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Lebenswelt als politisch relevanter Begriff

Author(s): Gérard Raulet / Language(s): German Issue: 12/2014

The semantic field of the notion of the „lifeworld” extends onto ontology („being-in-the-world”), anthropology biology, life sciences in general, as well as sociology. Meanwhile, however, is another, journalistic and inflationary, usage of the term spread in everyday life, which in a way confirms its informal, „lifelike” character. This is both a strength and a weakness. That’s exactly why the Husserlian notion has been accused of being vague or downright contradictory. Indeed, it means a horizon of horizons, and in every instance a personal horizon, one of my own, which connects me, in my being-here, with the horizons of others. The present text departs from the observation that the Husserlian notion involves since the beginning a culture-critical as well as a science-critical potential, and that the appearance of direct obviousness that is so typical of the reference to the lifeworld quickly turns out a reaction to a crisis, and specifically a loss of transparency. It attempts to examine the relation between the notion of the lifeworld to politics and tests its analytical usefulness.

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Public Policy and Social Good: Theory, Practice and Beyond

Author(s): Rajesh Shukla / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2017

In this paper I argue that the most fundamental goal of any public policy is to assist the realization of social good. I take it that the idea of social good has developed differently in different political and moral traditions, and focus my analysis on the interplay of liberalism, virtue ethics and the Capability Approach. I argue that the liberal conception of social good, as espoused by its leading exponents, is somewhat problematic, and that it fails to account for meaningful civic associations. Even though liberal thinkers often prioritize an individual’s freedom and autonomy, they do not provide us with concrete principles that can facilitate the realization of these goals. I draw upon the practical functioning of leading liberal democracies, including the United States, Canada and India, emphasizing the role of normative political constraints in policy making. I conclude that the liberal conception of social good stands in an acute need of a fresh principle that can rectify the above anomalies and reinvigorate its moral force, and that such a principle can probably be constructed with the help of Amartya Sen’s Capability Approach and Aristotle’sVirtue Theory.

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Libertarianizm i teoria tożsamości Koncepcja najbliższego kontynuatora Roberta Nozicka jako teoria tła zasady autowłasności

Author(s): Łukasz M. Dominiak / Language(s): Polish Issue: 48/2017

The research problem of the present paper is the following question: May the closest continuer theory serve as a background theory for the principle of self‑ownership? This issue is a peculiar instance of the more general problem of the anthropological presuppositions of the libertarian political philosophy that can be phrased in a Kantian manner: How is self‑ownership possible?; or in a more detailed way: What sort of entity a human being has to be, if it is possible for him to be a self‑owner? The research thesis that is argued for in the paper says that: 1) the closest continuer theory may not serve as a background theory for a wide principle of self‑ownership since as an example of reductionist theory of personal identity it excludes the possibility of possessing this set of psychological facts which the personal identity is reducible to and possession of which is presupposed by the wide principle of self‑ownership; 2) the closest continuer theory may though serve as a background theory for a narrow principle of self‑ownership since this principle assumes that one can own only scarce resources and psychological facts are not instances thereof.

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Political Agency: The Subject and the Citizen in the Time of Neoliberal Global Capitalism

Author(s): Marina Gržinić / Language(s): English Issue: 14/2017

Today the notion of the ‘subject’ in the first capitalist world is reserved only for the citizens (fully acknowledged) as such of the first capitalist neoliberal world. Therefore the ‘old’ political ‘subjects’ are seen as a form of an archaic subjectivity and delegated to the so-called third worlds’ capitalisms. The consequences are terminal regarding political agency. Or to reformulate this going back to the most significant shift in the historicization of capitalism, the shift from biocapitalism to necrocapitalism (the shift, break and simultaneity of biopolitics and necropolitics and as well biopower and necropower), we see a twofold mechanism at work. First, if necropolitics presents a new mode of governmentality for neoliberal global capitalism that is a decision over the administration of death (as being opposed to biopolitics as a control over life) then we must ask in which concrete, political, economic and social ideological situation the sovereign decision over death without impunity is normalized and accepted. Second, who are those that are ‘selected’ and targeted as the goal of this necro ‘sovereign’ decision? The answers will pull a paradoxical difference inside the notion of the subject and as well respond to why any demand regarding political subjectivities in the time of a neoliberal global capitalism seems a bad joke and something obsolete.

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Atavistic Core of Postmodern Totalitarianism. Depoliticization of Death and the Sovereignty of Capitalism

Author(s): Šefik Tatlić / Language(s): English Issue: 14/2017

Although the First World, in the light of decay of geopolitical unipolarity of the world, did not become the undisputed master, it has managed to install its own epistemological and ideological principles at the core of capitalist modernity and all social-political regimes that accepted it as universal modernity. These principles, however, don't originate from the process of transcending premodern epistemological logics, but from their extending into contemporaneity, which meant that politics was actually collapsed into being a mere extension of pre-modern epistemological normatives. As a result, death, as the plethora of recent imperial aggressions in the Middle East and North Africa testify to, did not become just a residue of hegemonization of global capitalism, it became a technology of social differentiation and a conceptual category/practice that obscenely reinvents politics as the instrument of imposition of death; as the extension of the ideology that depoliticizes death and as the instrument of providing ideological purpose to the capitalist system of power.

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How to Understand Carl Schmitt?

Author(s): Joanna Rak / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2017

Book Review: Adam Wielomski, W poszukiwaniu Katechona: Teologia polityczna Carla Schmitta. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Von Borowiecky 2016 (pp. 472). ISBN: 978–83–60748–92–3. Price: PLN 54.90.

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Pitanje demokracije

Author(s): Claude Lefort / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 03/1993

The author pleads for a renewal of political philosophy by asking what it means again to think politically in our time. He also tries to re-examine some characteristic of the concept of democracy which renews its weight in relationship to totalitarianism and cannot be reduced to an institutional system. After looking critically upon the works of Tocqueville who - contrary to most of his contemporaries - saw democracy as a form of government, the author comes to the conclusion that democracy appears to be a historical social category par exellence, of a society that in its form accepts and maintains indefinability. This is in significant contrast to totalitarianism which, establishing itself with the slogan of building the new man, in fact acts against this indefinability and tries to conserve the rules of its own organization. Thus, in the contemporary world, totalitarianism manifests itself secretely as a society without history.

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Kant, Hegel, Heller i ambivalentni "ustav slobode"

Author(s): Werner Becker / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 04/1993

The author shows that it is not possible to formulate a consistent theory of freedom, tying together the internal perspective of action, and the external perspective of rational description and explanation of action. In the history of philosophical discussion about freedom as a fundamental concept of liberalism Kant and Hegel represent two extremes. Each tried to formulate consistently a concept of freedom and its moral and political consequences, but both paid the price of one-sidedness. Kant postulates the primacy of the internal perspective of the moral subject, which is ideally expressed by his categorical imperative. However, the concept of freedom defined from the stance of autonomous morals loses contact with historical world of traditional values, with the consequence of moralizing politics and unrealistically disregarding the nation as a characteristic framework of politics. Hegel points out the priority of the external perspective, which gives him an analytical advantage relative to liberal theories of natural law and Kant’s moralist position. However, as warned by the German political theorist Hermann Heller, Hegel’s position results in defining the sphere of collective morality as superior to individual action, disregarding the protection of individual liberties against the state and accepting national politics of power as the only criterion for international politics. The author concludes that liberal constitutions, unlike totalitarian, must then be inconsistent.

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Ustav i komunitarna demokracija

Author(s): Wolfgang Kersting / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 02/1994

The author summarizes several years of debate between liberal and communitarian philosophers. The wrangle between those two major lines of political philosophy in the 1980s concentrated on two issues: the foundation and the justification of a political community and the preservation of a system of political community and the motivation of its members to support it actively. Regarding the first issue, liberalism has defended successfully its universalistic attitude towards human rights. Partly it took into consideration communitarian critique, admitting that the universal validity of human rights need not be justified by abstract and rational contractual structure but by the fact that liberal values have become an unavoidable element of the tradition of modern political communities. Regarding the second issue, liberalism had to accept the communitarian attitude towards the importance of republican virtues for the preservation of a political community. The proposals for such mediation of liberalism and communitarianism are included in the concepts of constitutional patriotism and communitarian participative democracy.

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Liberalizam danas

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 03/1994

Što znači liberalizam danas? Unatoč činjenici da su sve suvremene partije djelomice preuzele liberalne programe, da je otvoreno društvo nadživjelo hladni rat te da se problemi kompleksnih društava ne mogu riješiti mimo liberalnih modela društava, teško je reći što je liberalizam danas. Dijelom je tome krivo uvjerenje da slobodna društva nisu u stanju osigurati preduvjete svoje egzistencije nego ih štoviše neprekidno razgrađuju, a dijelom uspon nacionalizma osobito u istočnoj Europi kao i njegova refleksija u zapadnoj Europi. Poznato je naime da je liberalizam odlučni protivnik nacionalizma.

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Kontrola vlasti pomoću vlasti

Author(s): Eugen Pusić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 03/1994

The author claims that the concept of the separation of power was known to the writers of antiquity such as Tukidides, Plato, Aristotle, Polibus and Cicero, who dealt with the question of the balance of power or the balance of different forms of government. In modern age, liberal thinkers such as Montesquieu, Locke, Madison, and Hamilton postulated the principle of the tension between the opposing functions of the state as the foundation of liberal and democratic constitutional system. The principle of separation or division of power has maintained its significance in the twentieth-century democracies, despite the relativization of the role of the national state through the interdependence of the global society as well as the development of other principles and mechanisms of curtailing the power of the state (political parties, human rights, the autonomy of mass media and of various social sectors). The author asserts that the principle of the separation of power is functioning today primarily as a form of labour division among various government institutions; this division gives rise to a miscellany of the participants’ opinions and preferences.

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Liberalizam između terora slobode i terora jednakosti

Author(s): Davor Rodin / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 03/1994

The author analyses the ambivalence of liberalism regarding political and economic freedoms. While classical liberals advocated individual freedom versus aristocratic state, modern liberals advocate the controlled rule of the majority by means of the state and the law. Since their original idea of the freedom of private ownership led to the creation of boundless wealth, they have sought ways of limiting state ownership and establishing an intermediate category of ownership. However, the advocacy of intermediate ownership and intermediate state does not suffice for a success at the polls, so liberals have adopted the conservative concept of the protection of public good from the fury of private interests. Today’s marginalization of liberal parties has not prevented liberal ideas to penetrate into the programmes of all democratic parties. Hence, liberalism has become more of a cultural achievement and less of a viable political option.

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Liberalizam i praktična filozofija

Author(s): Ante Pažanin / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 01/1995

The author presents the central postulates from the latest works by John Rawls and Michael Walzer as the most prominent representatives of liberalism and communitarianism in the contemporary American political philosophy and points to their predecessors and parallels in practical philosophy, from Kant and Hegel to Mill and Dewey. Since liberals and communitarians of today do not any longer advocate a “society” or a “community” in the traditional sense, but the “posttraditional” liberal-democratic community in which the liberal principles of justice and human rights can be realized, their thinking is interesting also to those peoples who have set out to build liberal-democratic societies outside the states of the developed West. Naturally, the realization of freedom and human rights depends on the cultural tradition of each people and on the historical “lebensweit” in general, but also on the virtues of liberal citizens who, in a communal political life, realize “postulates of communality comprised in liberalism” (Walzer) and thus foster a free and good human life.

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Liberalizam i politika općeg dobra

Author(s): Vladimir Vujčić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 01/1995

The author demonstrates that the envisaged solutions for the conflict between the liberal concept of freedom and the common good differ greatly. Also presented is a miscellany of possible solutions as well as the related contentious issues. However, the analysis has shown that almost all the mentioned authors see the need for some common good, for a “measure of freedom”, but their proposed ways for solving the issue vary: while some think that the universal common good is necessary for regulating procedures conducive to the achievement of freely chosen individual aims, others think that the tolerance of cultural and value differences is a sufficient condition for solving the said problem. For example, J. Raz emphasizes moral pluralism as the basis of autonomy, while S. Nathanson thinks that pluralist aims can exist, but not morally varied ways of their achievement. These different concepts of the relationships between freedom and common good can have different effects on the concepts and the practice of public politics in contemporary societies. That is why the need for looking into the conflict between freedom and common good, differences and unity, private and public interest, is highly topical and represents a true challenge for all those who want to contribute to solving the problems of modern age and liberal democracies.

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Podrijetlo politike u drevnoj Grčkoj: stara tumačenja i nova stajališta

Author(s): Jürgen Gebhart / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 01/1995

The author describes the origin of politics in ancient polis. The archaic polis was originally a settlement ruled by aristocracy, social and religious centre of a small agrarian society. Intensive trade, wars and colonisation brought about the crisis of the aristocratic polis between 8th and 6th et. B.C.: the relations between the aristocracy and the peasantry were spoiled, tyrannies came into being, citizens revolted. In the 6th century B.C. the crisis was resolved through the establishment of the civic polis in which politics became an autonomous sphere of human acitivity in which all citizens had a say in the running of polis. The social basis of politics was the emergence of a relatively homogeneous citizenry (demos), in which the old aristocracy was mixed with smaller farmers, craftsmen and traders. The creators of the politics were wise individuals (sophoi) who, like Solon, embody the new virtue (arete), i.e. the ability to go beyond the ephemeral human thinking (doxa), which aims at maximizing fortune and glory, and to establish order (eunomia) in polis. Thanks to the classical Greek philosophy the epoch-making invention of politics became the paradigm of humanity and one of the foundations of western civilization.

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Liberalizam i komunitarizam: O nekim aporijama suvremenoga teoretskog diskursa

Author(s): Jürgen Gephardt / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 03+04/1995

The author looks into the political, historical and intellectual beginnings of the debate about liberalism and commutarianism in the USA from the standpoint of sociology. Then he goes on to describe its reception in Europe and finally to depict in greater detail its course in Germany. The purpose of the whole analysis may be reduced to the investigation of the possibilities for a transfer of theoretical and political debates from one into another national and social and political hermeneutical situation. On the one hand, the author is sceptical towards such transfers since they are at the same time very courageous transformations, while on the other this points to the common economic and political characteristics of contemporary industrial societies of the West which enable such transfers and make them understandable.

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Liberalism and Practical Philosophy

Author(s): Ante Pažanin / Language(s): English Issue: 05/1995

The author presents the central postulates from the latest works by John Rawls and Michael Walzer as the most prominent representatives of liberalism and communitarianism in the contemporary American political philosophy and points to their predecessors and parallels in political philosophy; from Kant and Hegel to Mill and Dewey. Since liberals and communitarians of today do not any longer advocate a “society” or a “community” in the traditional sense, but the “posttraditional” liberal-democratic community in which liberal principles of justice and human rights can be realized, their thinking is interesting also to those peoples who have set out to build liberal-democratic societies outside the states of developed West. Naturally, the realization of freedom and human rights depends on the cultural tradition of each people and on the historical “lebensweit” in general, but also on the virtues of liberal citizens who, in a communal political life, realize “postulates of communality comprised in liberalism ” (Walzer) and thus foster a free and good human life.

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From metaphysical to political: Does political culture make Rawls’s principle of tolerance morally relativistic?

Author(s): Bojan Vranić / Language(s): English Issue: 14/2017

Te aim of this paper is to analyze Rawls’s conception of political (public) culture, exploring whether his principle of tolerance (Political Liberalism) falls in moral relativism. The analysis consists of three sections. Firstly, the author introduces diﬀerent critical accounts on Rawls’s theory and identifies where they go wrong. Secondly, the author delineates the intellectual tradition of social liberalism from which sprang Rawls’s conception, showing that he significantly alters the key ideas of dominant liberal justice of the Western world. In the final section of the paper it is argued that Rawls’s idea of political culture is a cornerstone of just society and the spring of tolerance, providing arguments in favor of the idea that Rawls’s conception of political liberalism is not morally relativistic but it is, however, in line with liberal pluralism.

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Филозофско порекло теорије друштвеног уговора

Author(s): Tanja Todorović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 14/2017

This paper shows the origin of the idea of a social contract in Greek ancient philosophy. The Greeks first discovered this idea in their mythological and cosmological notions. Sophists developed it on the basis of natural law. During its evolution in Greek ancient philosophy the social contract was differently understood: sometimes in a unity with natural law, sometimes in opposition to it. Socrates pointed out the abstract nature of the social contract, while Plato and Aristotle tried to solve the contradictions set by the sophists. The origins of these ideas are very important, because modern and contemporary theories of social contract which use both diﬀerent customary language and are based on diﬀerent rationalization of the notion of nature are in part developed on a logic similar to that which can be found in Greek ancient philosophy.

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Niektóre filozoficzne uzasadnienia i krytyki instytucji własności

Author(s): Jerzy Oniszczuk / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2009

Przede wszystkim kwestią jest, o jakie rozumienie własności tu chodzi. Termin ten bywa bowiem różnie pojmowany. W niniejszych uwagach nie chodzi jednak o własność rozumianą np. jako właściwość czy cecha, ale o filozoficzne pojmowanie własności. W sposób najogólniejszy pojęcie to dotyczy władzy nad pewnymi rzeczami, ale także samych tych rzeczy. W słownikowym ujęciu własność postrzegana jest jako „Najpełniejsza władza użytkowania i dysponowania (ius utendi et abutendi), jaką można mieć nad rzeczami (rozumianymi szeroko, od konkretnych przedmiotów fizycznych, takich jak dom, do tworów intelektu, takich jak utwór literacki czy wzór matematyczny); także sama rzecz, nad którą ma się ową władzę”.

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