"Care Drain". Explaining Bias in Theorizing Women's Migration

Author(s): Speranţa Dumitru / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2016

Migrant women are often stereotyped. Some scholars associate the feminization of migration with domestic work and criticize the “care drain” as a new form of imperialism that the First World imposes on the Third World. However, migrant women employed as domestic workers in Northern America and Europe represent only 2% of migrant women worldwide and cannot be seen as characterizing the “feminization of migration”. Why are migrant domestic workers overestimated? This paper explores two possible sources of bias. The first is sampling: conclusions about “care drain” are often generalized from small samples of domestic workers. The second stems from the affect heuristic: imagining children left behind by migrant mothers provokes strong feelings of injustice which trump other considerations. The paper argues that neither source of bias is unavoidable and finds evidence of gender stereotypes in the “care drain” construal.

"GERMAN WORLD" OR THE ORIGINAL CULTURE: SWISS-GERMAN CULTURAL RELATIONS IN 1930-1940

Author(s): Dmytro Vedenieiev,Victoriya Pechyborshch / Language(s): English / Issue: 4/2016

The objectives are to analyze the development of the relations in the sphere of the culture between Switzerland and Germany in the 1930-40’s and to determine the reasons for termination of the cultural dialogue between the countries after the arrival of national socialists in German and conditions of its recovery after the Second World War. The historical-genetic and comparative methods were chosen for the study. With the use of the historical-genetic method, the evolution of the German-Swiss cultural relations in the first half of the XX c. was explored. Appeal to the comparative method has enabled to draw the conclusions about the features of the bilateral cultural relations between Switzerland and Germany in the period between the two world wars, during the war of 1939 – 1945 and post-war years. Scientific novelty of the proposed article is that for the first time in Ukrainian historiography an attempt to explore the development of the cultural relations between Switzerland and Germany in 1930 – 40's was made. Conclusions. The main reasons of the Swiss efforts to withdraw from the involvement in the German cultural world in the late 1930's – 40's were memories of the First World War, when the conflict between the French and German communities had put in jeopardy the peace within the Swiss society, and a desire not to create the pretext for the global public accusations against Switzerland of its involvement in the crimes of the national socialists, which could raise doubts about the issue of Swiss neutrality. The background for the restoration of the cultural dialogue between the countries was the desire of Swiss to support the formation of a new democratic regime in the neighboring country, which was realized through the activities of both individual private artistic associations and institutions, and the work of the Swiss diplomacy, which through the analysis of the cultural situation of the particular German states was searching for the potential areas and ways of cooperation.

"Istinski socijalizam" Mozesa Hesa

Author(s): Zdravko Kučinar / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 01/1978

Mozes Hes (Moses Hess) je jedan od prvih teoretičara socijalizma u Nemačkoj, ali su ipak njegovo delo i naročito njegov odnos prema Marksu ostali zadugo malo poznati i nedovoljno proučeni. Poslednjih godina, međutim, inleresovanje za Hesa je u znatnom porastu.

"MIKO TRIPALO: OTVORENO DRUŠTVO" Goran Sunajko i Dario Čepo (urednici) - Centar za demokraciju i pravo Miko Tripalo

Author(s): Leon Cvrtila / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 01+02/2017

"Nowe" perspektywy dla Europy

Author(s): Jürgen Habermas / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 764/2019

(DE)LEGITIMIZATION AS THE DISCURSIVE STRATEGY OF IDEOLOGY

Author(s): Dušan Ristić / Language(s): English / Issue: 03/2015

In this paper the processes of (de)legitimization are analyzed as discursive practices and forms of knowledge and discursive strategies which enable articulation and functional constituting of ideology. The processes at issue here are those emerging as a consequence of imbalance in the power relations, that is, as consequences of articulation of different interests and struggles of social actors. In the paper we start from the assumption that ideological discourses as forms of knowledge and discourses of (de)legitimization provide the members of social groups with the resources for social classification, their understanding of social relations, social events as well as other social groups. (De)legitimization discourses likewise represent requests for certain behavior and actions, that is, the discourses that justify and/or discredit particular social practices and groups. They are also ways of monitoring social relations. In the paper four major categories of legitimization are emphasized, namely, authorization, moral evaluation, rationalization and mythopoesis as well as the most important areas of (de)legitimization, namely affiliation, action, goals, norms, values, social positions and accesses to social resources. In the conclusion the processes of (de)legitimization are qualified as important strategies of ideologies contributing to changes, classification and reproduction of social practices.

(Dis)Appearance of the Political?

Author(s): Bogdana Koljević / Language(s): English / Issue: 4/2009

In this article the author argues that contemporary political practice supersedes political theory and political philosophy that are still not able to comprehend and articulate its movement. The author argues that what is lacking is not only „the name“ for political subjectivity but understanding of its meaning and possibility of appearance. Contrasting biopolitics – as antipolitics proper – to the political, in the second part the author discusses current theoretical trends of biopolitics (neoliberalism and postmodernity) and traces the conditions necessary to answer it.

(Mis)Understanding Russia’s Two ‘Hybrid Wars’

Author(s): Mark Galeotti / Language(s): English / Issue: 49/2018

Formulations such as ‘hybrid war’ that have been used to try and explain Russia’s political campaign against the West have political utility but little scholarly relevance. Apart from the fact that the Russians themselves see gibridnaya voina as a Western approach used against them and their allies, the term also conflates two distinct, even if overlapping Russian concepts. To the military, such non-kinetic means as subversion, hacking, disinformation and sabotage are instruments with which to prepare the battlefield, as in Crimea. However, to the national security establishment, they are an alternative to direct military operations, and it is this kind of ‘political war’ that is being waged on the West. Understanding this distinction is crucial for a proper appreciation of the nature of the challenge and the most effective means with which to resist it.

(Ne)održivost koncepta univerzalnog statusa građanstva: perspektiva multikulturalizma

Author(s): Ivana Vuleta / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 20/2018

This paper deals with the concept of the universal citizenship created in the context of the 18th century Civil Revolutions in america and France. Civil Revolutions defined the frameworks of a modern national state, with the universal status of citizenship as a main instrument of the unification of ci tizens. The problem that this paper puts into the center of research is the resistance of the universal status of citizenship to change, according to the changed circumstances of today. The concept of the universal citizenship firmly adheres to the content of the time in which it was created, and multi culturalism is one of the perspectives that make that content unsustainable. Multiculturalism requires that the concept of the universal citizenship in clude identities that are, as a rule, reserved for the sphere of privacy. The aim of this paper is to clarify what happens when we take some concepts, such as the universal citizenship status, for real, without thinking about the con sequences to which such interpretations can lead us. From the standpoint of the multicultural demands, modern national states very often behave like national hegemons just to save the universal citizenship by adopting ”omni potent powerless” syndrome in response to multicultural demands.

(UN)FASHIONABLE DISCIPLINES: GENDER STUDIES IN HIGHER EDUCATION IN ROMANIA. INTEGRATION OR AUTONOMY?

Author(s): Theodora-Eliza Văcărescu / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2012

Research on the mechanisms, politics, and practices at work in the process institutionalization of women’s and gender studies in higher education in Central and Eastern Europe show a definite, albeit often uneven and sometimes precarious, dynamic of inclusion of this field of teaching and research, inside and outside officially recognized academic structures during the last two decades or so. In this article I investigate some of the institutional mechanisms, transnational higher education structures and interests, and personal investments and strategies that shape the current configuration of gender studies generally in higher education in Romania and particularly at the University of Bucharest. I argue that the inclusion of gender studies in higher education in Romania should be integrated within the larger, multiple and overlapping binds of national and transnational social, economic and political transformations started in the early 1990 s and accelerated at the end of the decade and especially at the beginning of the millennium. Within this framework, not only specific to the Romanian context, but, as shown in several studies, also to other Central and Eastern European countries, the annexation of gender-related concerns, equal opportunities legislation and gender studies as a valid field of teaching and research by various governmental and institutional agents in Romania could be read as part of the larger endorsement of the “democratization agenda.” However, it is necessary to understand these dynamics of institutional change and international financial and political interests as undoubtedly influencing local options and opportunities, but not always uniformly and unidirectionally informing the form and content of the teaching and research practices undertaken locally.

(Не)разбирането на двете „хибридни войни“ на Русия

Author(s): Mark Galeotti / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 47/2017

Formulations such as 'hybrid war' that have been used to try and explain Russia's political campaign against the West have political utility but little scholarly relevance. Apart from the fact that the Russians themselves see gibridnaya voina as a Western approach used against them and their allies, the term also conflates two distinct, even if overlapping Russian concepts. To the military, such non-kinetic means as subversion, hacking, disinformation and sabotage are instruments with which to prepare the battlefield, as in Crimea. However, to the national security establishment, they are an alternative to directmilitary operations, and it is this kind of 'political war' that is being waged on the West. Understanding this distinction is crucial for a proper appreciation of the nature of the challenge and the most effective means with which to resist it.

1930’lar Aydinin Gözünden Devrim İdeolojisi. Şevket Süreyya Aydemir’in Perspektifinden Kemalizm

Author(s): Hayriye Gürbüz / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 93/2018

Turkish intellectuals who has survived by taking the “state” as a pivot from Ottoman Empire till the Republic has switched to the questioning of “How does the state continue its existence and how does it modernize itself?” in 1930s from “How is the state established?” and tried to govern the political power with this mission attached themselves. This governance could be occurred by drawing of a dissent intellectualist figure to the political power or with a supportive and favorable manner of political power. Kadro journal which is a pioneer movement of the 1930s and its ideologist Şevket Süreyya chosen to govern political power with supportive manner and interpreted the Kemalism-ideology of revolution from this perspective. However, it is also difficult to say that the revolution ideology of 1930s overlaps directly with Kemalism. Turkish intellectual who is trained at the state, an officer at the government and state-oriented, reveal its own differences even with small nuances. This article focuses on Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, who revealed these small nuances in 1930s with further growing nuances in 1960s. The difference between the 1930s and 1960s is that in the 1960s the reason for existence did not depend on political power. Turkish intellectual, specific to Şevket Süreyya, can exist within the boundaries drawn by political power in the 1930s, was trying to lead both political power and the public in this narrow living area. However, the Turkish intellectuals were critical despite their avoidance of criticism of Kemalism. Şevket Süreyya had critical thoughts despite the limited partnership with political power and his ideology for the revolution did not coincide with Kemalism. The places where this non-overlap is most obvious are the principles of nationalism, populism and etatism.

1977: rok, który nigdy nie jest pamiętany

Author(s): Claire Fontaine / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 03/2015

The article analyses dramatic divergences in events and the field socioaesthetics through a new perspective on the legacy of the Italian student revolts in 1977, when it was necessary to deal with theoretical demands for innovation and truth by means of specific practices. The Bologna Uprising was an extremely important historical precedent in the fight for autonomy, both in Europe and beyond. The ways of being that were disseminated in the contested space of capital accumulation in the 1970s in Italy remind us that we should not commemorate 1977 as an extraordinary event, because its reverberation has not yet become history. The intensivity of the forms of life from Bologna remain with us, clearly demonstrating the validity and value of autonomy.

A centrista liberalizmus győzelme és az Európa-központúság geokultúrája

Author(s): Ferenc Miszlivetz / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 1/2013

Review of: Immanuel Wallerstein "A centrista liberalizmus győzelme,1789–1914"; by: Miszlivetz Ferenc

A Chinese Theory of Community Policing

Author(s): Kam C. Wong / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2010

This paper introduces the readers to a radically different theory of community policing: “Police power as social resource theory” (SRT), drawing upon Chinese political philosophy (“mass line”) and policing practice (“renmin jingcha”). The SRT addresses three main questions: What is the role and function of the police? What is the relationship of the police with the people? Why do people call the police? SRT (re)conceptualizes crime and police from the perspective of the people, not that of the state. From the people’s perspective crimes are personal problems, while problems are unmet expectations resulting from resource deficiencies and police are social resources make available to the people in solving their own problems. In terms of foundation SRT is a theory of the people, a theory of democratic governance, a theory of empowerment, and a theory of self-help.

A Common Good in Doctrinal and Legal Terms. An Attempt at a Holistic Approach

Author(s): Paweł Sydor / Language(s): English / Issue: 9.1/2018

The aim of the article is to present two opposing visions of the common good (value) in the history of political and legal doctrines. Such outline of extreme positions allows the author to assess the wide range of doctrinal differences in particular epochs and to impose the principles of the rule of law expressed in art. 2 of the Constitution in the historical tradition derived from the ancient republicanism and political and legal thought of the Middle Ages and which absorbs the postulates of modern liberalism, republicanism and conservatism, based on the democratic model.

A Conservative Europe: Kramp-Karrenbauer’s Vision of Integration

Author(s): Sebastian Płóciennik / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2019

The future of Europe, according to the chairwoman of the German Christian Democrats, is a free market, no-superstate EU that is able to play a greater role in the world. Her manifesto is not only a reaction to another French offensive in the area of European politics but also an ideological offer of cooperation to potential allies from Northern and Central Europe.

A CRITICAL OVERVIEW OF THE DIGITAL KNOWLEDGE COMMONS FROM A MARXIST PERSPECTIVE

Author(s): FAITH AGOSTINONE-WILSON / Language(s): English / Issue: 06/2016

Going beyond a traditional understanding of commons as land and resources, a knowledge commons involves collective, cumulative informal experience, scientific research, the arts, and procedural, practical information, often with economic implications. However, much confusion exists around the terminology of today’s knowledge commons. This article clarifies the differences between open source and free software movements and provides an examination of copyleft and what it means for academics and activists. The author connects these movements to a Marxian vision of a knowledge commons for all.

A demokrácia arisztokráciája?

Paul Elmer More a „természetes arisztokrácia” szükségességéről

Author(s): Gergely Egedy / Language(s): Hungarian / Publication Year: 0

A Discussion of Aristotelianism and Machiavellianism in William Golding’s Lord of the Flies as a Children’s Dystopic Novel

Author(s): Nilay Erdem Ayyıldız / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2019

The present article analyses the representation of the political regimes in William Golding’s children’s dystopic novel, “Lord of the Flies”. Therefore, it, first of all, underlines the dystopian nature of the novel along with the features of plot, setting, characters and content to facilitate the reader to grasp the warning against totalitarianism throughout the novel. The study finds Aristotelian and Machiavellian philosophies of politics as highly convenient approaches to examine the political endeavours of the boys in the novel. As the key intention is to interrogate to what extent they fail or succeed in following the Aristotelianism and Machiavellianism, the paper presents a detailed comparative analysis of two separate philosophies to reveal their weaknesses and strengths in controlling people. The article then affirms that the order, set up through Aristotelianism, necessitates the repression of the evil, which is considerably tough for a ruler while the evil empowers Machiavellian totalitarians who turn citizens’ lives into a nightmare.