"Care Drain". Explaining Bias in Theorizing Women's Migration

Author(s): Speranta Dumitru / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2016

Migrant women are often stereotyped. Some scholars associate the feminization of migration with domestic work and criticize the “care drain” as a new form of imperialism that the First World imposes on the Third World. However, migrant women employed as domestic workers in Northern America and Europe represent only 2% of migrant women worldwide and cannot be seen as characterizing the “feminization of migration”. Why are migrant domestic workers overestimated? This paper explores two possible sources of bias. The first is sampling: conclusions about “care drain” are often generalized from small samples of domestic workers. The second stems from the affect heuristic: imagining children left behind by migrant mothers provokes strong feelings of injustice which trump other considerations. The paper argues that neither source of bias is unavoidable and finds evidence of gender stereotypes in the “care drain” construal.

"GERMAN WORLD" OR THE ORIGINAL CULTURE: SWISS-GERMAN CULTURAL RELATIONS IN 1930-1940

Author(s): Dmytro Vedenieiev,Victoriya Pechyborshch / Language(s): English / Issue: 4/2016

The objectives are to analyze the development of the relations in the sphere of the culture between Switzerland and Germany in the 1930-40’s and to determine the reasons for termination of the cultural dialogue between the countries after the arrival of national socialists in German and conditions of its recovery after the Second World War. The historical-genetic and comparative methods were chosen for the study. With the use of the historical-genetic method, the evolution of the German-Swiss cultural relations in the first half of the XX c. was explored. Appeal to the comparative method has enabled to draw the conclusions about the features of the bilateral cultural relations between Switzerland and Germany in the period between the two world wars, during the war of 1939 – 1945 and post-war years. Scientific novelty of the proposed article is that for the first time in Ukrainian historiography an attempt to explore the development of the cultural relations between Switzerland and Germany in 1930 – 40's was made. Conclusions. The main reasons of the Swiss efforts to withdraw from the involvement in the German cultural world in the late 1930's – 40's were memories of the First World War, when the conflict between the French and German communities had put in jeopardy the peace within the Swiss society, and a desire not to create the pretext for the global public accusations against Switzerland of its involvement in the crimes of the national socialists, which could raise doubts about the issue of Swiss neutrality. The background for the restoration of the cultural dialogue between the countries was the desire of Swiss to support the formation of a new democratic regime in the neighboring country, which was realized through the activities of both individual private artistic associations and institutions, and the work of the Swiss diplomacy, which through the analysis of the cultural situation of the particular German states was searching for the potential areas and ways of cooperation.

(DE)LEGITIMIZATION AS THE DISCURSIVE STRATEGY OF IDEOLOGY

Author(s): Dušan Ristic / Language(s): English / Issue: 3/2015

In this paper the processes of (de)legitimization are analyzed as discursive practices and forms of knowledge and discursive strategies which enable articulation and functional constituting of ideology. The processes at issue here are those emerging as a consequence of imbalance in the power relations, that is, as consequences of articulation of different interests and struggles of social actors. In the paper we start from the assumption that ideological discourses as forms of knowledge and discourses of (de)legitimization provide the members of social groups with the resources for social classification, their understanding of social relations, social events as well as other social groups. (De)legitimization discourses likewise represent requests for certain behavior and actions, that is, the discourses that justify and/or discredit particular social practices and groups. They are also ways of monitoring social relations. In the paper four major categories of legitimization are emphasized, namely, authorization, moral evaluation, rationalization and mythopoesis as well as the most important areas of (de)legitimization, namely affiliation, action, goals, norms, values, social positions and accesses to social resources. In the conclusion the processes of (de)legitimization are qualified as important strategies of ideologies contributing to changes, classification and reproduction of social practices.

(Dis)Appearance of the Political?

Author(s): Bogdana Koljevic / Language(s): English / Issue: 4/2009

In this article the author argues that contemporary political practice supersedes political theory and political philosophy that are still not able to comprehend and articulate its movement. The author argues that what is lacking is not only „the name“ for political subjectivity but understanding of its meaning and possibility of appearance. Contrasting biopolitics – as antipolitics proper – to the political, in the second part the author discusses current theoretical trends of biopolitics (neoliberalism and postmodernity) and traces the conditions necessary to answer it.

(Mis)Understanding Russia’s Two ‘Hybrid Wars’

Author(s): Mark Galeotti / Language(s): English / Issue: 49/2018

Formulations such as ‘hybrid war’ that have been used to try and explain Russia’s political campaign against the West have political utility but little scholarly relevance. Apart from the fact that the Russians themselves see gibridnaya voina as a Western approach used against them and their allies, the term also conflates two distinct, even if overlapping Russian concepts. To the military, such non-kinetic means as subversion, hacking, disinformation and sabotage are instruments with which to prepare the battlefield, as in Crimea. However, to the national security establishment, they are an alternative to direct military operations, and it is this kind of ‘political war’ that is being waged on the West. Understanding this distinction is crucial for a proper appreciation of the nature of the challenge and the most effective means with which to resist it.

(UN)FASHIONABLE DISCIPLINES: GENDER STUDIES IN HIGHER EDUCATION IN ROMANIA. INTEGRATION OR AUTONOMY?

Author(s): Theodora-Eliza Vacarescu / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2012

Research on the mechanisms, politics, and practices at work in the process institutionalization of women’s and gender studies in higher education in Central and Eastern Europe show a definite, albeit often uneven and sometimes precarious, dynamic of inclusion of this field of teaching and research, inside and outside officially recognized academic structures during the last two decades or so. In this article I investigate some of the institutional mechanisms, transnational higher education structures and interests, and personal investments and strategies that shape the current configuration of gender studies generally in higher education in Romania and particularly at the University of Bucharest. I argue that the inclusion of gender studies in higher education in Romania should be integrated within the larger, multiple and overlapping binds of national and transnational social, economic and political transformations started in the early 1990 s and accelerated at the end of the decade and especially at the beginning of the millennium. Within this framework, not only specific to the Romanian context, but, as shown in several studies, also to other Central and Eastern European countries, the annexation of gender-related concerns, equal opportunities legislation and gender studies as a valid field of teaching and research by various governmental and institutional agents in Romania could be read as part of the larger endorsement of the “democratization agenda.” However, it is necessary to understand these dynamics of institutional change and international financial and political interests as undoubtedly influencing local options and opportunities, but not always uniformly and unidirectionally informing the form and content of the teaching and research practices undertaken locally.

(Не)разбирането на двете „хибридни войни“ на Русия

Author(s): Mark Galeotti / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 47/2017

Formulations such as 'hybrid war' that have been used to try and explain Russia's political campaign against the West have political utility but little scholarly relevance. Apart from the fact that the Russians themselves see gibridnaya voina as a Western approach used against them and their allies, the term also conflates two distinct, even if overlapping Russian concepts. To the military, such non-kinetic means as subversion, hacking, disinformation and sabotage are instruments with which to prepare the battlefield, as in Crimea. However, to the national security establishment, they are an alternative to directmilitary operations, and it is this kind of 'political war' that is being waged on the West. Understanding this distinction is crucial for a proper appreciation of the nature of the challenge and the most effective means with which to resist it.

1930’lar Aydinin Gözünden Devrim İdeolojisi. Şevket Süreyya Aydemir’in Perspektifinden Kemalizm

Author(s): Hayriye Gürbüz / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 93/2018

Turkish intellectuals who has survived by taking the “state” as a pivot from Ottoman Empire till the Republic has switched to the questioning of “How does the state continue its existence and how does it modernize itself?” in 1930s from “How is the state established?” and tried to govern the political power with this mission attached themselves. This governance could be occurred by drawing of a dissent intellectualist figure to the political power or with a supportive and favorable manner of political power. Kadro journal which is a pioneer movement of the 1930s and its ideologist Şevket Süreyya chosen to govern political power with supportive manner and interpreted the Kemalism-ideology of revolution from this perspective. However, it is also difficult to say that the revolution ideology of 1930s overlaps directly with Kemalism. Turkish intellectual who is trained at the state, an officer at the government and state-oriented, reveal its own differences even with small nuances. This article focuses on Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, who revealed these small nuances in 1930s with further growing nuances in 1960s. The difference between the 1930s and 1960s is that in the 1960s the reason for existence did not depend on political power. Turkish intellectual, specific to Şevket Süreyya, can exist within the boundaries drawn by political power in the 1930s, was trying to lead both political power and the public in this narrow living area. However, the Turkish intellectuals were critical despite their avoidance of criticism of Kemalism. Şevket Süreyya had critical thoughts despite the limited partnership with political power and his ideology for the revolution did not coincide with Kemalism. The places where this non-overlap is most obvious are the principles of nationalism, populism and etatism.

1977: rok, który nigdy nie jest pamiętany

Author(s): Claire Fontaine / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 03/2015

The article analyses dramatic divergences in events and the field socioaesthetics through a new perspective on the legacy of the Italian student revolts in 1977, when it was necessary to deal with theoretical demands for innovation and truth by means of specific practices. The Bologna Uprising was an extremely important historical precedent in the fight for autonomy, both in Europe and beyond. The ways of being that were disseminated in the contested space of capital accumulation in the 1970s in Italy remind us that we should not commemorate 1977 as an extraordinary event, because its reverberation has not yet become history. The intensivity of the forms of life from Bologna remain with us, clearly demonstrating the validity and value of autonomy.

A centrista liberalizmus győzelme és az Európa-központúság geokultúrája

Author(s): Ferenc Miszlivetz / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 1/2013

Review of: Immanuel Wallerstein "A centrista liberalizmus győzelme,1789–1914"; by: Miszlivetz Ferenc

A Chinese Theory of Community Policing

Author(s): Kam C. Wong / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2010

This paper introduces the readers to a radically different theory of community policing: “Police power as social resource theory” (SRT), drawing upon Chinese political philosophy (“mass line”) and policing practice (“renmin jingcha”). The SRT addresses three main questions: What is the role and function of the police? What is the relationship of the police with the people? Why do people call the police? SRT (re)conceptualizes crime and police from the perspective of the people, not that of the state. From the people’s perspective crimes are personal problems, while problems are unmet expectations resulting from resource deficiencies and police are social resources make available to the people in solving their own problems. In terms of foundation SRT is a theory of the people, a theory of democratic governance, a theory of empowerment, and a theory of self-help.

A Common Good in Doctrinal and Legal Terms. An Attempt at a Holistic Approach

Author(s): Pawel Sydor / Language(s): English / Issue: 9.1/2018

The aim of the article is to present two opposing visions of the common good (value) in the history of political and legal doctrines. Such outline of extreme positions allows the author to assess the wide range of doctrinal differences in particular epochs and to impose the principles of the rule of law expressed in art. 2 of the Constitution in the historical tradition derived from the ancient republicanism and political and legal thought of the Middle Ages and which absorbs the postulates of modern liberalism, republicanism and conservatism, based on the democratic model.

A CRITICAL OVERVIEW OF THE DIGITAL KNOWLEDGE COMMONS FROM A MARXIST PERSPECTIVE

Author(s): FAITH AGOSTINONE-WILSON / Language(s): English / Issue: 6/2016

Going beyond a traditional understanding of commons as land and resources, a knowledge commons involves collective, cumulative informal experience, scientific research, the arts, and procedural, practical information, often with economic implications. However, much confusion exists around the terminology of today’s knowledge commons. This article clarifies the differences between open source and free software movements and provides an examination of copyleft and what it means for academics and activists. The author connects these movements to a Marxian vision of a knowledge commons for all.

A demokrácia arisztokráciája?

Paul Elmer More a „természetes arisztokrácia” szükségességéről

Author(s): Gergely Egedy / Language(s): Hungarian / Publication Year: 0

A gonosz arcai a szcientológiában

Author(s): Izabella Demeter / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 07/2012

„A Szcientológia egy vallás, amelyet L. Ron Hubbard fejlesztett ki, és amely az ember való- di szellemi természetének és önmagához, családjához, csoportokhoz, az Emberiséghez, minden életformához, a fizikai univerzumhoz, a szellemi univerzumhoz és a Legfelsõbb Lényhez való viszonyának teljes és biztos megértéséhez kínál pontos útvonalat”1 – válaszolja a Mi a szcientológia? kérdésre a nemzetközi hivatalos honlap tájékoztató része. Napjaink egyik leggyorsabb ütemben terjeszkedõ egyházáról lévén szó, jelen írásban nem vállalkozom a kérdésre adott feleletek átfogó összegzésére – maga az egyház több ezer kötetet jelentetett meg, az ellene felszólalók is majdnem ugyanennyit –, ehelyett a vallás kialakulása és meghirdetett alapelvei kerülnek e gondolatmenet fókuszába, Alain Badiou Etikájának2 lencséjén át szemlélve.

A hit eredendő hibája és ennek társadalmi kihatásai

Author(s): Mátyás Brendel / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 05/2014

A marxi kritikai társadalomelmélet

Kialakulása, fejlődése, teljesítményei és érvényessége a globális kapitalizmus korában

Author(s): Péter Szigeti / Language(s): Hungarian / Publication Year: 0

A modern political education. Nonviolent perspectives

Author(s): Claudia SECCI / Language(s): English / Issue: 3(13)/2016

The article deals with a nonviolent perspective of political education and with some theories that may conjugate these two domains: Nonviolent Culture and Political Education. Methodologically an approach rooted in the theoretical and bibliographical research has been privileged. The discourse investigates the causes of the actual political disaffection, and follows the purpose to highlight the irrevocable role of a structured nonviolent perspective (like Gandhi’s one), in the rehabilitation of politics. Nonviolence does not remove Marxist elements of legitimation in their entirety – as Gramsci’s theory will highlight – provided that they correspond the “conquest of violence” that needs to succeed first and foremost in the “intimate” individual’s awareness. Moreover, the importance of contemporary ecological theories, which embed the nonviolent perspective in a general epistemological view, will be also discussed to reaffirm the crucial significance of the latter. Through this path, different authors, hailing from diverse backgrounds, such as philosophical, pedagogical and anthropological studies, show meaningful affinities and matching points, presenting, in some case, political education in terms of education and training of the “political emotions”. The reflection highlights the relevance of an expanded political participation and experimentation through praxis, as ways of an actual political education, in the belief that emphasizing the pedagogic dimension of political activity, means nothing less than searching for its deepest fundament.

A multikulturalizmusról és az ún. „kultúrák közötti párbeszédről”

Author(s): Attila Demeter M. / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 09/2015

Using some concrete examples, in my study I try to analyze the political challenges which derive from the presence of immigrant (mostly Muslim)communities in European countries. My aim is not primarily to understand the specific religious identity of those communities, but to analyze our own political identity, in other words, the political identity of European societies. I seek an answer to the following question: which are the unquestionable political values or principles we have to insist upon during our dialogues with immigrant communities, and which are the ones which we could bargain about. The second and final part of my study is critical, and examines the causes of the failure of European multiculturalism. My point of view is that the success of the dialogue between European societies and immigrant communities is threatened, among other factors, by our unconditioned attachment to some values and principles which are seen to be inseparable elements of our democratic political culture(for example, the doctrine of human rights), but which deprive the dialogue between cultures not only of legitimacy,but also of any reason and meaning.

A Mythic-Symbolic Perspective on Politics

Author(s): Sandu Frunza / Language(s): English / Issue: 40/2015

In an era of generalized communication, democratic societies cannot escape the radical changes that the development of different types of communication claims. Political communication determines new types of political practice and adhesion. As in the case of postmodern communication in general, in political communication, expressions of symbolic communication characteristic for traditional societies are still being used, even if those expressions are presented as contemporary symbolic constructs, as for example the construct of “postmodern tribes”. This text focuses on how these elements are highlighted in the socio-analysis of Vasile Sebastian Dâncu, one of the most renowned experts in the Romanian political culture. The public space, shaped in the past by the intellectual elite, bearer of values and symbolic conscience, is being seized by television stars, by the online communication specialists. This leads to new fragmentations in and coagulation of political space, and to a prevalence of sentimentalities, mythical stories, and mystical experiences at the expense of rationality, civic involvement and ideologies. The new configuration of political groups of interest and the new ways of adhesion typical for “political followers” belonging to the Facebook generation are regarded from a mythic– symbolic mentality which links them to a behavior and a kind of solidarity characterizing tribal groups which are acting on a postmodern political scene.