility, substitution of arguments, mitigation, partial distortion by exaggeration, simplification, etc.

Manifest jako performativní experiment. Odpověď Peteru Daubnerovi

Author(s): Michael Hauser / Language(s): Czech Issue: 1/2024

The article by discusses the resurgence of manifestos in contemporary times as a response to global chaos and crises. Hauser responds to Daubner's critique of his manifesto, emphasizing the importance of manifestos in providing direction and proposals for societal progress. He highlights the historical significance of manifestos during periods of avant-garde movements and modernism, and their decline in the postmodern era. Hauser argues that manifestos are crucial for addressing current social and political issues, and he defends his approach of writing a manifesto without extensive annotations to encourage deeper engagement with the text. He also addresses criticisms regarding his perceived leniency towards socialist practices of the 20th century, clarifying his intent to explore moments of real emancipation in history. Hauser concludes by advocating for the revival of socialist ideas and movements to tackle contemporary inequalities and crises.

Екзистенциализмът в ранното творчество на Асен Игнатов

Author(s): Georgi Belogashev / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Issue: 2/2024

The article explores Ignatov’s scientific interest in humanism, the place of the individual in the social structure, the various consequences of this position, dogmatism, anti-dogmatism, and other issues related to socio-historical reality.

“The Philosophers’ Steamships”: The Expulsion of the Russian Intelligentsia by the Bolshevik Regime in 1922

Author(s): Diana Del Mastro / Language(s): English Issue: 40/2024

This article examines one of the darkest chapters of Russian history, known as the ‘Philosophers’ Ships’, which saw the deportation of a large group of the most eminent representatives of the Russian intelligentsia by the Bolshevik authorities between 1922 and 1923. The passengers on these elegant steamers represented the elite of Russian intellectual life: writers, poets, journalists, scientists, and philosophers. They did not belong to any political party or adhere to any specific faith, ideology, or creed. Over a third of them were involved in developing a spiritual philosophy of art and culture in Russia; some taught university courses, while many others were well-known writers. Another third were leaders of local cooperative assemblies, doctors, agronomists, and economists, or members of small sects or associations. The one thing they all shared was that Lenin personally chose them for arrest and deportation, considering them dangerous opponents of the Bolshevik party, but too risky to kill, so much so that he justified their expulsion. The expatriation of dissident intellectuals in 1922 was a foreseeable step in the country’s internal political development. Its primary aim was to establish close ideological control by removing the country’s intellectual elite – those who, through critical and independent thought, could analyze the situation and express ideas critical of the regime. This event marked a critical moment for Russian culture, greatly accelerating the removal of important non-communist thinkers from influential and prestigious positions in society. The dramatic forced exile of the intelligentsia was a milestone on Russia’s path towards totalitarianism, with the extremist turn of Leninism and Bolshevism: from then on, the intellectually and spiritually free members of civil society would no longer be tolerated.

Migratorni, strateški I ideološki aspekt povratka na selo u savremenoj Srbiji

Author(s): Lazar Barać,Anđelka Živojinović,Jelena Ćuković / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2024

Returning to the countryside is a complex concept that we frequently encounter during fieldwork, and its presence is becoming increasingly pronounced in public discourse. This paper aims to map and contextualize the migratory, strategic and ideological aspects of returning to the countryside, since environmental migrations, caused by environmental degradation, often serve as a framework for considering rural areas as an alternative to urban life. In the context of the Republic of Serbia, the return to the countryside has been institutionalized through rural development policies designed for demographic renewal and the revitalization of villages. However, the various aspects of returning to the countryside cannot be reduced solely to economic or environmental factors. They are intertwined with ideological narratives that also play a significant role. These narratives depict the countryside as a bastion of „authentic” values. In this respect, rural areas are represented and instrumentalized within a broader discourse of a return to tradition and „nature”, standing in opposition to urbanization and modernization.

Pride, Reason and Salvation. Reflections on the Meaning of Thomas More’s Utopia

Author(s): Svetoslav Malinov / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2024

The aim of this paper is to recover the original intention of Thomas More in creating the fictional island depicted in his book Utopia. Drawing on Erasmus’ 1519 letter, the author suggests beginning with Book II and analysing it separately from Book I. This approach allows for an exploration of the tension between its eutopian and dystopian aspects. The claim that through its unique institutions (notably the abolition of private property) Utopia has successfully eliminated pride, deemed the root of all social evils, is scrutinized and revised. While Utopians are neither perfect nor sinless, their religious evolution offers more grounds for optimism than disappointment.

Elementy starożytnych koncepcji filozoficznych tianming i tianxia w przywództwie politycznym komunistycznych Chin

Author(s): Adam Pawełczyk / Language(s): Polish Issue: 36/37/2023

Political and philosophical concepts of tianming and tianxia from around the 11th century B.C. were the most important elements of legitimizing political power in China. Tianming (‘the mandate of heaven’) assumed that the imperial authority had the permission of heaven to exercise power, while tianxia (‘everything under heaven’) meant the area over which this authority was to extend. Despite regime changes – from the empire, through democracy and dictatorships, to modern socialism – this traditional concepts are still an important value for Chinese society. Therefore, the aim of the article is to examine how the current communist authorities of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) use this concepts to exercise political leadership and legitimize it. Based on a historical analysis and a study of individual cases of the actions of the contemporary Chinese authorities, the author wants to prove that both concepts are still an important aspect of exercising power in China.

SECOLUL AL XX-LEA, INTRE ROSU SI NEGRU: A CRITICAL REFLECTION ON THE 20TH CENTURY

Author(s): Paul-Cristian Albu / Language(s): French Issue: 40/2025

Cătălin Ghiță's Secolul al XX-lea, între roșu și negru presents an in-depth exploration of the complexities and contradictions of the 20th century, blending history, culture, and philosophy in a thought-provoking way. Ghiță's work stands out for its ability to uncover the underlying tensions between ideologies and critically examine how these ideologies have shaped the modern world. Rather than following a simplistic, linear narrative, the author offers a nuanced analysis, encouraging readers to reflect on the evolution of these ideologies and their enduring impact on contemporary societies.Ghiță emphasizes the importance of considering the intersection between art, culture, and political upheavals, showing how transformations in the 20th century were not solely political but also reflected in literary and artistic works. The examples of Duchamp's Fountain and the writings of Beckett and Chomsky illustrate the inseparable link between historical events and cultural production, emphasizing that advances or ruptures in art and thought are responses to specific political and social contexts.Additionally, the book's structure follows a postmodern approach, dismantling traditional linear narratives and instead presenting a fragmented analysis that highlights the multiplicity of perspectives within the same historical moment. This method allows readers to better grasp the ideological and social tensions of the 20th century, while encouraging a more profound reflection on the complexities of history. Ultimately, Ghiță’s work is more than just a historical retrospective; it serves as a call to remain vigilant against contemporary extremisms and the persistence of ideologies in modern conflicts. Through its depth, rigor, and multidimensional approach, Secolul al XX-lea, între roșu și negru emerges as an essential contribution to understanding the past's political and cultural dynamics and their continued relevance today.