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The article analyzes a computer game This War of Mine in terms of Ian Bogost’s procedural rhetoric. It reconstructs ideological presumptions of the game, mainly its communitarianism and pacifism.
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The spread of several Orthodox Churches outside their own canonical territory has led, for an obvious pastoral reasons, to the translation of liturgical texts. At the same time, the diverse translations proposed by Orthodox jurisdictions reveals differences between the various "original" textual recensions currently in use. For many, this situation has provoked a serious question, namely, which is the preferred text, i.e., which text has kept the best reading and why? This article sheds light on the problem through a specific example. One of the most striking places of contrast between current versions of the Liturgy of St John Chrysostom concerns a textual passage where we find two opposing concepts proposed in relation to the Eucharist through the choice of the words "sobriety" or "purification". Through studying this example, the author emphasizes that behind wrong translations there can often exist a great deal of preexisting theological pre-understandings that can sometimes lead to ideology.
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In this essay/article, after introducing briefly the ideas expressed by various linguists on the matter in question, the author throws into discussion two issues: the origine of the patronymic Buzuku, as well as the origine of the name of Gjon’s father (Bdek), giving thus his contribution. He thinks that the two names, Buzuk and Buzuq, are nominal compounds. There is no doubt that the first part of these compounds is the noun buz/ë/(lip/s), but with the meaning ‘brink, border, bank’. It seems that with this meaning, are especially linked the toponyms and micro-toponyms, numerous throughout all the toponomastic nomenclature in our country, which come out since early times in various medieval documents to our days. The second part of Buzuk/Buzuq is the name Ujk (wolf), which appears since early in documents as personal name. It seems, then, that in Buzuk as well as in Buzuq, we have a compounding or a juxtaposition of two nouns, which originally named a place, buzë ‘brink’, where there were wolves, this perhaps in connection to some occurrence, now petrified in the micro-toponym Bazulk (respectively Buzuk). Later the noun must have been used as a patronym; over time it may have passed also to the naming of the village according to the name of the kin holding it. We are then within that circle which E. Çabej calls ‘the system of Albanian anthroponomy’.
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Der vorliegende Aufsatz ist ein Versuch, 15 altpolnische Wörter mit der Bedeutung ‘vicarius, advocatus, patronus’ und derer Geschichte im Laufe bis 1600 im Lichte der Wortfeldtheorie darzustellen. Schon im 15. Jhd. befinden sich im Zentrum des Wortfeldes die Bezeichnungen pierca. prokurator, rzecznik - die wir im Titel (Zitat aus der in der Mitte des 15. Jhds. entstandenen Übersetzung der früheren polnischen Rechte) sehen - und zachodica. Andere 11 Bezeichnungen bilden zu dieser Zeit Peripherie des Feldes. Aber auch die Glieder des Zentrums sind differenziert - pierca ist ein masowisches Wort, prokurator - grosspolnisch; nur rzecznik und zachodica sind gesamtpolnisch. Infolge der weiteren Entwicklung befinden sich schon in der Mitte des 16. Jhds. nur prokurator und rzecznik im Zentrum; pierca und zachodica verschwinden überhaupt aus dem Wortfeld, geschweige andere Kompenenten. Ende des 16. Jhds. ist ein ausschliesslicher Glied des Zentrums prokurator - sein Sieg ist auf den damaligen Zustrom des lateinischen Wortgutes in die polnische Rechtsterminologie zurückzuführen.
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Autor próbuje w oparciu o teorię działań językowych dokonać analizy czasowników modalnych w języku niemieckim. Analiza ograniczona do wzajemnej relacji czasowników "müssen" i "sollen" uwzględnia trzy płaszczyzny: opis z punktu widzenia teorii działań językowych, analizę ontogenetyczną oraz rzeczywiste użycie w/w czasowników.
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As a result of the archaeological research developed at the Roman settlement of Romula a fragment of a Roman pottery was discovered, which is nowadays preserved in the Museum of Caracal. Here the word ΓΑΔΑΤΗС was incised. D. Tudor considered it a Syrian anthroponym derived from the name of the god Gad, which lead to the formation of numerous Syro-Palmyrean anthroponyms. This opinion was shared by all those who, up to the time being, inserted this graffito in various epigraphic corpora of Dacia, considering it as further evidence of the Syrian presence in Roman Dacia. Yet, the supporters of such a viewpoint did not take into account all the available data which allows us to assert that Gadates is definitely an Iranian anthroponym attested on other sources as following: Xenophon’s Cyropaedia, The Letter of Darius to Gadatas, the Elamite Ka-da-da inscription discovered in the Persepolis fortifications, a Greek inscription from Delos and another Greek inscription from Antiphellos in Lycia pertaining to the Roman period. Xenophon’s Gadatas and the one mentioned in the Letter provide the Iranian character of the anthroponym. Within the Letter, Darius specifically name Gadatas ‘(his) slave’. We encounter this term in the Old Persian variant of the Behistun inscription as comprised in the collocation mana bandaka, meaning ‘my subject’ or ‘my servant’. It exclusively refers to the highest ranked Iranian individuals in the proximity of the Great King. Gadatas anthroponym is probably ahypochoristic derived from Bagadata, a very widespread name in the pre-Islamic Iranian world, having the same meaning with the Greek Theodotos and the Slavic Bogdan, i.e. ‘the Gift of God’. We do not know precisely where Gatates of Romula came from. He could belong to Syria as well, where the Iranian anthroponyms were natural, as the land had been subjected to the Iranian rule for more than two centuries.
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This article is dedicated to analyses of Bulgarian idioms stemming from semantic fields centred round "earth” and "desert” from the point of view of cultural linguistics. An attempt has been made to classify cultural markers which were found in our material published in the phraseological dictionaries.
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Boy-żeleńskiThe article proposes an analysis of Karol Irzykowski’s Benjaminek (Benjamin, 1932), a stud and an attack on Tadeusz Boy-żeleński’s activity and writings as well as the reaction of the criticized author. The former’s work reveals to be rather an extensive defence of Irzykowski’s critical writings, and the latter’s answer – a pamphlet. Finally, their dialogue that didn’t take place is situated in the context of Polish (and Central-European) cultural immaturity.
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Despite the fact, that polish society doesn’t seem to be so much jolly, we can find often in polish public space many examples of (sense of) humor. There any many rules of official interpersonal communication, which enables saving mutual wellbeing of both “actors” – sender and receiver of message. Many good features of linguistic joke make it an attractive tool for advertisements (also for political marketing) and create between them a specific (and socially desirable interaction – media school etc.
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The Formation of Russian Rule over the Kazakh Steppe in the Early Nineteenth Century:Focusing on the Relationship between the Local Authorities and Kazakh Intermediaries At the turn of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the Kazakh Steppe was composed of four regions: the Inner Horde, Little Horde, Middle Horde, and Great Horde. This research note focuses on the penetration of Russian rule into the Middle Horde and Little Horde: the former, i.e., the Siberian Kazakhs, was put under the control of the Western Siberian Governor-Generalship based on the Statute on the Administration of Siberian Kirgiz (Kazakhs) in 1822, and the latter, i.e., the Orenburg Kazakhs, under Orenburg Province (guberniia) according to the equivalent rules that gradually came into force from 1824 onwards. These rules and statute worked both in the Middle and Little Hordes to divide each into several administrative units, with okrug, volost’, and aul introduced in the Siberian Kazakh Steppe, and with chast’, distantsiia, and starshinstvo introduced in the Orenburg Kazakh Steppe. At the top of all these units, some Kazakh notables served as intermediaries between the Russian authorities and the local population. By closely examining and comparing the dynamics of this interaction both within the Middle and Little Hordes, I attempt to detect regional particularities in the establishment of Russian rule in the Steppe.
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