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In the year 2020, the Hungarian nation throughout the world commemorates the 100th anniversary of the Treaty of Trianon. As a result of the diktat designed with reference to the right of nations to self-determination, but at the same time defying this principle, not only the borders of Hungary were changed, but—against their will—one third of the Hungarian nation was driven into minority position, including the Hungarian population of Upper Hungary. The Treaty of Trianon, signed on 4th June 1920, thus provided a decisive contribution to the birth of the Hungarian minority community in the former Czechoslovakia, the present Slovakia.To date, no comprehensive monograph or collection of documents on the history of the Hungarian nation´s segment falling under Czechoslovakia has been published. This prompted the Forum Minority Research Institute to gather and present to readers in one volume the most important sources on the history of the Hungarian minority community now living in southern Slovakia, from the founding of the Czechoslovak state in 1918 until its dissolution in 1992.The size constraints did not, of course, allow the publication of all the documents considered important, so documents consisting of only a few lines on the one hand and the too voluminous ones on the other hand were left out of the volume. The published documents were selected in such a way that they provide a comprehensive picture of the history of the Hungarian minority community and present the most important issues of its seventy-five years existence within the Czechoslovak state. Some of the omitted documents are presented in the form of illustrations.The vast majority of the documents included in the collection come from the archives of Slovakia, the Czech Republic and Hungary, and partly from the contemporary Hungarian press in Czechoslovakia. Some of them have already been published in various collections of documents, but there are some among them which have been unknown not only to a wider readership, but also to historians. Most of the documents come from the most dramatic and hectic periods in the history of the Hungarian minority, i.e. the years following the formation of the Czechoslovak state, the period of the first Vienna Award, the years of post-World War II disenfranchisement, the Prague Spring and the regime change.The volume consists of five chapters, adapted to the general historical eras of Czechoslovakia. The first chapter contains documents on the First Republic, the second on the Slovak autonomy and the Slovak State, the third on the years after the Second World War, the fourth on the decades of the communist dictatorship, and the fifth on the years between the regime change and the dissolution of Czechoslovakia. Each document is preceded by the place and time of its origin, followed by a brief introduction to interpret and place the document in historical context. The documents are followed by references indicating their current location. At the end of the collection, there is a selected bibliography containing the most important pieces of academic literature on the history of Hungarians in Czechoslovakia.
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(Stane Pučko: Mafija hara gradilištima [Die Mafia wütet auf den Baustellen], in: Vjesnik, 16.9.1978)
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Originally published in: "Prawda", Moskau, 13. September 1953 (Original title: O merach dalnejschego raswitija sselskogo chosjajstwa SSSR. Postanowlenije Plenuma ZK KPSS, prinjatoje 7 ssentjabrja 1953 g. po dokladu tow. Chruschtschowa N.S. (über die Maßnahmen zur weiteren Entwicklung der Landwirtschaft der UdSSR. Beschluß des Plenums des Zentralkomitees der Komlnunistischen Partei der Sowjetunion, angenommen am 7. September 1953, zum Referat des Genossen N. S. Chruschtschow))
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Какви су се то неријешиви проблеми убацили између ова два народа, па да им не даду да у једном заједничком прегнyћy покушају nронаћи путеве и средства што воде неком љепшем и пунијем животу? - Јер, зар нијесу ово времена у којима сагоријева народно стрпљење, постављено пред једну мучну непознаницу сутрашњег дана, који се је поредао у слиједу дана пуних одрицаља и пуних патња! .Зар је овим народима довољна трка за обеhањима, што се тако тешко испуњују? Зар дневни бучни говори, параде, музике, и слетови, могу испунити празнине у желуцу, сакрити крпеж дроњака, и унијети топлину у голе домове? И зар се немирној мисли човека може отети право на слободно стварање и слободно суђење?
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Continuation from Bulgarian Historical Review, 1999, № 3-4, p. 222-295.
Bibliography
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Based on material gathered by Czech historians and personal testimonies givenby eyewitnesses during oral history interviews recorded by the author himself,this article focuses on the significantly different interpretations of the Soviet military presence in Czechoslovakia after August 1968, as they appear in Czech or(post) Soviet sources. Defining this event either as an “occupation”, or avoiding,and even refusing to use this term, remains a fundamental dividing line. Theauthor attempts to understand the interpretation of these events as evidence of thedifferences in the wider meaning Czechs and Russians give to their own recenthistory.
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Dans cet article l'auteur présente l'avancement de la doctrine politique, „daco-roumaine" a la fois dans le territoire de la Roumanie Indépendante et dans les provinces roumaines contenues dans la monarchie de l'Autriche-Hongrie pendant les décades huit et neuf du dernier siècle. La fréquence de l'utilisation de la terminologle exprimant la conviction politique „daco-roumaine" est soulignée par l'auteur. Il présente aussi des preuves pour souligner la diffusion de l'idéal national dans le milieu du peuple roumain. On considère que la vision de la „Daco-Roumanie" avait représenté pour ce temps une devise pénétrante et une variante dans la formulation de la doctrine politique envisageant l'achèvement de l'état unitaire roumain.
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Študentské čistky na slovenských vysokých školách na prelome rokov 1948 a 1949
In her study, the authoress examines one of the ways the newly established Communist regime in Czechoslovakia was using since February 1948 in an attempt to build new loyal elites and to prevent the formation of non-conformist ones. The topic is the screening of study results and political reliability of Slovak university students, which took place at the turn of 1948 and 1949 under the euphemistic name “democratization campaign” or simply “democratization”. The authoress sets the campaign into a broader political framework and into the context of the ideological discourse of those days. In doing so, she compares it to a parallel, so-called “study screening” in the Czech Lands, and also sets it in the context of multiple waves of the “purging” of Slovak universities between 1948 and 1960, showing its connection with a subsequent purge launched in 1950 as part of a campaign against the so-called Slovak bourgeois nationalism. Using results of her research in Slovak archives, she describes and summarizes the organization, course, and outcome of the “democratization campaign”. The screening used both criteria related to study results (employed primarily to justify the screening) and political criteria (reflecting the true objective of the screening process); a combination of these two groups of criteria ultimately produced several categories of students. Every student was either cleared and allowed to study on, or expelled – either temporarily, for two to three semesters during which he or she was expected to work in production, or permanently. It should be noted that there existed substantial differences in numbers of expelled students among various universities and faculties, and the authoress is trying to find an explanation. Compared to the outcome of the “study screening” in the Czech Lands, that of the “democratization campaign” in Slovakia was generally more lenient, often falling short of radical expectations of its organizers. The authoress claims that Slovakia’s outcome reflects three factors: lack of and need for skilled experts in various fields compared to the Czech Lands, the weak position of the Communist Party among students and teachers at some Slovak universities, and the existence of an Appeal Commission at the Slovak Ministry of Education, Sciences and Arts which reversed or changed many expulsion rulings. The Appeal Commission’s chairman Ernest Otto and the Commissioner of Education, Communist writer Ladislav Novomeský (1904–1976), thus found themselves in a conflict with leaders of the University Committee of the Communist Party of Slovakia, their more liberal approach to the “democratization campaign” contributing to their political and criminal persecution in the 1950s.
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Originally published in: "Die Länder der Volksdemokratie", Ostberlin, 15. August 1952 (Original title: "Dienst an Polen" hilft den Aufbau des Sozialismus beschleunigen) "Trybuna Ludu", Warschau, 24. Juli 1952 (Original title: Sotnicza szkola mlodych Iotnik6w-patriot6w Polski Ludowej (Original title: Liga Sotnicza szkola mlodych lotników-patriotów Polski Ludowej)
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Originally published in: "Neues Deutschland", Ostberlin, 14. August 1952 (Original title: Was stellt die Organisation "Dienst für Deutschland" dar?)
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Nowadays, beside Governor Miklós Horthy, István Bethlen, Pál Teleki and Gyula Gömbös, probably the name of Kuno Klebelsberg comes up most frequently in the Hungarian media and in public discourse. We are concerning a real renaissance of dealing with him, however superficial they often are. Lately, several institutions have been named after Klebelsberg and he has become an almost cultic figure. Nevertheless, his cult frequently and unnecessary goes too far. In the past decades, many people have investigated his activity, but they have mainly concentrated on minor details. Following 1942, this have been the first book to attempt to summarize Kelbelsberg’s whole career, presenting the partly known and well-founded achievements in the politician’s performance and some of his unimplemented plans. It also designates the new direction of research on Klebelsberg: namely the significance of the lesser-known period of his life preceding his ministry of culture, when he started to build up himself. “I trust that my book, intended to be readable yet written with due scholarly background and citing many of Klebelsberg’s writings and the responses given to them, will contribute to the respect for my hero that he had well deserved. I also think it important that we should value him objectively and consider him not a semi-god but a man and politician. However excellent he was, as a fallible man, he also made mistakes when he sometimes perceived the possibilities before him and his country inaccurately. However, these facts do not detract from his merit but rather strengthen it because we can approach him through them.” Gábor Ujváry
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The appearance of the 100th anniversaries of the Silesian Uprisings in the historic calendar of official events in 2019, 2020 and 2021 signifies their place in Poland’s most recent history. Such a state of affairs constitutes the pretext expressed by the author of the paper who postulates an updated and revised edition of the Silesian Uprisings’ Encyclopaedia originally published in 1982. It should include the elimination of errors and lacks exhibited in the critical reviews written by the acclaimed historians as well as the implementation of the contents that were impossible to appear in academic and popular publications due to censorship of the so-called real socialism era. Finally, the paper postulates the enlargement of the perspective by including the German side of the conflict represented by German historians invited to collaboration.
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text 1: "Für dauerhaften Frieden, für Volksdemokratie!", Bucarest, 1954-16-25 ("Nein, die Eposche souveränder Staaten ist nicht vorbei") by Georges Cogniot, member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of France text 2: "Leipziger Volkszeitung", 1954-08-22, ("Für eine humanistische Kultur) text 3: "Corriere della Sera", Milano, 1954-07-09 ("Nel consiglio della Valle d'Aosta") by Egisto Corradi text 4: "The Manchester Guardian", 1954-08-13, ("Cyprus under Britain - Origins of Enosis' Campaign" Dossier of texts concerning the question whether or not national sovereignty remains a feasible model for statehood and politics in modern times
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originally published in: ZESZYTY TEORETYCZNO-POLITYCZNE, Warsaw, Nr. 3, 1965 ("Zwei Stellungnahmen zur Strategie: 1. Die Nukleare Strategie Frankreichs")
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Fundacja stypendyjna im. Seweryna Arzta, dyrektora gimnazjum w Wadowicach, została założona w marcu 1909 r., a jej celem było wsparcie finansowe dla ubogich, a jednocześnie zdolnych uczniów szkoły. W latach 1912-1919 z pomocy funduszu korzystał Józef Kawaler, po II wojnie światowej długoletni profesor matematyki i fizyki w Liceum Ogólnokształcącym w Wadowicach. Fundacja zaprzestała swojej działalności tuż po odzyskaniu przez Polskę niepodległości (w roku szkolnym 1920/1921 nie odnotowano już informacji o niej).
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Auf dem April-Plenum 1973 des ZK der KPdSU wurde Piotr Jefimowitsch Schelest von seiner Mitgliedschaft im Politbüro entbunden, angeblich um in Pension zu gehen. Wenige Tage später verlor er auch seinen Posten als Stellvertretender Vorsitzender des Ministerrates der UdSSR. Damit endete die Karriere eines Spitzenpolitikers der KPdSU. Schelest wurde 1908 geboren und gehört seit 1928 der Partei an. Im Politbüro war er ein aus der Stalinzeit unbelastetes Mitglied. Nach Absolvierung des Instituts für Metallurgie in Mariupol bekleidete er eine Reihe von Posten in der Produktion, wurde Chefingenieur, später Parteiorganisator und Direktor in verschiedenen Betrieben. Von 1961 bis 1972 war er Mitglied des Politbüros und von 1963 bis 1972 Erster Sekretär des ZK der KP der Ukraine. Seit 1961 ist er Mitglied des ZK der KPdSU. In der April-Nummer des theoretischen Organs des ZK der KP der Ukraine, „Komunist Ukrainy", erschien als Redaktionsartikel ein kritischer Beitrag, der sich gegen das Buch von Schelest "Du unsere Sowjetukraine" richtete, das 1970 im Verlag für politische Literatur der Ukraine in einer Auflage von hunderttausend Exemplaren erschienen war. Gegen Schelests Buch wurden in dieser Kritik verschiedene Vorwürfe erhoben: Verherrlichung der ukrainischen Geschichte, vernachlässigte Behandlung der Freundschaft und Hilfe des großen russischen Brudervolkes sowie eine von der gesamtsowietischen Entwicklung isolierte Betrachtungsweise der Ukraine.
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This article is about the journalist, literary researcher, and opposition activist Roman Zimand. The author tries to answer several questions about Zimand’s life and achievements. What were his specific achievements and his approach to academic work? What role did the political context of the Polish People’s Republic play? What was the relationship between Zimand and the academic community in which he operated? To what extent can he be considered a “total intellectual”? The article begins with a brief biographical outline. Then the author focuses on presenting Zimand’s output and the specifics of his approach to academic work. The next part concerns Zimand’s political writing and the combination of his political commitment with his scholarship. Then the author discusses the relations between Zimand, the academic community, and the authorities of the Polish People’s Republic. In the last part of the article, the author considers the possibility of viewing Zimand as a “total intellectual.”
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Proč je stále v oblibě chalupářství v českých zemích
Petra Schindler-Wisten's monograph titled "About holiday homes and people: Holiday homes in the Czech Lands in the period of so-called normalization and transformation" (Prague: Univerzita Karlova and Karolinum, 2017) maps the phenomenon of holiday cottages in the Czech Lands since its very beginnings in the 19th century almost until today. In this respect, she focuses on the post-war period of the Communist regime, in particular the 1970s and 1980s, the years of the so-called normalization, when this type of spending one’s free time, and partly also a lifestyle consisting in spending weekends and holidays in own houses and cottages, indeed became a mass phenomenon in Czechoslovakia. Using results of oral history research, she is looking for reasons why the so-called “second housing” became so popular among various groups of the Czech society, social and economic differences notwithstanding. The reviewer appreciates the publication as the first attempt to deal with the topic in question in a clear and comprehensive manner and from a historical point of view rather than from sociological or socio-geographic ones, which represents a significant factual enrichment of the current state of knowledge. However, she also formulates some methodological reservations with respect to the research project whose results are presented in reviewed work, claiming that not enough clear reasons have been given to justify its starting points and outlining untapped opportunities in this respect.
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