(Ne)konzistentnost “diferenciranog građanstva” u Preporukama za promjenu Ustava Federacije BiH

Author(s): Nedim Kulenovic / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian / Issue: 13/2013

Jedna od karakteristika ustavnih sistema u BiH, pa i onog Federacije BiH, jeste postojanje interne antinomičnosti koja se ogleda u činjenici da su “pojedina ustavna rješenja uzajamno proturječna, i da se, unatoč jednakoj pravnoj snazi, uzajamno isključuju”. Ekspertna grupa za reformu Ustava Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine (Ekspertna grupa) za regulativno područje ljudskih prava i osnovnih sloboda u Ustavu FBiH zapaža da u smislu antinomičnosti postoji “nekonzistentnost” između garantovanih ljudskih prava. Posebno se ističe pravo na nediskriminaciju iz normativnog dijela i preambule Ustava FBiH, gdje se vrši “nominalno razlikovanje” nosilaca suvereniteta, a što u konačnici vodi “različit[om] tretman[u] u pravima”.

(Ne)konzistentnost „diferenciranog građanstva“ u Preporukama za promjenu Ustava Federacije BiH

Author(s): Nedim Kulenovic / Language(s): Bosnian / Publication Year: 2013

U ovom veoma kratkom osvrtu razmotrene su posljedice koje dalja institucionalizacija „diferenciranog građanstva“ ima po prava pripadnika grupe koja se prethodno imenovala kao „Ostali“. Iako nisu provedena dublja teorijska razmatranja samog koncepta „diferenciranog građanstva“, i njegove opravdanosti u bosanskohercegovačkom kontekstu, uočen je značajan stepen nekonzistentnosti u njegovom modeliranju u Preporukama ekspertne grupe. Naime, ovakvo rješenje može rezultirati daljim različitim postupanjem, sada između dvije kategorije „Ostalih“, odnosno pripadnika nacionalnih manjina i etnički neopredijeljenih, a čije je barem pravno opravdanje veoma upitno. Ako je ovo zaista bila namjera Ekspertne grupe takva vrsta sistematskog isključivanja jedne kategorije građana iz participacije u strukturama vlasti FBiH zahtijevala bi naročitu vrstu opravdanja – kako s aspekta prava, tako i političke teorije – a koja ni u Preporukama, ni u Analizi, nije ponuđena. Ukoliko je, međutim, ovo posljedica omaške u formulisanju preporuka, nužno je pristupiti njihovom temeljitom usklađivanju, od definicije Federacije pa na dalje, s obzirom da se ova „greška“ spominje u više od dvadeset preporuka. Mora se na kraju upozoriti da još uvijek postoji teorijsko neslaganje u pogledu izvršenja balansiranja između etničkog i građanskog elementa u ustavnopravnom uređenju BiH. To je rezultiralo različitim institucionalnim modelima, od onog na nivou države i entiteta, do Brčko Distrikta BiH, odnosno Kantona Sarajevo, koji se karakterišu različitim intenzitetom etniziranja prava, odnosno diferenciranja građanstva. Nužno je biti pažljiv kako se u daljim pokušajima pluralizacije postojećih etnokratskih aranžmana na nivou entiteta ne bi prekludirala mogućnost da se naročito u kantonima – koji će sada postojati kao pojedinačne „laboratorije etničkog upravljanja“ – osigura veći spektar prava pripadnicima nacionalnih manjina i etnički neopredijeljenim od onoga što je moguće ostvariti na Federalnom i višim nivoima vlasti.

1866-1947: CONSTITUŢIONALISM ŞI AUTOCRAŢIE LA ROMÂNI

Author(s): Ioan Stanomir / Language(s): Romanian / Issue: 83/2016

The aim of this paper is to trace back the origins of the two conflicting traditions that exist within the framework of the Romanian constitutional history. Between 1822 and 1947, the Romanian constitutional dynamics has been shaped by the aspiration to borrow extensively from the belgium, french and english public law, with the purpose to set up a political regime of constitutional monarchy and ideological moderation. The 1866 constitution is the climax and the coronation of this prolonged effort. There is, however, an alternative legal paradigm evolving in the same period, an alternative promoting the idea of autocracy. By eliminating the checks and balances guarantees and by curtailing severely human rights, this autocratic approach managed, between 1938 and 1944, to impose its own agenda, by dismantling the rule of law state. The legal and political conversation between these two traditions is at the the very centre of Romanian modernization.

20 Years of “Autonomy” For the Gagauz: Reflections on Devolutionary Trends in the Republic Of Moldova

Author(s): Larisa Patlis,Judithanne Scourfield MCLauchlan / Language(s): English / Issue: 01/2015

The Republic of Moldova, a small country landlocked between Romania to the west and the Ukraine to the east, is arguably the most complex of the fifteen countries born out of the collapse of the Soviet Union. Moldova is a borderland that is deeply divided between Romanian speakers drawn towards the European Union and Russian speakers who continue to feel the tug of old ties to Moscow. While Moldova may be on the path toward European integration, in many ways it is a country stuck in the unresolved problems of a Soviet past, especially with respect to territorial and national integrity. Our research will focus on the devolved region in the Republic of Moldova: Gagauzia. Much scholarship is devoted to study of the de facto state of Transnistria, but the situation in the autonomous region of Gagauzia is no less important. Upon the 20th Anniversary of the Gagauz Autonomy, we will provide an overview of the developments in Gagauzia from the proclamation of the Gagauz Republic and the conflict it generated to the present state of affairs in Gagauz Autonomy. We will then evaluate problems and prospects for devolution in Moldova, identifying some acute issues in Chisinau‐Komrat relations. Onceconsidered a success and a potential model for settlement of other conflicts in post‐ Soviet space, we will consider whether autonomy in Gagauzia has been achieved.

2014 ALTERNATIVE PROGRESS REPORT: POLITICAL CRITERIA

Author(s): / Language(s): English / Issue: 3/2014

This is the second Alternative Progress Report on Bosnia and Herzegovina’s path towards the EU membership. The report is a joint effort of dozens of individuals and organizations whose common goal was to show the current state of integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina from the perspective of civil society organizations. Having in mind that the official Progress Report on Bosnia and Herzegovina is a political report of the European Commission, we believe that the publication of the Alternative report can affect its content. Because of this, we are publishing this Alternative Progress Report nearly three months before the publication of the official one, hoping that it will have an impact on the formulation of the formal report. The report completely relies on the so-called political criteria, focusing on the following questions: - Democracy and the functionality of the State, - Rule of law and corruption, - Human rights, especially the rights of minorities and vulnerable groups, and - Transitional Justice During the 2013 and 2014, we have witnessed that no relevant progress has been achieved. The process of implementation of the Sejdić and Finci v. Bosnia and Herzegovina ruling is completely displaced from the Parliament. Performance of the democratic parliaments and governments on state, entity and cantonal levels is extremely low. The work of the institutions is characterized as unstable, inefficient and with notable lack of transparency. The decisions of the constitutional courts are still not implemented. No significant and systematic policies to combat human rights violations have been adopted. Judicial reform has been stopped and Structured Dialogue on Justice between B&H and the EU does not show any progress. Not a single significant case of corruption has been processed. Minority and vulnerable groups still live in difficult conditions. Discrimination and violence are all-present, and the law on prohibition of discrimination did not show the expected results, having in mind that five years after the enactment of the law, only two final judgments were passed. Comprehensive anti-discrimination policies for social integration either do not exist, or are almost never applied. Floods additionally hit the most vulnerable groups in society. Furthermore, the most vulnerable groups in society have been affected by the recent floods. The prosecution of war crimes and dealing with the past, as prerequisites for creating a healthy environment and building a common state, represent an additional problem. Political support for war criminals by the leaders of political parties only further divide the already highly fragmented society. We hope that the general elections in October of 2014 (although held by discriminatory rules) will bring more stable political structure, ready to face different problems. Initiative for the Monitoring of the European Integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina will certainly advocate change, in terms of adopting new laws and policies, and the implementation thereof. We also hope that the BiH authorities and the EU institutions will support a stronger representation of civil society within the various forums within the EU integration. Civil society must become the third actor in this process along with the State and EU institutions.

24. konference Církev a stát, Brno, září 2018

Author(s): Záboj Horák / Language(s): Czech / Issue: 73-4/2018

51. kongres Essener Gespräche zum Thema Staat und Kirche, Mülheim an der Ruhr, březen 2016

Author(s): Záboj Horák / Language(s): Czech / Issue: 64-2/2016

52. kongres Essener Gespräche zum Thema Staat und Kirche, Mülheim an der Ruhr, březen 2017

Author(s): Záboj Horák / Language(s): Czech / Issue: 67-2/2017

A “Constitutional” Coup in Hungary between 2010–2014

On Some Aspects of the Exclusive Systemic Exercise of State Power with Regard to Constitutional Law, International Law, and European Law

Author(s): Imre Vörös / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 0

The Fundamental Law, drafted in 2011 and instituted on 1 January 2012, was amended no less than five times over a year and a half.Hungary’s sitting prime minister since 2010 had formulated his intent to stay in power for an extended period of time in his state-of-the-nation speech delivered in Kötcse, as early as 9 September 2009. As well, he expounded the necessity of building a system of political institutions that could guarantee the realization of this plan, practically by establishing a one-party state. His idea of a “central field of power,” especially if designed for the long term, was neither reconcilable with democracy, nor with a multiparty system, let alone with the electoral law which was in force until 2010.

A Brief Review of Scholarly Events in Legal History in Ukraine in 2016

Author(s): Roman Shandra / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2017

A Brief Review of Scholarly Events in Legal History in Ukraine in 2016

A környezeti oktatás jövője

Author(s): Máté Julesz / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 3/2012

A környezetvédelem oktatása alapvetően pedagógiai feladat. A pedagógiai feladatok azonban nem választhatók el teljesen a szabályozási környezettől, hiszen a különféle – szakmai, jogi, erkölcsi stb. – normák határozzák meg a pedagógia mozgásterét. Tehát azt a mozgásteret, melyben az iskolai oktatás folyik.

A közszolgálati média alkotmányos helyzete, problémái a posztkommunista korszakban – a magyarországi tapasztalat

Author(s): László Majtényi / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 28/2015

The lecture analyzes the changes in the functions of public broadcasting within the digital era. It demonstrates the control models of public broadcasting with a special focus on Eastern Europe. In addition, it gives a detailed insight into the Hungarian experience: starting from the regime change, until its practical burnout in the illiberal state. In the author's opinion, despite the negative experience, there are very strong arguments for the maintenance of public media broadcasting in a country like Hungary that is so isolated language-wise, and that has such a small media market. To make this happen, the author thinks that cheap and professional control system is needed.

A Matter of Interpretation – The Dead and the Living (Constitution)

Author(s): Andreea Verte?-Olteanu,Andrei Lacatusu / Language(s): English / Issue: 01/2015

On the face of things, a living Constitution definitely sounds better than its counterpart, a dead Constitution ‐ as William H. Rehnquist playfully puts it, “it would seem that only a necrophile could disagree”. If the question is worth asking a future Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, it surely still deserves to be analysed, especially given the rejuvenation of the debate thanks to the Obergefell v. Hodges case (2015) and the almost simultaneous recent publication of two antagonist studies: Jack Balkin’s Living Originalism (2011) and David Strauss’s The Living Constitution (2010) which, despite both having the word “living” in their titles, offer two current and opposing alternatives on the battlefield of legal interpretation of the Constitution.

A PERFORMANCE ANALYSIS OF THE ADMINISTRATIVE COURT IN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION DEVELOPMENT IN THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA (2008-2017)

Author(s): Branko Dimeski / Language(s): English / Issue: 10/2017

From the independence of the Republic of Macedonia at the beginning of 90s by adopting the new Constitution in 1991 until now, the country is permanently under domestic and international pressure to promote competent and professional public institutions and public administration workforce. The successful reforms of the judiciary and public administration are still one of the key criteria for the Macedonian full integration in the European Union. The EU annual reports in the last decade still put the accent on the development stages of these reforms that are of extreme importance for the overall democratic development and improving the rule of law in the country. The goal of the research in the paper is the analysis of the performances or the effectiveness of the work of the Administrative Court in the country during the last decade (2008-2017). From the effectiveness in resolving administrative cases based on administrative disputes in the country depends the overall public confidence in administrative judiciary and is a key indicator for the degree of improvement of the rule of law i.e. the overall administrative development. Besides many constraints of legal and professional nature, the results during the years are somewhat mixed but promising. The conclusions are that the administrative judiciary in the country needs further improvement in terms of professionalism and additional sources of support from the official authorities.

A Római Birodalom igazságosságának elmélete Polybiosnál

Author(s): Gergely Mohay / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 1/2010

In the second century B.C. a theory was developed to justify the legitimacy of the Roman Empire before the conquered people. The essence of this conception is the following: the rule of a state over another is righteous if their relationship also serves the interest of the subject country, and this is possible if the ruling state is superior, and makes the subjugated better, governs it more adequate than if it ruled itself. In the first part of the study I argue for ascribing this theory to the Rhodian Panaetius, the path-breaker exponent of the middle period of Stoic philosophy. Thereafter I show that Polybius who wrote about Rome’s becoming the most powerful empire of the world, and who knew Panaetius, and often discussed political questions with him, saw the relationship of Rome and the subject countries according to the conception of Panaetius.

A Szabad Demokraták. A Privatizációról, a Kárpótlásról, az Állampolgári vagyonjegyekről

Author(s): Károly Attila Soós,Márton Tardos,Péter Tölgyessy / Language(s): Hungarian / Publication Year: 1991

The Booklet published by the political party SZDSZ in 1991 comprises three speeches of SZDSZ-deputies in the Hungarian Parliament regarding the problems of compensation (of property that has been expropriated during Communism), of privatization (by giving security papers to the citizens)

Abrogation of legal effects of usurpations in the late Roman Empire

Author(s): Jedrzej M. Kondek / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2012

Usurpations were not unusual situations in Ancient Rome. However, the term “tyrranus” was understood differently from its modern meaning. This word technically means “someone who came to power unlawfully”, but in fact a person defeated by a new ruler was called an usurper, regardless of a way he had come to power. In such a way, e.g. Licinius was declared “tyrranus” although he had come to power as a legal augustus. Constitutions against usurpers in the The odosian Code do not constitute a homogenous group. We could divide them into acts regarding an usurper’s legislation, acts regarding civil law actions (e.g. slave emancipations), acts regarding public law actions (e.g. nominations of magistrates) and acts regarding the emperor’s sentences. It is meaningful that there is no usurper against whom all the above-mentioned types of constitutions were promulgated. Civil law acts and sentences were generally upheld. In most cases, legislation was abolished only to the extent in which it was contraius. Only Constantinus against Licinius (CTh. XV, 14, 1) and Honorius and Theodosius II against Heraclianus (CTh. XV, 14, 13) decided to abrogate the entire the legal output of the usurpation. Valenitianus II, Theodosius II and Honorius were the only emperors (except CTh XV, 14, 13) who abrogated all sentences of the usurpers. In almost all cases, nominations made by the usurper were annulled. However, while all usurpations (except Licinius’s usurpation) had taken place only in its Western Part, it should be noticed that all the analyzed constitutions were promulgated by all simultaneous rulers of the Empire even after 395 AD. The question is why Theodosian compilers decided to include the analyzed constitutions into the Code. In my opinion, the most probable answer is that the Chapter De infirmandis... should have served for the legitimation of the rules of the current Emperor, as until the end of the Empire there were no rules of succession of power. In all analyzed constitutions, the legal emperor referred to an output of the illegal ruler. Theodosius, evoking those constitutions and demonstrating his continuity with their authors, presented himself as the legal ruler and put all his opponents in the position of usurpers.

Activities of Intelligence Services as a Synonymous of Fear and Intimidation

Author(s): Fisnik Sadiku,Besnik Loka / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2015

Intelligence services are an important factor of national security. Their main role is to collect, pro-cess, analyze, and disseminate information on threats to the state and its population. Because of their “dark” activity, intelligence services for many ordinary citizens are synonymous of violence, fear and intimidation. This mostly comes out in the Republic of Kosovo, due to the mur-derous activities of the Serbian secret service in the past. Therefore, we will treat the work of intelli-gence services in democratic conditions, so that the reader can understand what is legitimate and legal of these services. In different countries of the world, security challenges continue to evolve and progress every day, and to fulfil these challenges, the state needs new ways of coordinating and developing the capabil-ity to shape the national security environment. However, the increase of intelligence in many coun-tries has raised debates about legal and ethical issues regarding intelligence activities. Therefore, this paper will include a clear explanation of the term, meaning, process, transparency and secrecy, and the role that intelligence services have in analyzing potential threats to national security. The study is based on a wide range of print and electronic literature, including academic and scien-tific literature, and other documents of various intelligence agencies of developed countries.

Administracyjne kary pieniężne po nowelizacji Kodeksu postępowania administracyjnego

Author(s): Helena Kisilowska,Grzegorz Zielinski / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 1(1)/2018

The growing role of administrative fines, their ever-wider presence in the Polish law and in the law of the European Union States, creates the need to assess the existing legal status in the context of a democratic state of law, as well as the constitutional principle of proportionality and social justice. The present article, taking into account the broad amendment to the Administrative Procedure Code of 2017 and adding Section IVA – Administrative fines – strives to draw attention to the need to set the limits of administrative fines, unify legal regulations in this area and ensure that the accused who committed an administrative tort are entitled to the right of defense, referred to in Article 42 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. The article uses the experience of the Italian law and the European Union law. The authors draw attention to the danger of such a far-reaching approximation of institutions of criminal responsibility and liability for administrative tort and the inconsistency of such regulations with the Constitution of the Republic of Poland and, more broadly, a democratic law-based state founded on the tri-divide of the powers.

Administracyjnoprawne ograniczenia realizacji przedsięwzięć wynikające z konieczności uzyskania decyzji środowiskowej

Author(s): Pawel Sadowski,Dorota Lebowa / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 1/2017

The article is a vote on issues currently under Polish administrative law limiting the implementation of projects resulting from the need to obtain an environmental decision. In a democratic state, the protection of individuals against excessive state interference in the sphere of constitutional freedoms and rights is an immanent feature. For this reason, any permissible state interference must fulfill the requirements and be present only in the context of the conflict of good of a particular entity, individual and social good. There is no doubt that nowadays the premise of the introduction and functioning of constraints can be environmental protection, understood as a common good deserving of preserving current and future generations. The environmental protection mechanism is therefore a broadly understood environmental assessment and the administrative decision that is issued as a result of the legal situation of the entity seeking to use the environment in a specific way.