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ПЕРЕГОВОРНЫЙ ПРОЦЕСС В 2018 ГОДУ: ПРОГРЕСС В ДЕТАЛЯХ И ПОЛНАЯ НЕОПРЕДЕЛЕННОСТЬ В ГЛАВНОМ ВОПРОСЕ

Author(s): Zurab Todua / Language(s): Russian Issue: 1/2018

As we know, this process has last for middle 90’s of XX century. Many political scientists did their best to understand all tips of Transnistria, but it’s still ‘open’ and disputable, because of lack of information.In 2018, after a long break, in the negotiation process on the Transnistrian settlement, the parties managed to achieve some progress. An agreement was established on the recognition of university diplomas issued in Transnistria; on cooperation in the field of telecommunications; about neutral car rooms; resolved controversies around schools that are under the jurisdiction of Chisinau. These agreements should seriously simplify the daily life of people living on both banks of the Dniester and create prerequisites for their further convergence.At the same time, noting the progress in the negotiations, it should be noted that there is no progress on the main issue - the achievement of a comprehensive settlement of the conflict.Moreover, today there is no settlement plan.This means that the main topic of negotiations is still frozen. And, it seems, this circumstance, to a greater or lesser extent, suits everyone.Perhaps the time has come when it is time to start developing a new settlement plan.Without such a plan, minor and private issues can be discussed and considered endlessly.

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ПЕРША ЄВРОПЕЙСЬКА ВІЙНА ТРЕТЬОГО ТИСЯЧОЛІТТЯ: ПРОЛОГ ЧИ ЕПІЛОГ? (політичні нотатки до російсько-української війни 2014-2022 років)

Author(s): Volodymyr Fedorovych Smolianiuk / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 3/2022

The article examines the course and consequences of the first (and so far only) European war of the new century - Russian-Ukrainian in the time interval of 2014-2022. The main definitions of this war, which does not have a single meaningful interpretation on the part of the scientific, information-analytical and mass media community, are given. The main international and institutional consequences of the Russian-Ukrainian war are detailed. The conclusion is formulated that security structures of the XX century are inefficient regulators of armed and force interstate relations of the 21st century. Some geoeconomic and geopolitical consequences of Russian aggression against Ukraine are revealed. The new accents of NATO development, new dimensions of the geopolitical behavior of China and Turkey, a new vision on the security prospects of humanity on the part of English-speaking countries, primarily Great Britain and the United States, are detailed. The uncertainty of the future of the Russian Federation, which is at a crossroads of sorts, is emphasized. It is emphasized that the consequences of the Russian-Ukrainian war, in view of their scale and global security and political resonance, will have increased importance for the affirmation of a new system of international relations, the formation of which will take place with the participation of Ukraine. In general, it is proven that the world has irreversibly entered a new phase (epoch) of development, which denies the logic, rationality, experience, and legal basis of past historical periods.

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Пиренейский конфликт 1936–1939 годов и формирование советского поколения войны

Author(s): Irina Vladimirovna Volkova / Language(s): Russian Issue: 30/2020

This article investigates responses of Soviet schoolchildren of middle and older ages towards the Spanish Civil War and the arrival of Republican children to the USSR in the second half of the 1930s. Interest in reactions of this age category is connected with the fact that soon after they would bear the brunt of sacrifices in the struggle with Nazi Germany and received the status of front-line generation. Emotionally perceived events in a distant country became the source of its ideas about the future total war of the USSR and an important frontier in psychological preparation for it. Despite the refusal of the country’s political leadership to foment a revolution in Spain, this idea was guiding for young Soviet citizens. The Republican struggle, meaningful as an outbreak of world revolution, gave rise to their various manifestations of solidarity, including the collection of funds, attempts of individual and group escapes to Spain, and the self-organization of paramilitary units to join international teams. In the light of the dramatic experience of the Spanish Republicans, the future of the communist project among Soviet youth was now linked only to the fierce war that the Soviet Union was to withstand with some not necessarily decisive support from the progressive world community.

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Питање аутономије Босне и Херцеговине као српска самоодбрана

Author(s): Đorđe Mikić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 4/2012

This work discusses the historical struggle of Serbian people in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the autonomous freedom, through numerous rebellions and uprisings in the 19th century, such as rebellions and uprisings of Serbs in Šumadija. After its success in Serbia under the rule of Miloš Obrenović, Serbs’ struggle for the autonomous freedom in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the last period of the Ottoman and later Austro-Hungarian authority was a “categorical imperative of Serbian selfdefence”. Resistance to foreign occupiers in Bosnia and Herzegovina was repeated after the disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1991, with the struggle for the autonomous freedom in the Republic of Srpska, for its achievements, challenges and perspectives. On both of these occasions, Serbian people remained and fought for their freedom and unity in the community with other nations. On both of these occasions, destiny and outcome of this successful struggle with opponents were earlier in hands of great powers and later in hands of powerful states. Their earlier and later attitudes towards Serbs were different. Compared to Bulgarians and Bulgaria, or Cretans and Crete, after whose uprisings the great powers awarded them the autonomy, they only promised the same to Serbs while some of them opposed it and corrupted, up until the end of the First World War. It was similar with the struggle of Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina for freedom in the achieved Republic of Srpska, up until the United States of America took Bosnia and Herzegovina in its own hands. The States, in cooperation with the Contact Group members, ended the civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the meeting in Dayton in the USA in 1995, while at the same time legitimising the Republic of Srpska within the two-entity Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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По страницам одной неизвестной книги. Генерал А. Н. Боголюбов и его монография «Разгром Колчака»

Author(s): Roman A. Badikov / Language(s): Russian Issue: 36/2021

This article focuses on a newly discovered military history: the monograph The Defeat of Kolchak, authored by famous Soviet military leader General Alexander N. Bogolyubov. Published in 1939 by the General Staff Academy of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army, this book was one of the first full-fledged special works focused on an analysis of military operations on the Eastern front during the Russian Civil War. Due to a number of circumstances, Bogolyubov’s printed work has not been in circulation until today, and has remained an unknown variable for Russian historical science. The book is considered in two dimensions: as a typical creative phenomenon of the Stalin era, with its characteristic request for a uniform, unified interpretation of the events of 1917–1922; as a special phenomenon in the official activities of Bogolyubov, who, despite his personal aspirations and desires, was forced to turn to scientific and teaching work at the General Staff Academy of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army. Consideration of the set of issues associated with a previously unknown book helped the author come to the following conclusions: in the scientific sense, the work of Bogolyubov appears to be an important phenomenon in the early historiography of the Civil War, certain expressions of the book to this day retain their relevance and novelty; the fact of the presence of the mass of controversial theses and obvious mistakes in the work is a reflection of the ideological attitudes and stereotypical approaches to the interpretation of the events of the war that prevailed in historiography in the 1930s; the creative way of the monograph was directly attributable to the development of official activities of its author, reflects the varieties of fortune of General Bogolyubov.

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Повратни ефекат ангажовања радикалних исламиста са простора Балкана у скобима у Сирији

Author(s): Stevan Stevčić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 6/2013

There is an apparent tendency to increase activism among Balkan Muslims (mostly Sunni denomination within Islam) and their desire to participate in solving the problems of Muslims globally. As a result of this trend, the involvement of individuals from the ranks of radical Islamist groups in the armed conflict in Syria is not surprising. What characterizes these individuals is going through the complex process of radicalization at the individual level within which strong motivation is formed for taking part in such an extreme form of social conflict such as a civil war. Due to the strong indoctrination, they perceive the participation in this conflict as their duty to the whole community of believers, accepting even the possibility of their own death which they see as martyrdom. The connection of these individuals with the global Islamistic terrorist network may affect the Balkan countries’ security. After the end of the Syria conflict or earlier, a number of these individuals will be directed to other crisis areas, while some of them will return to their home countries. Additionally indoctrinated with acquired combat experience and military expertise, these people can play a key role in planning, preparation or commission of terrorist acts in the Balkans and Europe as a whole. Taking adequate and timely measures is a necessary condition for an effective opposition to this kind of religious based terrorism.

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Подела италијанске ратне флоте након Другог светског рата. Случај Југославије

Author(s): Miljan Milkić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2014

The disposal of the fleet was one of obligation that Italy has accepted by signing the Paris Peace Treaty on 10 February 1947 Italy was obliged to place at the disposal a total number of 162 different types of ships to United States, Great Britain, Soviet Union, France, Greece, Albania and Yugoslavia. The ships were to be given within three months from the entry into force of the Peace Treaty and to be fully armed and equipped. Determination of the amount and terms of delivery was entrusted to the Four-Power Naval Commission which consisted of representatives of United States, Great Britain, France and Soviet Union. Commission worked from 11 February 1947 to 9 May 1949. During this period, members of the Commission in consultation with their governments, mediate in conducting direct negotiations between the Italian government and governments that are supposed to receive the Italian ships. Political problems began to appear in this period between the Soviet Union and Western countries influenced the work of the Commission. Various concessions made by American and British governments led to a reduction in the number of ships that Italy had to deliver. In July 1948 the number of ships was reduced to 107. At the same time, only two ships were delivered. Warnings that the Italian government received from the American and British government, as well as the protests of Soviet, French, Greek, Yugoslav and Albanian governments, have affected Italy to begin delivery the ships since the autumn of 1948. During the preparation of the peace conference, Yugoslavia requested to receive a total number of 48 different ships. Pursuant on the decision of the Council of Foreign Ministers on 12 July 1946 Yugoslavia was supposed to receive 18 different ships. During August and September 1948, Yugoslavia received seven minesweepers. By signing the agreement with Yugoslavia on 14 April 1949, Italy has promised nine more ships.

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Подела Краљевине Југославије 1941. године у светлу међународног права

Author(s): Dragan Aleksić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Main problem of research is effort of Germany to break Kingdom of Yugoslavia and to present splitting of its territory like a legitimate act in accordance to rules of international law. Intensive diplomatic activity made by Nazis after the military overthrow in Belgrade, March 27th 1941. Point has been made on failure of German diplomacy in their efforts to acquire Vlatko Maček, leader of the strongest political party in Croatia, to make the secession of Banovina Hrvatska, which would give Axis reason for aggression. Characteristic examples of political opportunism, in which base was politic of non-confronting to Germany, are shown by USSR and Vatican, that didn’t even react about splitting of Yugoslavia, although they had diplomatic relationship with her, on embassy level. Negation of Yugoslavian state existence in period after April 18th 1941, although the internal act have been accepted only by the Axis and their satellites, the Nazis were trying to make legally stronger, by giving state attributes to Independent state of Croatia (NDH), and by involvement of this state among Axis. Condition of occupied Serbia is shown only in fi rst faze of occupation, in time of commissary rule by Milan Aćimović, when occupation goverment, in basics, respected main rules of occupation doctrine, accepted in international law.

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Политика у касарни – политички ставови припадника ЈНА почетком седамдесетих година

Author(s): Petar Dragišić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2009

The documents of the Organization of the Communist Party in the Yugoslav People’s Army from the mid-seventies show that at that time the top military leaders were carefully analyzing the impact of the political turbulences in Yugoslavia on the situation in the Yugoslav People’s Army. The information about “political crimes” in the YPA units leads to the conclusion that the political tensions present at the time in Yugoslavia had some effects on the ideological stability of the Army. The political incidents with the involvement of the members of the Yugoslav People’s Army were mostly motivated by interethnic intolerance which troubled the Yugoslav society at the end of the sixties and beginning of the seventies. The documents of the Organization of the Communist Party in YPA reveal that the military leaders saw the solution of the problem in intensifying political and ideological education of the members of the Yugoslav People’s Army.

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ПОЛИТИКАТА НА ЕС ЗА ЗАДЪЛБОЧАВАНЕ НА ВОЕННО - ИНДУСТРИАЛНОТО СЪТРУДНИЧЕСТВО - НАЦИОНАЛНИ И ЕВРОПЕЙСКИ ОСОБЕНОСТИ

Author(s): Lyubomir Monov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 2/2020

This article examines some national and allied features of the European defense industry and the EU defense market. The article claims that on one hand, the EU countries share a common position for the importance of military-industrial cooperation, which they see as a tool for achieving the EU's strategic autonomy. On the other hand, this research insists that at national level the EU countries see the issue through the prism of their own sovereignty and independence. There are some alternatives before EU governments and businesses. The first option is to lose some of their independence, but to develop and acquire with other countries new weapons and equipment, which in general means lower costs. The other option is to preserve their sovereignty but to pay a high financial price. Finally, this paper presents some aspects of the EU's political commitments and examines the European Defense Fund as a tool for defense-industrial cooperation.

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ПОЛИТИЧКА СТАБИЛНОСТ У ДУБОКО ПОДИЈЕЉЕНИМ И ПОСТКОНФЛИКТНИМ ДРУШТВИМА

Author(s): Stefan Vukojević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 174/2020

Political stability is one of the paramount concepts in deeply divided and post-conflict societies, and its clearer determination in scientific literature is questionable for several reasons. First, the difference in political-social contexts of political stability is neglected, that is, the difference between the consolidated democratic societies and deeply divided/post-conflict societies with newly established or renewed democratic institutions, or a recently ended war. Secondly, due to the frequent normative elements, the ways of the operationalization of concepts are difficult to identify. Thirdly, political stability often serves as a synonym for the substantially different concepts, such as democratic stability, long-lasting peace and democratization. Political stability is a fundamental concept that more precisely emphasizes the problems faced by deeply divided and post-conflict societies, and precedes other concepts that can only be subsequently tested, provided there is a satisfactory level of stability. In this paper, we have applied a conceptual reconstruction of the term by extracting from the authoritative definitions forming a background concept of political stability, those basic elements that create a systematized concept adaptable to the generalization of cases of divided and post-conflict societies. Considering that the authoritative definitions refer to the political stability in stable democratic societies, we have extracted the most significant characteristics from the named definitions and inserted them into an appropriate theoretical framework. That theoretical framework emerges from debate on the institutional engineering and conflict management in deeply divided and post-conflict societies where institutional mechanisms of the distribution of political power take central place. In that way, we have reached a systematized concept of the stability of political institutions, where political institutions mean institutions which enable political elites of opposing groups to share the power. In the most general sense, it is a comprehensive concept of power sharing, containing sub-types, consociationalism and centripetalism. We have defined the concept of stability of political institutions as a stability of institutions of horizontal and vertical power which, as basic elements of institutional arrangements of power-sharing, enable its functioning and longevity. We have specified the meaning of stability of political institutions through the presence of three attributes or defining characteristics that attach meaning to the concept. Those three attributes are: 1) acceptance of the power-sharing political arrangement by political elites; 2) continuity of its constituent parts; 3) system’s ability to cope with changes coming from within or outside the system and which are aimed at its constituent parts. The concept of stability of political institutions, systematized in this way, is a guideline for a more accurate emphasis of a particular segment of political reality; it enables a theoretically more informative and distinct analysis.

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Политички карактер национализма

Author(s): Danijela Lakić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2020

The collapse of communism in the 1990s resulted in the escalation of nationalism in Europe. Nationalism has until the present day remained the only political idea which is judged on the basis of its abuses and occurrences such as, chauvinism or nazism. The injustice is that much greater, because nationalism, according to its original meaning, disapproves of those negative forms into which it can evolve. The war in the former Yugoslavia, the conflicts in the countries of the former Soviet Union, greater desire for independence, both within the European Union itself and its member states (Great Britain, Wales, Scotland, Catalonia, etc.) are the examples of what a political character of nationalism can be, and in which direction it can develop depending on the interests of the political authority which created and governed it.

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Политички преглед

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 18/1924

G. Ljuba Davidović referisao je skupštini svoje stranke o svom poslednjem razgovoru sa G. Pašićem, povodom pregovora o koncentracijonom kabinetu. — ≫Pokušaćemo silom; a ako neće (Hrvati), pustićemo ih da idu≪, — tako je, kaže G. Davidović, govorio G. Pašić. G. Pašić je, doduše, dao nato svoj obligatan demanti, kroz ≫Samoupravu≪.

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Політизація етнічності: консолідація чи деконсолідація нації?

Author(s): Halyna Lutsyshyn / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 2/2011

In the article the features of politicizing of ethnic, ways of transformation of ethnic, are analyzed on political force. The special attention is spared to development of ethnic parties; examples of activity of ethnic parties are made in the European states and in Ukraine. Activity of ethnic parties in stable democratic countries can complement the ethno politics of the state, assist consolidation of political nation, however in the transitional stage of development they can sharpen ethnic conflicts and strengthen processes of disintegration in the state.

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Політичні аспекти кризи на Донбасі: діагностика стану та напрями врегулювання

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Ukrainian

The analytical report, prepared by the results of scientific and research work “The political aspects of the crisis in Donbass: status and directions diagnostics of the settlement” which was performed at I.F. Kuras Institute of Political and Ethnic Studies of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine in 2015. The text presents the results from the study of domestic and foreign circumstances, the causes and factors of social crisis in the Ukrainian Donbass in its connections with the Russian Federation’s aggression against Ukraine. The proposals relating to the initiatives, directions and mechanisms of political settlement of the situation with the ensuring the national interests of Ukraine are substantiated.

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ПОЛІТИЧНІ ДЕТЕРМІНАНТИ ТА СПЕЦИФІКА ДЕРЖАВНО-ПРАВОВИХ КОНФЛІКТІВ В УКРАЇНІ

Author(s): Liudmyla Mykolaivna Herasina / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 2/2019

Problem setting. The situation of political conflict in the public sphere of Ukraine requires serious perfection of control the system by the state. The article is devoted author interpretation of essence, nature and specific of state and legal conflicts in the field of public policy of Ukraine, as to confrontation which arises up between or into the institutes of power as a result of violations of functioning of state mechanism. Complication of modernization and reforms of legal institutes of the state, sharpening of political fight in Ukraine for the redistribution of resources of power strengthen actuality of problem of diagnostics and settlement of state-legal conflict. Analysis of main researches. It was begun fundamentally to study the problem ofstate and legal conflicts in the 90-years of XX century - V. Kudryavcev, Yu. Todika, V. Tatsiy, M. Panov, L. Herasina, Yu. Barabash, A. Yezerov, A. Ishmuratov, S. Bobrovnik, others. By an object of researches was become by conflicts between the subjects of state legal relationships - Center and regions, between different organs and structures of power, by competitive political groups and others that. Also the social and political factors of state- legal conflicts were probed by M. Mikhal’chenko, Ye. Golovakha, V. Tancher, V. Cvetkov, Kresina et al in a sociological paradigm. Paper objective. The purpose of the article is theoretical research of essence and specific of flowing of state-legal conflicts, foremost in Ukraine, and determination of force and vectors of influence of political determinant, which draw or strengthen repeatedly conflicts in a country. Presentation of main body. A modern political process shows that control the system by the state has contradictory character, in fact the state system of Ukraine was folded on principles of political, economic and spiritual variety. But a ruling elite stubbornly does not wish to take into account this factor, and the detailed political doctrine of modernization of country absents still. Conducted in the last years of reforms does not give rapid results, new forms and facilities of government are inculcated contradictory; and it transforms them on “provocative drivers”, political determinants of conflicts. It is well-proven in the paradigm of political conflictology, that the content of “conflict of interests” in the state-right field is opposing of elites and collision between administrative groups for prerogatives and resources of power. Conflicts of interests in parliament, government, judicial bodies of Ukraine are various and testify to political dichotomy is democracy against a nomenclature! Contradictory dialectics of intercommunication of policy and state administration often appears in the crisis capability (stagnaion, disfunctions) of politicians and rights institutes. International practice shows even, that exactly between the institutes of legislative and executive power more frequent all there are state-legal conflicts. In modern Ukraine all of constitutional process of creation of the state it is enough not simple, and collisions and spores of imperious structures did not disappear through prerogatives and jurisdictions, and often pass to hard confrontation. Permanent renewal of conflicts in Ukrainian state space depends on negative influence of political determinant: low level of legal culture of some groups state machine; off-grade legal adjusting of constitutional relations; conservatism of thought and corporate egoism of certain political forces; absence is in the structures of state power of experience of decision of conflict questions by a consensus; and acts of hostility for injury of national safety of Ukraine it territorial integrity and others. Effective, collision-free co-operation executive, legislative and judicial power of Ukraine must lean against the balance of jurisdictions of their institutes and organs fastened a constitution. Conclusions. Confrontation in the actions of Ukrainian state power is predefined the unsteadiness of priorities in strategy of the state and chaoticness of reforms of political system.

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Помирението и посредничеството - новост или връщане към обичайните способи за решаване на спорове

Author(s): Petya Nedeleva / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The alternative methods of conflicts resolution represent a form of personal, cultural and religious empowerment that denies the authority of the authoritarian power to resolve conflicts. These methods assume the will and activity of the society, as well as its maturity, so that the society be able to resolve its internal issues and conflicts on its own merits. Negotiations and reconciliation are historically known and practiced in different versions in the lands of Bulgaria. Hence, Bulgarian society has traditions in the resolution of its internal conflicts, commensurable to other societies in which such methods are deeply rooted.

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ПОРИЦАЊЕ И ЗАБОРАВ: СТАРА „ЕТИКА“ СРПСКОГ НАЦИОНАЛИЗМА

Author(s): Zoran Todorović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2019

The paper presents an overview of the Serbian political and cultural reality in which an effort is made to relativize the consequences of the ideology of Serbian nationalism in the late 20th century. Political and intellectual elites who, even in the personal sense, are not disengaged in these social spheres, are perceived as the source of such an endeavor. Denial of the consequences of nationalism is focused as an organized, ubiquitous and supported project of the state of Serbia conducted by the highest political and state officials, state authorities and the media. The aim of this paper is to show that in Serbia there is a systematic social engagement in denying the Greater Serbian ideology and the consequences it brought to the 1990s. The negation of mass crimes committed on the territory of the former republics and in Kosovo, actualizes the cause-effect relationship between denying the consequences of the nationalist ideology and the current dynamics of its manifestation in this region.

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ПОСЕЗАЊЕ ЗА СВЕТСКОМ МОЂИ И АКТУЕЛНЕ ТЕНДЕНЦИЈЕ ФАШИЗАЦИЈЕ СВЕТА ЖИВОТА

Author(s): Simo Elaković / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1-2/1999

Author considers NATO aggresion within the context of profound crisis of modern civilisation. Therefore gives special analysies of “catastrofic men” in politics, of “recket society” or political gangsterism, and “tired world” of nowadays. Critic of bombardment is founded on comparative analysis of “New world order” from 1942. and 1989. By the aid of Horkheimers invastigation author maintain the thesis that technology of imposing of global power reveal in itself the fashist concept of politics (cult of the leader, activism, hierarchy, elitism.) In the conclusion author is stressing that NATO bombardment means redrowal into prepolitical condition.

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ПОСЛЕДИЦЕ НАТО ИНТЕРВЕНЦИЈЕ У ЈУГОСЛАВИЈИ

Author(s): Radmila Nakarada / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1-2/1999

The article shows that the Kosovo challenge is misrepresented, that fundamental geostrategic interests are hidden by the moral rhetoric: securing NATO primacy in relation to the UN, creating a military machine that will be intervening around the globe, whenever it decides that it interests are threatened, redrawing the Balkan map, sending a message to all other potential violators of future NATO ultimatums. The local, regional and global consequences of NATO bombing are taken up from the standpoint of internal democratization, regional stability and the global rule of law.

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