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"Bleiburg" and the British Treatment of Croatian Collaborators 1945-48

Author(s): Bernd Robionek / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This article highlights ways in which British military and political personnel acted towards Croatian refugees fleeing the Communist takeover in the final stages of World War II and thereafter. Although events relating to the surrender o f various pro-German and anti-Communist forces at Bleiburg, a town in south Austria near the border with Yugoslavia, and the following quarrel over "war criminals" from Yugoslavia is a complex affair, this contribution examines sources shedding light on British perspectives on the Croatian part, notwithstanding that the developments and problems treated here also affected Serbian, Slovenian and (ethnic) German nationals. As a result of this study, the changes in the intentions of the decision makers in London as well as the principal-agent problem become transparent.

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"The Application of the Analytical Hierarchy Process Model in the Process of Conflict Management"

Author(s): Nena Nenovska Gjorgjievska / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The incitement and the occurrence of the conflicts, their escalation, ceasefire and de-escalation are processes which are continually appearing, lasting and resolving. Consequently, the conflicts usually pull migratory flows. Migration is an issue which nowadays is very present, and it needs to be resolved. The migration usually starts where conflicts arise. Having that in mind, the main concept in the paper is focused on the conflicts and the emergence of the migration flows. It also gives a suggestion how the conflicts can be resolved in the Middle East countries. The purpose of this research is to find out real reasons for appearance of migrations and most rational solutions for their solving. For doing that the Analytical Hierarchy Process (AHP) method is applied. A short overview will be given of the main elements of the AHP method and how it is applied in the conflict resolution. AHP method is enforceable and leads to concrete recommendations for further conflict resolution. The results of the research will show that resolving the conflicts may contribute in suppression of the migration and it can also protect countries for further armed conflicts and unwanted migration flows.

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"Ulbricht-Doktrin" oder "Gomułka-Doktrin"? Das Bemühen der Volksrepublik Polen um eine geschlossene Politik des kommunistischen Blocks gegenüber der westdeutschen Ostpolitik 1966/67

Author(s): Wanda Jarząbek / Language(s): German Issue: 1/2006

When it became apparent with the so-called peace note of March 1966, Władysław Gomułka and the Polish leadership regarded the new orientation of the West German Ostpolitik as a threat to their policy towards Germany pursued up to then. Among the main aims of this German policy, which had been drafted after his obtaining the post of First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party (P.Z.P.R.) in October 1956, and which the author defines as “Gomułka Doctrine”, were the international recognition of the final character of the Oder-Neisse line (also by the Federal Republic) and the weakening of Bonn’s position in international politics, not least motivated by the desire to prolong, if not prevent at all, a reunification of Germany. Like the GDR, Poland strove to take advantage of the Federal Republic’s interest in relations with the countries of the Eastern bloc in order to realize its own goals. Both states considered Moscow’s policy, which was highly interested in settling relations with the Federal Republic and in establishing broader economic contacts, and therefore did not want to confront Bonn with unpleasant demands, to be unsatisfactory. The other bloc countries, too, were in a better starting position for talks with the West German government, since their bilateral relations with the Federal Republic were far less burdened by history. In this situation, Gomułka endeavoured to work out a joint policy for the bloc countries, which was to be based on a catalogue of conditions to be fulfilled by the Federal Republic when taking up diplomatic relations with any of the bloc countries. One of Poland’s possible allies was the GDR, even though the leaders of the two states did not have a liking for each other and the bilateral cooperation did not work very well. In early April, both states set their conditions and tried to have them included into the joint programmes of the bloc countries. Likewise, they attempted to move Moscow to support their plan to coordinate the German policy of the Eastern bloc. A lot has been written about the role Walter Ulbricht played in this context around 1966/67, while Gomulka’s significance has remained underestimated. The present paper intends to illuminate the activities of Polish politics at that time. Among other things, it describes the activities of the P.Z.P.R. leadership and Polish diplomacy concerning the other Eastern bloc countries, which were to be urged into solidarity with Poland at the cost of realizing their own interests. While historians have usually restricted themselves to relations within the triangle Federal Republic - Poland - GDR, this broader perspective allows the author to integrate the conflicting interests of the individual states within the Warsaw Pact, which, from the outside, has often been perceived as a monolithic bloc.

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(A)symmetry of (Non-)memory: The Missed Opportunity to Work Through the Traumatic Memory of the Polish–Ukrainian Ethnic Conflict in Pawłokoma

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(A)symmetry of (Non-)memory: The Missed Opportunity to Work Through the Traumatic Memory of the Polish–Ukrainian Ethnic Conflict in Pawłokoma

Author(s): Mateusz Magierowski / Language(s): English Issue: 04/2016

During the Second World War, the village of Pawłokoma, nowadays located a dozen kilometres from the Polish–Ukrainian border, was an area of conflict between the two nations. It has been almost ten years since a ceremony was held commemorating the victims of the conflict. The ceremony was attended by the Polish and Ukrainian Presidents. Today, the village is a symbol of reconciliation between the two nations. This article analyzes the dynamics of local collective memory about the conflict, using the “working through” concept and works on social remembering as a theoretical framework. In my discussion of the causes and effects of the changes in dynamics, I use data from individual in-depth interviews with three categories of respondents: the inhabitants of Pawłokoma, local leaders, and experts. The aforementioned ceremony was an opportunity for working through the traumatic past in the local community of Pawłokoma. Although social consultations were held in Pawłokoma rather than a comprehensive working-through process, we should be talking about a symbolic substitute for this process. Despite the fact that material commemorations of the Polish and Ukrainian victims were erected, some factors essential to accomplishing the working-through process were missed, such as complex institutional support, the engagement of younger generations, and empathy towards the “Others” and their sufferings.

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(After) Five Years of War in the Donbas: Cultural Responses and Reverberations

Author(s): Mark Andryczyk / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

This special issue is dedicated to the study of an important phenomenon that has been taking place in Ukraine for what is now approaching a decade. The 2013–14 Revolution of Dignity was quickly followed by Moscow’s annexation of Crimea and then by a war between Russia and Ukraine in the Donbas region. The war greatly impacted various aspects of life in Ukraine in the past eight years including its profound effect on Ukrainian culture. Ukrainian artists, who had been leading a vigorous, varied, and long-awaited free explosion of creative achievements in Ukraine since the country’s independence in 1991, were roused and galvanized by the sudden appearance of war in their land. The war became the subject of artistic projects by many of Ukraine’s leading filmmakers, writers, visual artists, and musicians, and also brought to light the work of new creative voices. These artists developed new approaches while providing fresh perspectives on many issues that had also, in fact, been the focus of many of the notable cultural achievements over the past thirty years, including questions of identity, memory, gender, and displacement. Borders and borderlands, concepts intrinsic to Ukraine’s name, once again acted as sites where these topics were explored.

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(In)effective Planning Capacity of CSDP Missions: Comparative Analysis of EULEX Kosovo and EUFOR Althea

Author(s): Ivana Bostjancic Pulko / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2017

Tis paper evaluates the planning capacity of two Common Security and Defence (CSDP) missions (EULEX Kosovo and EUFOR Althea) in order to assess the efectiveness of CSDP planning process. Both missions sufer due to partial interests within the EU and low positioning of CSDP on political agendas of the member states. Compared to NATO, EU missions’ political control is more much detailed once the mission is deployed. CSDP planning architecture has been considerably reformed since the inception of the frst missions in 2003, however the supervision by the member states is still present in all phases of restructuring and implementation. EULEX planning process includes a well elaborated lessons learnt process, however the implementation of the fndings on the operational level is rather weak whereas EUFOR Althea profted mostly from the access to NATO planning assets. CSDP missions are political missions and their efectiveness seems to be of secondary importance to the EU member states.

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(In)Efficient Use of International Law: Case Study of the Dayton System in BiH

Author(s): Tomáš Jungwirth / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2013

This paper aims to analyse the existent legal and political system of Bosnia and Herzegovina from the viewpoint of effective applicability of international law. It first deals with the general issue of the relationship between international law, domestic political structures and the individual, consequently moving to the specific case study of the Dayton system. The question arises whether such an excessive intervention was at all capable of establishing a stable institutional framework and of uprooting the enmities between the sides to the conflict. Certain criteria for the effective application of international law are drafted, in light of which the presented data are evaluated. A critical conclusion follows, defining the key setbacks of the Dayton system and hinting to possible alternative approaches.

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(In)visibility of the Displaced Populations: the Blind-Spot Effect

Author(s): Svitlana Balinchenko / Language(s): English Issue: 47 (02)/2020

In this paper, conflict-triggered internal displacement is reviewed through the visibility of migration affected groups, as well as their access to decision-making. The blind-spot effect in the migration studies extends the cognitive and social implications of the systems theory, and engulfs both hypovisibility through anopticism and pseudo-assimilation, and hypervisibility through panopticism and excessive control of the displaced citizens. In the context of the impact of IDP status on visibility assessment, I suggest supplementing the migration-studies’ concepts of “phlogiston” and “witch” with that of “ethanethiol”, thus starting a discussion on the role of the otherness marker in the migrantising of citizens. The case of protracted internal displacement in Ukraine due to the Russia-backed armed conflict serves as an illustration of the displaced populations’ visibility challenges and solutions.

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(Ne)kultura sjećanja: uloga memorijala i komemorativnih praksi u post-konfliktnoj obnovi društva

Author(s): Tamara Banjeglav / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

U svakom post-konfliktnom društvu koje nastaje i razvija se nakon traumatičnih događaja, kao što su ratovi i drugi oblici nasilja, postoje pokušaji da se potisne sjećanje na te događaje kako bi se ‘krenulo dalje’ i kako bi se ‘prošlost ostavila iza nas’. Sjećanje je, međutim, instinktivno i ne može se samo tako potisnuti te će se neizbježno, ipak, pojaviti, isplivati na površinu, u jednom ili drugom obliku. Zbog toga smo, u pokušaju savladavanja nasilne prošlosti, često suočeni s izazovom kako najbolje upotiijebiti/iskoristiti sjećanje s ciljem učenja na prošlim događajima kako se oni više ne bi ponovili.

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(No) Exit from liberalism?

Author(s): Alexander Cooley,Daniel H. Nexon / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2020

Post-Cold War expansion of liberal order rested on three legs: the implosion of major alternative ordering projects, the enjoyment by liberal democracies of a ‘‘patronage monopoly,’’ and the dominance of liberalizing transitional activist networks and movements. By 2019, all three of those legs have been turned upside down. China and Russia, among others, offer new ordering projects, countries enjoy ‘‘exit options’’ in the form of alternative patronage, and illiberal activist networks are in the ascendant. A closer look at the ‘‘why’’ and ‘‘how’’ makes clear that illiberal forces have appropriated and repurposed the toolkit used to expand liberal order, which suggests an apparent paradox. While some forms of liberal order—primarily on the political side—are in retreat, other forms of liberal order—especially in terms of institutional and multilateral arrangements—are being reinforced. We are, therefore, looking not at the end of liberal order, but at a third great transformation in it.

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(NOT SO) SPECIAL RELATIONSHIPS EXPLAINING ALLIANCE BEHAVIOUR IN THE ENGLISH SPEAKING WORLD

Author(s): Dylan Kissane / Language(s): English Issue: 37/2010

Throughout the 20th century, the major powers in the global Anglosphere often found themselves allies in armed conflict. These war-time alliances – sometimes temporary, more often part of a longer term cooperation – are sometimes held to arise because of common histories, common values, similar national ideologies and similar notions of international right and wrong. Indeed, the political rhetoric surrounding the declarations of war has often cited such factors as colonial history, international friendship and “special relationships” as motivators for joining armed coalitions against third party states. Yet while there stand stark examples of these major English speaking powers acting entirely in congress there exist numerous instances where one or more of these powers chose not to join a coalition alongside their Anglophonic associates. This article argues that explanations of Anglophonic coalitions that rely on notions of a shared history, similar political ideologies, common political and social values or similar notions of international morality all fall short of explaining the coalition joining/rejecting behaviour of the major powers of the Anglosphere in war-time during the 20th century. Drawing on data from the Correlates of War (CoW) project, this article will show that pure national interest drove the decisions of states to join or reject coalitions, lending strong support to a structural realist explanation for their behaviour, with this conclusion presenting opportunities for re-assessing alliance politics in Eastern Europe and South America.

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(Un)culture of Remembrance: The Role of Memorials and Commemorative Practices in Post-Conflict Social Recovery

Author(s): Tamara Banjeglav / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In each post-conflict society which comes into existence and develops after traumatic events, such as wars and other forms of physical violence, there are attempts to suppress the memory of those events in order to “move on” and to “leave the past behind us”. However, memory is instinctive and cannot be suppressed just like that. It will, inevitably, occur, come to the surface in one form or another. For this reason, in an attempt to master the violent past, we are often faced with a challenge how to best use our memory with the aim of learning from past events so that they would never be repeated again.

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(Не)реална очекивања југословенско-совјетски војни преговори 1948.

Author(s): Aleksandar Životić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2014

Yugoslav-Soviet military negotiations were initiated in an already tensed relations related to Yugoslav attitude towards the question of Balkan federation, Greek civil war and Yugoslav presence in Albania. Ambitious plans of economical and military development were contrary to country's actual possibilites as well with potential Soviet assistance. Unreallistic and overambitious Yugoslav plans for strenghtening of military industry, creation of strong, numerous and up to date equiped army, as well navy capable to react not only to defend its own coast encountered the Soviet restraint. In several occasions Soviets demonstrated willingnes to help Yugoslavs within the boundaries of their own reallistic possibilities. Disagreements between the two concepts of development, as well Yugoslav insisting on realization of their own plans resulted in Soviet denial of further assistance. Failure in military negotiations coincided with the beggining of Yugoslav-Soviet conflict which finaly led to complete interruption of military cooperation.

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10 godina procesuiranja ratnih zlocina u Srbiji : konture pravde: analiza procesuiranja ratnih zlocina u Srbiji u periodu od 2004. do 2013. godine.

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

At the beginning of 2014, the first decade of work of institutions specialized in processing war crimes in Serbia ended. Judging by the scale and nature of the crimes committed in the wars in the territory of the former Yugoslavia during the 1990s, bringing those responsible for those crimes to justice has had modest results. The lack of interest of institutions in the social process of dealing with the past, as well as their superficial and weak commitment to criminal justice for the past, have made Serbia a state that, on the threshold of EU membership, is an oasis of impunity for thousands of perpetrators. // The War Crimes Chamber of the High Court in Belgrade, the War Crimes Chamber of the Belgrade Court of Appeals, the War Crimes Prosecutor's Office, the High Courts in Prokuplje, Novi Sad, Nis, Požarevac, Leskovac, Kraljevo assisted in the preparation of the Analysis. Ministry of Justice of the Republic of Croatia, Ministry of Interior of the Republic of Croatia, State Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, State Prosecutor's Office of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Ministry of Security of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Prosecutor's Office of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, OSCE Mission Chamber of Serbia, Documenta and others. Representatives of the War Crimes Prosecutor's Office of the Republic of Serbia, current and former judges of specialized war crimes chambers at the Higher and Appellate Courts in Belgrade, representatives of the Ministry of Interior, representatives of the Victims and Witnesses Assistance and Support Service, and defense attorneys made key contributions. , representatives of non-governmental organizations, victims, former witnesses from the Program for the Protection of Participants in Criminal Proceedings, legal experts and others. In talks with HLC representatives (Nikola Čukanović, Edmir Veljović, Milomir Matović and Sandra Orlović), they expressed their opinion on many aspects of war crimes prosecution in Serbia, problems in everyday work, good practice, mistakes, possible guidelines for improving work, etc. They all share the belief that a long-term strategy for prosecuting war crimes would contribute to improving the work of individual institutions and the overall results of this important social process.

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11 Eylül ve Sonrası Terörizm, Petrol ve Nükleer Tehdit Ekseninde Ortadoğu

Author(s): Ramazan İzol,Samet Zengınoğlu / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 2/2014

Following the attacks on the World Trade Center in the US on September 11th 2001, three points draw attention. Firstly, these attacks revealed the obligation of evaluating the phenomenon of terrorism with a distinctive method and content when compared with the Cold War period. Secondly, the debates that the essential goal for US was the intervening with Afghanistan and Iraq in 2001 and 2003 respectively was to control the resources and routes for oil, and these attacks were used as the means of legitimacy are often brought to the agenda. And lastly, during and after the intervention, the issue of nuclear threat came under fire in the Middle East, especially on the Israel–Iran line. Within this general framework, the main goal of this study is to introduce the different perspectives, views, and debates on the Middle East on the axis of three factors about 9/11 and its aftermath.

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15 Years of Walking but How Many Steps? Transitional Justice and the Role of the Print Media in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Stela Nenova / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2010

Despite 15 years of major domestic and international peacekeeping and stabilization efforts, there are still major obstacles to state building in BiH. One of the clear signs of the internal divisions and tensions has been the recent alarming trend of efforts to curtail the development of free and independent media in the country to support the process of reconciliation with the past and the growth of a strong civil society. What has been the role of the media in BiH in the process of transitional justice? Have the print media encouraged a constructive social dialogue about the past or they have contributed to further divisions among BiH citizens? This paper looks at the role of print media in the process of transitional justice in BiH. The study investigates the role of the media as a unifying or dividing factor in the process of transition in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper then looks more in depth into the case of BiH and the print media‘s role for transitional justice‘s successes and failures so far. It argues that the print media have had a more negative impact on the processes of transitional justice in BiH because of the persistent nationalistic rhetoric creating a divided image of Bosnian society.

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1940 – rapturile teritoriale. Soarta refugiaților din teritoriile anexate

Author(s): Cerasela Moldoveanu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1-2/2020

It has been 80 years since the dramatic year of 1940, when Romania, by the will of the great powers, was forced to cede a third of its territory. The Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact (August 1939) and then the abusive decisions taken by Germany, the USSR and Italy through the Vienna Diktat (August 30, 1940) and the Treaty of Craiova (September 7, 1940) threw Romania into the chaos of history. Hundreds of thousands of refugees and evacuees from the areas occupied by the new rulers suffered the most. Some of them remained, at any risk, on their homeland, while others preferred the road abroad, to be with their brothers in a nation and faith. The Romanian authorities, through the competent institutions – the General Commissariats for Refugees – tried to alleviate their situation, in the most efficient way, allocating generous funds for their integration in the Romanian society. Unfortunately, for the Romanians left in the ceded territories, the situation was rather desperate and extremely dangerous, especially in the northeast of Transylvania and in Bessarabia and northern Bukovina. Some of the refugees from Bessarabia returned home in the summer of 1941, when the Romanian army liberated the historical territories annexed by the USSR, and in Transylvania after 1944.

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1941. у југословенским војним извештајима из Каира

Author(s): Milan Terzić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Having received news about the uprising, the Yugoslav military forces tried to influence the events in Yugoslavia during the second half of 1941. Information about resistance in the country encouraged everyone in exile and caused the wish to obtain as many information as possible, to send a mission to the country and to proffer aid to the resistance movement, despite the unclear situation in Yugoslavia. The news of a movement headed by Mihajlović strengthened the standing of the Yugoslav Royal government with the Allies in 1941. Mihajlović was promoted general (on December 7, 1941) by Prime-Minister Simović. A string of further military (division general, army general and the chief of staff of the Supreme Command) and political (defense minister) promotions for Mihajlović followed in 1942. However, his coming on the stage caused a conflict between soldiers and civilians in exile. Lacking an army, the civilians and younger military officers got the upper hand. In stead of the “heroes of March 27” a new hub was created, but not without distrust of the Serbs within the government. This would show later on when general Simović was replaced as prime minister and defense minister general Bogoljub Ilić and generals, the Mirković brothers, Borivoje-Bora and Dragomir were removed.

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1979-2014 Yıllarında Afganistan Siyasetinde General Dostum’un Rolü ve Bunun Afganistan Türk Toplumuna Etkileri

Author(s): Abdulbashir Azad / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 1/2019

This study examines the role of General Rashid Dostum in political life of Afghanistan between 1979-2014 and its effects on Turkish society in Afghanistan. The study investigates the subject under three main titles. Firstly, the position and importance of Dostum in political life of Afghanistan before 1991 is examined. In the second part,information on the role of Dostum in the period of civil war and the struggle against the Taliban is given. Finally, the effect of Dostum and Turks on the Constitutional Loya Jirga is analyzed. Accordingly, some suggestions are presented in order deal with the problems that Dostum and Turks of Afghanistan face nowadays.

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1989 წლის 9 აპრილის ტრაგედიის შემდგომ საქართველოში მომხდარი ზოგიერთი მოვლენის შეფასებისათვის

Author(s): Aleksandre Mosiashvili / Language(s): Georgian Issue: 6/2021

Much is known to Georgian historiography about the tragic events that took place on April 9, 1989 on Rustaveli Avenue in front of the Government House in Tbilisi. Its subsequent events have also been studied and researched. But there are some questions to explore the rest of the issue to the end. Familiarity with certain bibliographic materials, observation and analysis allows them to re-think some issues and draw appropriate conclusions. It should be noted that after the incident, the leaders of the communist regime did not hesitate to cover up what was done and as if to prove their innocence. It should be noted that they are responsible for what happened and every attempt to blame someone else is doomed to failure from the very beginning. First, the Protest action, which began on April 4, was peaceful, and second, its end was announced on April 14, and there was no reason for its dissolution, even with such barbaric methods. That is why they did not believe in what happened and tried to blame the participants of the protest or the organizer of the protest action - the leaders of the National Movement. Then tried to give by force the poisonous substances used by their butchers for the citizens, or to launch them in various institutions in order to blame the use of these chemicals on the national forces and the Georgian people in general. When they realized that they could not achieve the goal and could not deceive people with provocations, then they resorted to another method. Began to organize provocations to provoke conflicts. Provocations were mainly organized in different regions of Georgia. Particular emphasis was placed on organizing bloody confrontations on ethnic grounds. The aim was to discredit the national liberation movement in such conditions, to get involved in the so-called ethnic conflicts in Georgia (as they later baptized themselves) and to use the situation to their advantage - to somehow preserve the Russian Empire and save it from the collapse that was inevitable.

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