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Нови факти за живота на професор Симеон Демостенов (1886–1966)
Concise notes about life and work of professor Demostenov
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Concise notes about life and work of professor Demostenov
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This article considers the work of Thomas Piketty on inequality, with special emphasis on the reception of his ideas in the social sciences. First, a quantitative analysis of the works that cite Piketty’s most important publications examines the reception of Piketty in academic debates. Next, the critiques of Piketty from economics and sociology, two often opposed disciplines that have devoted the most attention to discussing Piketty, are considered. This article supplements existing critiques with additional suggestions that are relevant to both the scientific analysis of inequality and the process of imaging various reforms that could cope with the problem of inequality.
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In order to overcome the disadvantages of the existing two types of economic systems - the socialism and capitalism, there was a need to find a system that will use the positive aspects of both systems.Оne country succeeds more than successfully to combine bases of the centrally planned and market system.Socialism in the Chinese style, as it is called by Gregory and Stuart proved to be a successful practical example of the market socialism. After the implementation of China's reforms, they have kept a one-party system and state ownership, but have accepted the market allocation of resources. In the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China, Chinese economy is voluntarily classified as a socialist market economy. That China is more than a successful example of market socialism, is shown by the remarkable growth rates and the unprecedented progress of the country in the last thirty years.Reforms have enabled the opening of China to foreign trade, which before 1978 was almost non-existent.After the establishment of the first diplomatic relations with the EU, in 1985 the Agreement on Trade and Economic Cooperation EEC and China was signed,which officially begins establishing bilateral trade relations. Special importance for the progress of trade relations is China's entry into WTO in 2001, and the signing of the strategic partnership of the EU and China in 2003. The volume of trade between the two economies is growing steadily, and the main characteristics of their trade relations is a continuous deficit which the EU has realized in the exchange with China. Although the European Union is the largest trading partner of China,and China is the second trading partner of the EU,differences and difficulties in the field of trade still exist.
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The purpose of this paper is to understand the relationship between increased levels of competition – facilitated by market liberalisation – and innovation performance in the context of the Russian vodka industry. Through this understanding this paper subsequently develops a series of innovation policy considerations for transitional economies. In order to achieve this, this paper reflects on the existing literature surrounding innovation performance and competition; as well as the development of the Russian economy more broadly.This paper finds that a state-controlled industry is capable of fostering innovation. However, once the presence of the state in an industry is reduced, innovation performance is enhanced. A recommendation is made that the state should not exhibit control beyond providing a legislative framework for competitiveness; where possible monopolies should be broken down; and private enterprise should be encouraged.A number of the world's large economies find themselves in a state of transition, as such the development of an innovation policy that will allow transitional economies to realise their innovation potential in a sustainable way is imperative to the success of their ongoing transition. The Russian Federation has endured significant economic transition since the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the Russian vodka industry has been a constant throughout, it is therefore an ideal case in examining the evolution of innovation in a transitional context.
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Although neo-liberalism has not been able to offer any lasting solution to the profound economic crisis and long-run stagnation of the European Union (EU), its ideological supremacy (non-hegemonic in Gramscian terms) has still proceeded in the EU. This article reviews the historical evolution of neo-liberal restructuring in the European integration from the perspective of neo-Gramscian International Political Economy (IPE) literature. The majority of the recent critical IPE studies in the political economy of European integration is based on Robert Cox’s “World Order” theory with neo-Gramscian foundations. Neo-Gramscian IPE emphasizes the significance of transnational relations from a historical materialist perspective and perceives that European integration process is the outcome of a struggle between transnational social forces. In addition, this article analyzes the crisis of neo-liberal hegemony in the EU, the changes in the political economy of the EU after the euro crisis, and the model of authoritarian neo-liberalism from a neo-Gramscian perspective.
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The aim of the article is to examine existing theories and concepts of formation of the labor costs and their relationship with wages , as well as their methodological basis.The basic approaches to the nature of the category “labor costs” that exist in economic theory and practice have been investigated. The ways of combining the approaches of the labor theory of value and utility theory to determine the mechanism of the formation of a specific commodity value “labor services” with a view to the interests and needs of both employees and employers have been analyzed. The components of labor coasts and their relationship with wages have been considered. The basic models of labor costs` valuation taking into account the possibility of its reimbursement on the social and individual basis have been analyzed.The results of investigation show that the wage is a key element of the approximate recovery of commodity “labor services” and, in spite of the importance of other payments, principal, and largely independent form of existing the price of labor costs. The main attention should be given to the system of state social security as are prescribed by law and state regulations which defines certain proportion for sale of labor services, among which is the basic minimum wage.
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Author is discussing a problem of social justice by putting an emphasis on the complex relationship between democracy, capitalism and justice. The main idea explored in the article is that within conscious socio-political analysis that puts questions of the way of life and quality of life in its focus and relates these questions to class-based structural questions, the main dilemma is that between democracy or capitalism. Author offers an overview of contemporary debates related to this dilemma.
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This study aims to investigate the quantitative relationship between the level of production, actual income and consumption in Ukraine. For greater clarity, the individual figures are compared with data of other countries. The research based on a dual approach to the consideration of GDP as the market price of domestically produced goods and services in terms of income and expenses. This approach provides the possibility to produce consistent estimates of consumption of economic resources of the country, to study the structure of consumption in the context of separate institutional units.
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Although the prevailing crisis is directly connected to subprime lending, indirectly institutional and real economic causes lie in its background. In particular, income concentration is one of its most significant reasons. Although there was also significant economic inequality in the United States prior to the Great Depression of 1929, this economic phenomenon as an explanation for the crisis has emerged only in the very recent years. Nevertheless, there has been no agreement in the literature so far about what the real causes of the prevailing turbulent processes and the growing inequality could be. The aim of this paper is to provide insight into these controversies in order to make more understandable the hints and the conflicts in the literature. These controversies are placed in a framework of the creation and the dismantling of the New Deal.
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Adam Smith in Beijing is Giovanni Arrighi’s last work in a row, addressed by the author as a synthesis of all his previous researches. Thus, we must also see it as a sort of opus magnum, the source of which consists of two of his major studies: Chaos and Governance in the Modern World System and The Long Twentieth Century. Throughout his life, Arrighi was among those scholars, who sought to answer the question: is there a general tendency of economic and social convergence among the nations of the South and the North in the global capitalism, or what we see should be described rather as a great divergence. Given that the challenge to answer such a question is so great, the reader will never get the proper answer from Arrighi, despite his eff orts to draw a conclusion. Instead, what he does in the reviewed book, is that he provides a detailed insight into the working of the historical phenomenon of hegemony shift in a broader European context, combined with a comparative study of the inter-state system in the medieval Far-East. His argument in this regard is that there are two long-trajectories at the end of the 20th century, namely what Arrighi calls the parallel hegemonic decline of the United States and the emergence of China as the new hegemonic power. However Arrighi’s attempt to introduce China as an alternative source of power, the agent of the new non-capitalist world order, fails to be convincing. He himself discovers the challenge of the apologia that results from the possible misinterpretation of the contemporary shift in the world order, the conclusion of which is that the author needs to rebalance his argument in order to fi nd a more critical approach. In his fi nal comments, Arrighi successfully manages this rebalancing, but as a consequence, he fails to answer his original question. Hence, we recommend Adam Smith in Beijing as a rich book from the fi eld of international comparative social history
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Mr Stojan Geshev, Formal Head of Department at the Ministry of Finance of the Republic of Bulgaria tell the readers about an interesting moment from the work of late prof. Milcho Kostov when the first Bulgarian Model for Double Taxation Treaty was drafted
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The late Prof. Milch Kostov and Mr Stojan Geshev discuss some practical and dogmatic issues about the first Model of Double Tax Relief Treaty from 1963. The article is originally published by Pravna Misal review, number 4, 1982, pp 57-71. The core of the discussion is synchronisation of Bulgarian legislation and the Model provided by OECD.
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Constantin Dobrogeanu Gherea est le plus cohérent des marxistes roumains. Ses nombreux écrits qui datent des aimées 1883-1920, qui comprennent des études sociologiques, des articles de presse et des brochures de propagande, sont rein terprétés dans une perspective qui se veut non-idéologique, qui ré fuse, autrement dit, et l'espérance propre à l'eschatologie marxiste, et la haine des adversaires du marxime. Cette nouvelle lecture de l'oeuvre de Gherea se propose de recon stituer le portrait intellectuel de l'auteur roumain. Elle a quatre repères princi paux: tout d'abord, elle refait la perception directe qu'avait Gherea de la réalité roumaine; ensuite, elle analyse la manière dont le paradygme marxiste modifie cette perception; en troisième lieu, elle s'attaque au problème du sens théorique du marxisme dans la vision de Gherea; finalement, l'étude analyse les projets de réforme sociale avancés par l'auteur roumain, en insistant sur la question du suffrage universel. En guise de conclusion, Je point de vue de Gherea surla révo lu ti on bol ch évique.
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The article is dedicated to the socio-philosophical legacy of Friedrich von Hayek, one of the founders of neoliberalism and a representative of the Austrian School of Economics. In this regard, this text is an attempt to rethink Hayek's work in three main aspects: as an initiator of the return of liberalism to its ideological foundations from the Enlightenment, as an ideologue of neoliberalism and as a consistent critic of Keynesian capitalism and socialism. Here are some weaknesses in his teaching, both in terms of capitalism and in terms of social liberalism and socialism.
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The aim of this extended review essay is to discuss the potential relevance ofdegrowth-aligned social-ecological transformation for the specific contextof Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). We frame this discussion aroundthree recent books which we consider especially useful for this debate:The Future is Degrowth by Schmelzer et al. (2022, in Czech 2023) for anup-to-date and comprehensive overview of the concept of degrowth; Marxin the Anthropocene by Saito (2023) for an ecologically grounded debateon anticapitalist strategies stemming from writings of late Marx; and ThePolitical Economy of Middle Class Politics and the Global Crisis in EasternEurope by Gagyi (2021) that empirically analyses the specific position ofthe CEE semiperiphery and its implications for a radical social-ecologicaltransformation. We introduce and interlink the main ideas of these books anddiscuss their implications for the degrowth movement in the CEE context.We argue that to deeply transform our socio-metabolic relation with nature,it is crucial to cultivate and expand spaces of reproductive autonomy, andlink them to struggles of labour and social movements. We conclude byemphasising the role of internationalism from below.
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The malign influence of the Ottoman “feudal system” on the economic development of the Balkan region is a persistent theme in Bulgarian historiography. Like any empire that established its structures in the Middle Ages, the Ottoman state did not give much economic freedom to the rural population in its development, although there are serious historical disputes as to whether the existence of timars can be equated with European feudalism. Without entering into this debate, my paper examines developments in the late Ottoman Empire, most notably after the Land Law of 1858. While formally preserving the supreme ownership of land in the hands of the Sultan, the law in practice legitimized private property, which in turn legitimized a long-standing practice. The population of the Bulgarian lands began to accumulate land en masse, and the number of chiftliks held by Christians increased. Some of these chiftliks evolved into modern capitalist estates, but in the mass case the changes in agriculture were slow and geographically isolated. But to what extent can the reasons for this be traced back to alleged Ottoman “feudalism”? To what extent was the role of the state a hindrance, or were there other global factors that impeded the transition to capitalism in agriculture? Accordingly, was it the Ottoman legacy that hindered agrarian capitalism in post-1878 Bulgaria, where modern chiftliks remained an isolated phenomenon?
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