(Ne)konzistentnost “diferenciranog građanstva” u Preporukama za promjenu Ustava Federacije BiH

Author(s): Nedim Kulenovic / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian / Issue: 13/2013

Jedna od karakteristika ustavnih sistema u BiH, pa i onog Federacije BiH, jeste postojanje interne antinomičnosti koja se ogleda u činjenici da su “pojedina ustavna rješenja uzajamno proturječna, i da se, unatoč jednakoj pravnoj snazi, uzajamno isključuju”. Ekspertna grupa za reformu Ustava Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine (Ekspertna grupa) za regulativno područje ljudskih prava i osnovnih sloboda u Ustavu FBiH zapaža da u smislu antinomičnosti postoji “nekonzistentnost” između garantovanih ljudskih prava. Posebno se ističe pravo na nediskriminaciju iz normativnog dijela i preambule Ustava FBiH, gdje se vrši “nominalno razlikovanje” nosilaca suvereniteta, a što u konačnici vodi “različit[om] tretman[u] u pravima”.

(Ne)konzistentnost „diferenciranog građanstva“ u Preporukama za promjenu Ustava Federacije BiH

Author(s): Nedim Kulenovic / Language(s): Bosnian / Publication Year: 2013

U ovom veoma kratkom osvrtu razmotrene su posljedice koje dalja institucionalizacija „diferenciranog građanstva“ ima po prava pripadnika grupe koja se prethodno imenovala kao „Ostali“. Iako nisu provedena dublja teorijska razmatranja samog koncepta „diferenciranog građanstva“, i njegove opravdanosti u bosanskohercegovačkom kontekstu, uočen je značajan stepen nekonzistentnosti u njegovom modeliranju u Preporukama ekspertne grupe. Naime, ovakvo rješenje može rezultirati daljim različitim postupanjem, sada između dvije kategorije „Ostalih“, odnosno pripadnika nacionalnih manjina i etnički neopredijeljenih, a čije je barem pravno opravdanje veoma upitno. Ako je ovo zaista bila namjera Ekspertne grupe takva vrsta sistematskog isključivanja jedne kategorije građana iz participacije u strukturama vlasti FBiH zahtijevala bi naročitu vrstu opravdanja – kako s aspekta prava, tako i političke teorije – a koja ni u Preporukama, ni u Analizi, nije ponuđena. Ukoliko je, međutim, ovo posljedica omaške u formulisanju preporuka, nužno je pristupiti njihovom temeljitom usklađivanju, od definicije Federacije pa na dalje, s obzirom da se ova „greška“ spominje u više od dvadeset preporuka. Mora se na kraju upozoriti da još uvijek postoji teorijsko neslaganje u pogledu izvršenja balansiranja između etničkog i građanskog elementa u ustavnopravnom uređenju BiH. To je rezultiralo različitim institucionalnim modelima, od onog na nivou države i entiteta, do Brčko Distrikta BiH, odnosno Kantona Sarajevo, koji se karakterišu različitim intenzitetom etniziranja prava, odnosno diferenciranja građanstva. Nužno je biti pažljiv kako se u daljim pokušajima pluralizacije postojećih etnokratskih aranžmana na nivou entiteta ne bi prekludirala mogućnost da se naročito u kantonima – koji će sada postojati kao pojedinačne „laboratorije etničkog upravljanja“ – osigura veći spektar prava pripadnicima nacionalnih manjina i etnički neopredijeljenim od onoga što je moguće ostvariti na Federalnom i višim nivoima vlasti.

1866-1947: CONSTITUŢIONALISM ŞI AUTOCRAŢIE LA ROMÂNI

Author(s): Ioan Stanomir / Language(s): Romanian / Issue: 83/2016

The aim of this paper is to trace back the origins of the two conflicting traditions that exist within the framework of the Romanian constitutional history. Between 1822 and 1947, the Romanian constitutional dynamics has been shaped by the aspiration to borrow extensively from the belgium, french and english public law, with the purpose to set up a political regime of constitutional monarchy and ideological moderation. The 1866 constitution is the climax and the coronation of this prolonged effort. There is, however, an alternative legal paradigm evolving in the same period, an alternative promoting the idea of autocracy. By eliminating the checks and balances guarantees and by curtailing severely human rights, this autocratic approach managed, between 1938 and 1944, to impose its own agenda, by dismantling the rule of law state. The legal and political conversation between these two traditions is at the the very centre of Romanian modernization.

20 Years of “Autonomy” For the Gagauz: Reflections on Devolutionary Trends in the Republic Of Moldova

Author(s): Larisa Patlis,Judithanne Scourfield MCLauchlan / Language(s): English / Issue: 01/2015

The Republic of Moldova, a small country landlocked between Romania to the west and the Ukraine to the east, is arguably the most complex of the fifteen countries born out of the collapse of the Soviet Union. Moldova is a borderland that is deeply divided between Romanian speakers drawn towards the European Union and Russian speakers who continue to feel the tug of old ties to Moscow. While Moldova may be on the path toward European integration, in many ways it is a country stuck in the unresolved problems of a Soviet past, especially with respect to territorial and national integrity. Our research will focus on the devolved region in the Republic of Moldova: Gagauzia. Much scholarship is devoted to study of the de facto state of Transnistria, but the situation in the autonomous region of Gagauzia is no less important. Upon the 20th Anniversary of the Gagauz Autonomy, we will provide an overview of the developments in Gagauzia from the proclamation of the Gagauz Republic and the conflict it generated to the present state of affairs in Gagauz Autonomy. We will then evaluate problems and prospects for devolution in Moldova, identifying some acute issues in Chisinau‐Komrat relations. Onceconsidered a success and a potential model for settlement of other conflicts in post‐ Soviet space, we will consider whether autonomy in Gagauzia has been achieved.

2014 ALTERNATIVE PROGRESS REPORT: POLITICAL CRITERIA

Author(s): / Language(s): English / Issue: 3/2014

This is the second Alternative Progress Report on Bosnia and Herzegovina’s path towards the EU membership. The report is a joint effort of dozens of individuals and organizations whose common goal was to show the current state of integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina from the perspective of civil society organizations. Having in mind that the official Progress Report on Bosnia and Herzegovina is a political report of the European Commission, we believe that the publication of the Alternative report can affect its content. Because of this, we are publishing this Alternative Progress Report nearly three months before the publication of the official one, hoping that it will have an impact on the formulation of the formal report. The report completely relies on the so-called political criteria, focusing on the following questions: - Democracy and the functionality of the State, - Rule of law and corruption, - Human rights, especially the rights of minorities and vulnerable groups, and - Transitional Justice During the 2013 and 2014, we have witnessed that no relevant progress has been achieved. The process of implementation of the Sejdić and Finci v. Bosnia and Herzegovina ruling is completely displaced from the Parliament. Performance of the democratic parliaments and governments on state, entity and cantonal levels is extremely low. The work of the institutions is characterized as unstable, inefficient and with notable lack of transparency. The decisions of the constitutional courts are still not implemented. No significant and systematic policies to combat human rights violations have been adopted. Judicial reform has been stopped and Structured Dialogue on Justice between B&H and the EU does not show any progress. Not a single significant case of corruption has been processed. Minority and vulnerable groups still live in difficult conditions. Discrimination and violence are all-present, and the law on prohibition of discrimination did not show the expected results, having in mind that five years after the enactment of the law, only two final judgments were passed. Comprehensive anti-discrimination policies for social integration either do not exist, or are almost never applied. Floods additionally hit the most vulnerable groups in society. Furthermore, the most vulnerable groups in society have been affected by the recent floods. The prosecution of war crimes and dealing with the past, as prerequisites for creating a healthy environment and building a common state, represent an additional problem. Political support for war criminals by the leaders of political parties only further divide the already highly fragmented society. We hope that the general elections in October of 2014 (although held by discriminatory rules) will bring more stable political structure, ready to face different problems. Initiative for the Monitoring of the European Integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina will certainly advocate change, in terms of adopting new laws and policies, and the implementation thereof. We also hope that the BiH authorities and the EU institutions will support a stronger representation of civil society within the various forums within the EU integration. Civil society must become the third actor in this process along with the State and EU institutions.

51. kongres Essener Gespräche zum Thema Staat und Kirche, Mülheim an der Ruhr, březen 2016

Author(s): Záboj Horák / Language(s): Czech / Issue: 64-2/2016

52. kongres Essener Gespräche zum Thema Staat und Kirche, Mülheim an der Ruhr, březen 2017

Author(s): Záboj Horák / Language(s): Czech / Issue: 67-2/2017

A “Constitutional” Coup in Hungary between 2010–2014

On Some Aspects of the Exclusive Systemic Exercise of State Power with Regard to Constitutional Law, International Law, and European Law

Author(s): Imre Vörös / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 0

The Fundamental Law, drafted in 2011 and instituted on 1 January 2012, was amended no less than five times over a year and a half.Hungary’s sitting prime minister since 2010 had formulated his intent to stay in power for an extended period of time in his state-of-the-nation speech delivered in Kötcse, as early as 9 September 2009. As well, he expounded the necessity of building a system of political institutions that could guarantee the realization of this plan, practically by establishing a one-party state. His idea of a “central field of power,” especially if designed for the long term, was neither reconcilable with democracy, nor with a multiparty system, let alone with the electoral law which was in force until 2010.

A közszolgálati média alkotmányos helyzete, problémái a posztkommunista korszakban – a magyarországi tapasztalat

Author(s): László Majtényi / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 28/2015

The lecture analyzes the changes in the functions of public broadcasting within the digital era. It demonstrates the control models of public broadcasting with a special focus on Eastern Europe. In addition, it gives a detailed insight into the Hungarian experience: starting from the regime change, until its practical burnout in the illiberal state. In the author's opinion, despite the negative experience, there are very strong arguments for the maintenance of public media broadcasting in a country like Hungary that is so isolated language-wise, and that has such a small media market. To make this happen, the author thinks that cheap and professional control system is needed.

A Matter of Interpretation – The Dead and the Living (Constitution)

Author(s): Andreea Verte?-Olteanu,Andrei Lacatusu / Language(s): English / Issue: 01/2015

On the face of things, a living Constitution definitely sounds better than its counterpart, a dead Constitution ‐ as William H. Rehnquist playfully puts it, “it would seem that only a necrophile could disagree”. If the question is worth asking a future Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, it surely still deserves to be analysed, especially given the rejuvenation of the debate thanks to the Obergefell v. Hodges case (2015) and the almost simultaneous recent publication of two antagonist studies: Jack Balkin’s Living Originalism (2011) and David Strauss’s The Living Constitution (2010) which, despite both having the word “living” in their titles, offer two current and opposing alternatives on the battlefield of legal interpretation of the Constitution.

Abrogation of legal effects of usurpations in the late Roman Empire

Author(s): Jedrzej M. Kondek / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2012

Usurpations were not unusual situations in Ancient Rome. However, the term “tyrranus” was understood differently from its modern meaning. This word technically means “someone who came to power unlawfully”, but in fact a person defeated by a new ruler was called an usurper, regardless of a way he had come to power. In such a way, e.g. Licinius was declared “tyrranus” although he had come to power as a legal augustus. Constitutions against usurpers in the The odosian Code do not constitute a homogenous group. We could divide them into acts regarding an usurper’s legislation, acts regarding civil law actions (e.g. slave emancipations), acts regarding public law actions (e.g. nominations of magistrates) and acts regarding the emperor’s sentences. It is meaningful that there is no usurper against whom all the above-mentioned types of constitutions were promulgated. Civil law acts and sentences were generally upheld. In most cases, legislation was abolished only to the extent in which it was contraius. Only Constantinus against Licinius (CTh. XV, 14, 1) and Honorius and Theodosius II against Heraclianus (CTh. XV, 14, 13) decided to abrogate the entire the legal output of the usurpation. Valenitianus II, Theodosius II and Honorius were the only emperors (except CTh XV, 14, 13) who abrogated all sentences of the usurpers. In almost all cases, nominations made by the usurper were annulled. However, while all usurpations (except Licinius’s usurpation) had taken place only in its Western Part, it should be noticed that all the analyzed constitutions were promulgated by all simultaneous rulers of the Empire even after 395 AD. The question is why Theodosian compilers decided to include the analyzed constitutions into the Code. In my opinion, the most probable answer is that the Chapter De infirmandis... should have served for the legitimation of the rules of the current Emperor, as until the end of the Empire there were no rules of succession of power. In all analyzed constitutions, the legal emperor referred to an output of the illegal ruler. Theodosius, evoking those constitutions and demonstrating his continuity with their authors, presented himself as the legal ruler and put all his opponents in the position of usurpers.

Activities of Intelligence Services as a Synonymous of Fear and Intimidation

Author(s): Fisnik Sadiku,Besnik Loka / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2015

Intelligence services are an important factor of national security. Their main role is to collect, pro-cess, analyze, and disseminate information on threats to the state and its population. Because of their “dark” activity, intelligence services for many ordinary citizens are synonymous of violence, fear and intimidation. This mostly comes out in the Republic of Kosovo, due to the mur-derous activities of the Serbian secret service in the past. Therefore, we will treat the work of intelli-gence services in democratic conditions, so that the reader can understand what is legitimate and legal of these services. In different countries of the world, security challenges continue to evolve and progress every day, and to fulfil these challenges, the state needs new ways of coordinating and developing the capabil-ity to shape the national security environment. However, the increase of intelligence in many coun-tries has raised debates about legal and ethical issues regarding intelligence activities. Therefore, this paper will include a clear explanation of the term, meaning, process, transparency and secrecy, and the role that intelligence services have in analyzing potential threats to national security. The study is based on a wide range of print and electronic literature, including academic and scien-tific literature, and other documents of various intelligence agencies of developed countries.

Adoption of a child by homosexuals in light of the best interests of the child principle in accordance with its understanding in Polish family law – subjective interpretation of the author

Author(s): Marta Prucnal-Wójcik / Language(s): English / Issue: 37/2017

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The purpose of this article is to present arguments against the admissibility of adoption of a child by a homosexual person in light of the best interests of the child principle in accordance with its understanding in Polish family law. It has to be emphasized that the article presents solely subjective author’s interpretation of Polish legal provisions regulating the institution of adoption. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: Since Polish legislator has not explicitly accepted or prohibited the adoption of a child by a homosexual person, the question of the admissibility of adoption of a child by such a person is raised in light of the principles of family law in force in Poland. There has been applied the method of critical and comparative analysis as well as the analysis of the reference Polish literature, rulings of the Supreme Court of the Republic of Poland and Polish reference legislation. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: After having initially defined the aim of the study, the author indicates the function and purpose of the adoption and its premises. Two basic premises of adoption are explained in detail - the premise of the best interests of the child and the appropriate personal qualifications of the adopter. The essential part of the argumentation is to find the answer to the question on whether adoption of a child by a homosexual person in light of Polish family law is admissible or not. RESEARCH RESULTS: The result of this research is the statement of inadmissibility of adoption of a child by homosexuals in light of Polish family law. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The analysis confirmed the author’s opinion that adoption of a child by a homosexual person/ homosexuals appears to be in contradiction with the principle of the child's best interests principle in accordance with its understanding in Polish family law.

AFIRMACIJA LJUDSKIH PRAVA KAO POLAZIŠTE ZA REDEFINISANJE POLITIČKOG I DRŽAVNOPRAVNOG KONCEPTA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE

Author(s): Mirjana Nadaždin-Defterdarevic / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 2/2016

This paper deals with the issue of organizational principle of the state of Bosnia andHerzegovina – which currently rests on the concept of the three constituent peoples – questioning its relationship with the principles of equality and non-discrimination, which havebeen proclaimed both in the state and entity constitutions. The conclusion that follows confirms the thesis that a divided society, in which the ethno-cultural divides are politically most important, underlying the political fragmentation of society, is an environment in which thevalue of these guaranteed principles cannot be realized. By analysing the content and through teleological method, research particularly focuses onthe aspect of human rights where, through the application of the criteria of ethnicity, we can clearly see their discriminatory effects. This paper seeks the answer to the question of what is the most reliable basis on which thestate and society of Bosnia and Herzegovina should develop. The author finds that for this purpose the most suitable is the affirmation of the principle of “differentiated citizenship”, which allows the self-determination of each individual, thus giving them the possibility of freedom that they will use in the way that suits them the best. In this way, the current differentiation in human rights – according to the criterion of ethnicity – would lose its objective and reasonable justification.

AHD-NAMA MURATA III STANOVNICIMA BARA IZ 1575. GODINE

Author(s): Hamdija Šarkinovic / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 35-36/2006

U našim pravnim naukama ustavna istorija predstavlja nedovoljno proučeno područje. Moderna ustavnost počinje raspadom feudalne države, a u razvoju te iste države postojalo je dosta dokumenata koji se mogu nazvati klicama moderne državnosti čije je upoznavanje preduslov razumijevanja prvih pisanih ustava. Prvi i najpoznatiji od ovih dokumenata je Magna Carte libertatum (Velika povelja o slobodama) od 15. juna 1215. donijeta u borbi između engleskih feudalaca i njihovog vladara Jovana »bez zemlje«, koja se odnosila na jedan sloj engleskog plemstva-barone i zato je u prvim godinama svog važenja i nazvana i nazvana »Carta Baronum«. Ona je svakom slobodnom čovjeku garantovala izvjestan stepen zaštite protiv zloupotrebe kraljeve vlasti, što je u to vrijeme bio samo baron. U 63 paragrafa Magna Carta posebno ograničava sudske prerogative kralja, propisujući zakonitost u lišavanju slobode i pravo na zakonito suđenje. Baronima je priznato i pravo na pobunu protiv vladara u slučaju da se ne pridržava obaveza propisanih Poveljom.

Akt o Formie rządów z 1919 roku – pierwsza konstytucja niepodległej Finlandii

Author(s): Dawid Michalski / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 1/2016

The study is an attempt to describe and analyse the first constitutional act of independent Finland. The Constitution Act of 1919 defined the Finnish political system. Although it was an object of ideological arguments (monarchist vs. republican tradition), its provisions,and especially the strong position of the president as an executive power with legislative competences, resulted from a compromise. Despite that, the classical division into three powers was introduced into the Finnish political and legal system. The act was not ideal, yet at that stage in the history of Finland it was an expected resultof a compromise with strong constitutional foundation for the political and legal progressof a developing country.

Aktualna wiedza medyczna a stosowanie homeopatii

Author(s): Joanna Haberko / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 1/2009

The paper discusses medical practitioners’ responsibility defined in Art. 4 of the Act on the Professionsof Physician and Dentist in relation to Art. 4 of the Code of Medical Ethics. The responsibility concerns the doctor’s acting in conformity with current medical knowledge, and this isexamined in the context of prescribing homeopathic medicinal products. Thus the paper attempts to answer the question whether prescribing the said products conforms to current medicalknowledge. This is achieved by reviewing the regulations issued by the medical self-governmenton the application of selected medicinal products which in the self-government’s opinion infringesthe standards of current medical knowledge. Particular attention is devoted to the analysisof the position of the Supreme Medical Council no 7/08/V of April 4, 2008 on the applicationof homeopathy and related methods by medical practitioners and dentists and on training sessionsorganized in this respect as well as the position no 2/09/V of February 13, 2009 on the motionof the Minister of Health to revoke or change the Council’s position no 7/08/V.On the basis of findings discussed in the paper it is concluded that the SMC has passed a resolutionwhich infringes on the regulations of the act on the chambers of physicians and dentists.

Aktuelni prijedlog izmjena Izbornog zakona Bosne i Hercegovine

Author(s): FCJP Fondacija Centar za javno pravo / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian / Issue: 12/2013

Da li je potreban uvod o temi kakav je izborni zakon? Odgovor se sam nameće jer je važnost izbornog zakona, odnosno, izbornog sistema nemoguće zaobići, ne samo u Bosni i Hercegovini nego ni u jednoj drugoj državi.

Aktuelni prijedlog izmjena Izbornog zakona Bosne i Hercegovine

Author(s): No Author Specified / Language(s): Bosnian / Publication Year: 2013

Prije donošenja konačnog suda o predloženim izmjenama, ne smije se previdjeti na nekoliko dodatnih činjenica koje dovode u pitanje održavanje ili legitimitet izbora 2014. Dakle, relevantna je na prvom mjestu gore navedena Odluka Ustavnog suda Bosne i Hercegovine koja nedvosmisleno dovodi u pitanje održavanje izbora. Zatim je nezaobilazna Odluka Evropskog suda za ljudska prava (Sejdić/Finci), koji je 22. decembra 2009. presudio da određene odredbe Ustava Bosne i Hercegovine i Izbornog zakona Bosne i Hercegovine krše Evropsku konvenciju o ljudskim pravima. Krši se član 14 (zabrana diskriminacije), član 3 Protokola 1 (pravo na slobodne izbore), te član 1 Protokola 12 (opšta zabrana diskriminacije). Komesar Evropske unije za proširenje Štefan Füle je izjavio tokom posjete Sarajevu, 11. aprila 2013. da Evropska unija i Vijeće Evrope neće priznati izbore 2014. ako se ne izvrši navedena presuda Evropskog suda za ljudska prava. Konačno, situacija u Gradu Mostaru je na isti način bitna. Ustavni Sud Bosne i Hercegovine je ukinuo nekoliko članova Izbornoga zakona Bosne i Hercegovine i Statuta grada Mostara o održavanju izbora u gradu, jer Parlamentarna skupština Bosne i Hercegovine nije u zakonski postavljenom roku izmijenila neustavne odredbe zakona vezano za način biranja vijećnika u Gradu Mostaru. Sjetimo se i situacije sa lokalnim izborima u Srebrenici prošle godine. Kao što se vidi, mnogobrojni su problemi sa Izbornim zakonom Bosne i Hercegovine. Predlagači, ali mora se priznati, i ostale parlamentarne stranke, umjesto da se bave ključnim pitanjima za izbore u Bosni i Hercegovini, izvršenjem gore navedenih odluka poboljšanjem Izbornog zakona, tehnike izbora, itd. očito pokušavaju staviti izborni proces pod potpunu kontrolu političkih stranaka, mada je i trenutna situacija takva da političke stranke manje-više vode ovaj proces. Poslije Ustava, kao najvažnijeg pravno-političkog akta, Izborni zakon je svakako najvažniji zakon kada je u pitanju društvo u cijelini. Zato izmjene Izbornog zakona zahtjevaju intenzivne konsultacije sa svim učesnicima u procesu. Mnogo je pitanja koja su aktuelna, sem gore navedenih sudskih odluka: treba razgovarati o preporukama koje je Centralna izborna komisija dala o ozborima 2010, izbornim jedinicama, listama, izgledu glasačkih listića, registraciji birača, kampanjama i njihovom finansiranju, promatranju izbora, žalbama i tužbama, međunarodnim standardima, procedurama brojanja glasova i utvrđivanja rezultata, ulozi stranaka i nevladinih organizacija itd. Sve su to pitanja koja zaslužuju pažnju. Bilo bi dobro osigurati i učešće stručnjaka iz Venecijanske komisije i ODIHR-a na takvim raspravama; i što je najbitnije u razgovorima se ne smije zaobilaziti Parlament Bosne i Hercegovine. Jer postoji tendencija da se Parlament Bosne i Hercegovine marginalizira u ovom procesu. U proteklim godinama, proces donošenja odluka se odvijao, umjesto na parlamentarnim debatama i javnim raspravama, iza zatvorenih vrata, bez onih koji su uključeni u upravljanje izborima, stručnjaka ili javnosti. Ovo podriva autoritet Parlamenta Bosne i Hercegovine i kompromituje kvalitet i transparentnost zakonodavnog procesa. Posebno je bitno održati javne rasprave o mogućim izmjenama, uz široke konsultacije javnosti. Tako se i o ovom prijedlogu treba voditi široka rasprava. U popratnom pismu, čitavog seta zakonskih izmjena, sem Izbornog zakona, predlagači navode i da predložene izmjene doprinose jačanju institucionalne efikasnosti. Međutim, ne može se zaključiti da predložene izmjene vode jačanju institucionalne efikasnosti. Ove izmjene isključivo pogoduju političkim strankama i jačanju nihovog uticaja na izborni proces. U svakom slučaju, ako predlagači ostanu kod svojih prijedloga, bilo bi poželjno da se o ovim, kao i o eventualnim drugim prijedlozima izmjena Izbornog zakona održe široke rasprave, jer je to jedini ispravan način da se regulira ovako važna oblast.

Aktuelni prijedlog izmjena Zakona o sukobu interesa u institucijama vlasti u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Nermin Tipura / Language(s): Bosnian / Publication Year: 2013

Osnovna zamjerka Prijedlogu izmjena i dopuna Zakona o sukobu interesa u institucijama vlasti u BiH jeste proceduralne prirode: činjenica da ga je Predstavnički dom usvojio po hitnom postupku i bez rasprave ukazuje na demokratske deficite i na pokušaj da se nova rješenja uvedu bez stvarnog uvida javnosti. U procesu njegovog donošenja, nije bilo nikakvog konsultativnog procesa ni sa organom koji provodi zakon, niti sa stručnom javnošću, akademskom zajednicom, nevladinim sektorom, ili sa građanima. Riječ je o zakonu koji ne zadovoljava proceduralne pretpostavke pravnih akata u pravnodržavnom sistemu. Osnovni praktičan problem predstavlja sastav Komisije – ona će se, prema zakonskim projekcijama, ustanoviti kao Komisija koja je većinski sastavljena od članova Parlamenta. Takvo rješenje uspostavlja aktivne političare, dakle, osobe čiji rad mora biti potvrdgut kontroli, u noseći stup kontrolnog sistema. Riječ je o rješenju koje se ne može opravdati svrhom samog zakona, a koje nema svoj oslonac ni u uporednopravnim rješenjima. Sistem u kojem političari odlučuju o sukobu interesa stvara prostor za zloupotrebe i samovolju pri donošenju odluka, on otvara odlične mogućnosti za međustranačke i unutarstranačke obračune, uspostavlja zakonski okvir psihologiji trgovine realnim utjecajem i kontroli privrednog procesa mehanizmima dnevne politike. Posebno je problematično uspostavljanje pravne praznine do koje može doći usvajanjem ovih izmjena. Centralna izborna komisija bi ostala nadležna za sukob interesa u Federaciji BiH i Brčko Distriktu BiH, iako nije regulirano kako će Centralna izborna komisija izvršavati tu nadležnost. Agencija za prevenciju korupcije i koordinaciju borbe protiv korupcije bi morala preuzet uposlenike iz Centralne izborne komisije, koji su do stupanja na snagu ovih izmjena radili na sukobu interesa, a danom stupanja na snagu ovih izmjena prestaju da važe Pravila o vođenju postupka iz oblasti Zakona o sukobu interesa i Pravila o načinu vođenja registra. Problematična je i dalja fragmentacija pravnog i političkog prostora BiH. Republika Srpska je ranije donijela svoj Zakon o rješavanju sukoba interesa u organima vlasti Republike Srpske. U skladu sa tim zakonom, Narodna skupština Republike Srpske obrazuje Komisiju. Centralna izborna komisija bi trebalo da i dalje sprovodi Zakon u Federaciji Bosne i Hercegovine i Brčko Distriktu Bosne i Hercegovine, dok bi se nova komisija, u skladu sa predloženim izmjenama sprovodila zakon na državnom nivou, sve sa potpuno različitim zakonskim rješenjima i organima za provedbu. Nadalje, predložena zakonska rješenja ne osiguravaju siguran pristup relevantnim informacijama. One su neophodne za primjenu zakona, a bez njih bi zakon mogao postati bespredmetan. Trenutno su na djelu neusklađena rješenja i više uzajamno nepovezanih zakona i organa za provedbu zakona. Ako imamo na umu da ranije odluke o sukobu interesa i sankcije protiv nosioca izvršne vlasti, koje je donijela Centralna izborna komisija, nikada nisu izvršene i da niko nikada nije snosio odgovornost za neizvršenje, čini se da i danas veliki broj izabranih zvaničnika, nosioca izvršnih funkcija i savjetnika stoje i u višestrukim sukobima interesa. Predlagači u obrazloženju Zakona obrazlažu da su sankcije za kršenje zakona pooštrene. Takvo obrazlożenje nije tačno. Tačno je samo da je s razlogom ukinuta sankcija koja se odnosi na zabranu kandidiranja na izborima. U obrazloženju se dalje navodi da su sankcije pooštrene jer je data mogućnosti podnošenja prijedloga za razrješenje sa dužnosti i poziva na ostavku. Tačno je da se ovdje radi samo o prijedlogu koji ne obavezuje donosioca odluke da nekoga razriješi dužnosti. Čini se da ovakvo rješenje favorizuje samovolju u odlučivanju. Budući da se radi o zakonu koji prevashodno ima preventivnu funkciju, mora se priznati da sankcije u ovom slučaju nisu glavni problem. Ipak bi svrsishodnije bilo propisati da smjena nastupa po sili zakona kada organ ne izvrši smjenu u određenom roku ili kada funkcionier ne da ostavku, a kršenje zakona se nastavi. O ekonomskim uštedama i međunarodnim standardima, kako to predlagači navode u obrazloženju ne može biti ni govora, one se iz zakonskog prijedloga ne vide. Jedino je međunarodni standard koji je Venecijanska komisija istakla kada je u pitanju sankcija zabrane kandidiranja na izborima uzet u obzir i takve sankcije više neće biti, ako se usvoje izmjene, dok su ostali stavovi Venecijanske komisije, o kojima je u ovom radu već bilo riječi ostali zanemareni. Vrlo je vjerovatno da će pod pretpostavkom usvajanja ovog zakona doći do potpune blokade odlučivanje o sukobu interesa na državnom nivou, Federaciji BiH i Brčko Distriktu i to na jedan duži period. Biti će, naime, potrebno dosta vremena da se uspostavi komisija na državnom nivou i da se popuni pravna praznina u ovoj oblasti u Federaciji BiH i Brčko Distriktu. Potrebno je konačno naglasiti, da svi javni organi, institucije vlasti, parlamenti, centralne banke, državna revizija imaju jedan zajednički cilj i svrhu: moraju služiti javnom interesu. Povjerenje javnosti i građana u integritet izabranih zvaničnika, političara i ministara je conditio sine qua non za vladavinu prava. Navedene slabosti dopuštaju sumnju u doprinosu ovog zakona povjerenju građana u političare i institucije vlasti.