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(Re)defining the complementary institution of Conditional release in Romania (2000-2019)

(Re)defining the complementary institution of Conditional release in Romania (2000-2019)

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Author(s): Vladimir-Adrian Costea / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2020

This article aims to investigate the legal and political evolution of the institution of Conditional release in Romania between 2000 and 2019 with a special focus on the abrupt changes during the mentioned period. The aim of this research consists in bringing together the redefining of the regulatory framework of Conditional release in relation to the dynamic political context and personal strategies used by the right-holder of individual liberation. Two important episodes need to be recalled for the redefinition of this concept: the establishment of the National Anticorruption Directorate; and the reform of criminal legislation, after Romania’s accession to the European Union. The general objective is to explain and understand the different stages in which liberation committees and courts of law have made use of the prerogative of dispensing conditional release, given the social role that the complementary institution of Conditional release within the institutional, territorial and functional scheme of the rule of law. I will show that amendments to criminal law, along with changes in court practice, have led to a reduction in the level of consistency between the decisions of the liberation committees and courts of law. Different legitimating strategies used by right holders are the main unexpected result of this research, as restrictive legal provisions apply to both decision levels.

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3.153.600

3.153.600

Author(s): Dejan Ilić / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 2018

Toliko, više od tri miliona osoba dakle, pogine u Sjedinjenim Državama tako što padne s prozora. To Vučić kaže ovako: „U SAD na svakih deset sekundi pogine jedan perač prozora“. Što znači da ih 8.640 pogine na dan i 3.153.600 za godinu. I za državu od preko 300 miliona žitelja, 3 miliona stradalih na prozorima je previše. Vučić je potegao hiperbolu, reći će dobronamerni čitalac, hteo je da kaže da se nesreće događaju (u Sjedinjenim Državama rekli bi – shit happens, naročito kad se peru prozori). Ali, zašto je potrebno da pogine preko tri miliona perača prozora da bi se smrt dvojice radnika predstavila kao događaj na koji ne treba obratiti previše pažnje jer zaista – nesreće se događaju?

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7 pitanja za gradonačelnika

7 pitanja za gradonačelnika

Author(s): Specified No Author / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 2016

Još u oktobru 2015. godine, u svojoj Drugoj deklaraciji koja se bavi Beogradom na vodi,Akademija arhitekture Srbije uputila je 7 pitanja stručnoj i širokoj javnosti, predstavnicima lokalne samouprave Beograda i vlastima Republike Srbije. Od tada je prošlo skoro godinu dana, a da ni na jedno od ovih pitanja nije dat nikakav odgovor iako je bilo prilika. Na brojnim javnim nastupima glavnih zagovarača ove poslovne avanture,premijera i gradonačelnika, ponavljane su tvrdnje, brojke i računice koje jednostavno neodgovaraju Ugovoru o ulaganju u projekat Beograd na vodi. Ova pitanja još jednom su dobila na aktuelnosti nakon gostovanja gradonačelnika Siniše Malog u emisiji Insajder emitovanoj 20. septembra 2016. godine.

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A "maffiaállam" magyarázó ereje

Author(s): Péter Techet / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 2-3/2020

Bálint Magyar – Bálint Madlovics: The Anatomy of Post-Communist Regimes A Conceptual Framework. CEU Press, Budapest, 2020. 834 oldal, $49.99 / €44.99 / £39.99

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A #Colectiv Responsibility to Fight Corruption: Romania’s Nightclub Fire Protests Singe the System

A #Colectiv Responsibility to Fight Corruption: Romania’s Nightclub Fire Protests Singe the System

Author(s): Anita Sobják / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2015

The tragic fire in Club Colectiv in Bucharest shed light on the broader systemic problems of corruption. The resulting and quickly swelling public outrage fits in with a series of anti-systemic protests in Romania in recent years. A change of government resulting from the prime minister’s swift resignation will bring no immediate relief to an ailing system. For that to happen, more efforts are needed on all fronts: among the political elite, civil society, as well as Romania’s external partners. The latter can be important in preventing political destabilisation and promoting positive change.

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A PORTRAIT OF DECEPTION. Monitoring Azerbaijan or Why Pedro Agramunt should resign

A PORTRAIT OF DECEPTION. Monitoring Azerbaijan or Why Pedro Agramunt should resign

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2013

There are very few fellow members of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) who have been to Azerbaijan as regularly over the past decade as Pedro Agramunt, the conservative Spanish senator, a businessman from Valencia. Agramunt has been consistent in this approach to Azerbaijan: from the very beginning of his relationship with Baku he has been a defender of the Aliyev regime. The latest monitoring report is his masterpiece. || The Agramunt/Grech report is supposed to assess whether Azerbaijan, as a member of the Council of Europe since 2001, has fulfilled the commitments it took upon itself when it joined the organisation. In fact, it is a sophisticated effort to hide a simple truth, a portrait of deception: in all areas a democracy cannot do without – from free and fair elections to freedom of speech, freedom of assembly or basic political and human rights, including the rule of law through an independent judiciary – the situation in Azerbaijan, already terrible a decade ago, is even worse today.

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A pseudo-multi-vector policy. Moldova under the Socialists

A pseudo-multi-vector policy. Moldova under the Socialists

Author(s): Kamil Całus / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2020

In November 2019 a new government took power in Moldova under Ion Chicu as prime minister. Formally non-partisan, the new cabinet is in fact controlled by President Igor Dodon and the pro-Russian Party of Socialists of the Republic of Moldova (PSRM). The establishment of this government brought an end to the five-month political experiment of Maia Sandu's coalition government, which was composed of the pro-Western ACUM bloc and the Socialists. In essence, the takeover of power by the latter means a halt to any real reforms, a worsening of relations with the West, and a far smaller chance that the legal proceedings currently underway into the country's biggest corruption scandals will have a positive outcome. Also, the multi-vector foreign policy declared by the government and President Dodon, which is aimed at maintaining good relations with both Russia and the EU, will in practice increase the Kremlin's influence in Moldova.Although President Dodon has gathered quite a significant amount of power, his situation remains uncertain. He does not control the parliamentary majority, and is forced to rely on the support of the Democratic Party of Moldova (PDM), which has been weakened by the crisis. The main challenge for Dodon is the presidential election which is scheduled for the end of this year. However, the weak and increasingly fragmented pro-European opposition plays into the hands of Dodon and his group.

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A REVIEW OF BALANCED SCORECARD IMPLEMENTATION IN SELECTED OFFICES OF ADDIS ABABA CITY, ETHIOPIA

A REVIEW OF BALANCED SCORECARD IMPLEMENTATION IN SELECTED OFFICES OF ADDIS ABABA CITY, ETHIOPIA

Author(s): Jemal Abagissa / Language(s): English / Issue: 14/2018

The purpose of this study is to assess the implementation of balanced scorecard in the offices of Trade and Industry Development, Micro and Small Scale Enterprise Development and Finance and Economic Development Bureaus of Addis Ababa City Administration. To collect and analyze data this study employed both quantitative and qualitative method using variables such as strategy setting, implementation of the change initiatives performance measurement, leadership, management and staff commitment. The findings show that though there have been positive achievements, the leaders and organizers of the change initiatives have not yet fully discharged their responsibilities of using strategic measures and customer service standards as performance measurement and management tool. Moreover, the actions taken in monitoring and evaluation is not satisfactory. The feedbacks did not go beyond awareness creation, and they are not being consistently utilized as an input for any administrative and corrective measures. Though the leaders made efforts, the city administration had to play a leading role in supporting the implementation of the change initiatives to bring the desired changes in the sectors.

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Access to Public Information as a Political Sciences Technique: What and How Should Be Studied, and What for?

Access to Public Information as a Political Sciences Technique: What and How Should Be Studied, and What for?

Author(s): Marcin Wałdoch / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2019

Access to public information in Poland is most typically discussedin the legal and political contexts. However, it is not consciouslydiscussed as a possibility for political scholars to exercise their right ofaccess to public information. This paper, which is of postulatory nature,identifies the benefits for those political scholars who decide to use, inthe process of data collection, their right of access to public informationas a data collection technique. The proposed technic of data collectionmay be used by scholars – political scientists around the world.

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Afera Savamala – simbol bahatosti vlasti

Afera Savamala – simbol bahatosti vlasti

Author(s): Specified No Author / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 2016

U najnovijem Mostu Radija Slobodna Evropa razgovaralo se o tome da li će Aleksandar Vučić uspeti da zataška jednu od najvećih afera od dolaska Srpske napredne stranke na vlast. Reč je o rušenju zgrada u delu Beograda koji se zove Savamala, a koje su izveli ljudi pod fantomkama u noći između 24. i 25. aprila. Oni su maltretirali i vezivali građane, a policija se nije odazvala na pozive za pomoć. Sagovornici su bili Vesna Rakić Vodinelić, profesorka prava iz Beograda, i Radomir Lazović, aktivista inicijative Ne da(vi)mo Beograd koja organizuje proteste zbog rušenja u Savamali. Bilo je reči o tome zašto je Vučić kao krivce za rušenje označio najviše rukovodstvo Beograda, a potom počeo da minimizira značaj afere govoreći da se radi o rušenju tri bespravno podignute barake, da li je gradonačelnik Siniša Mali pošteđen zato što ima neke adute protiv Vučića, zašto Tužilaštvo ne može da odmakne od predistražne faze, zašto Vučić tvrdi da oni koji protestuju zbog Savamale žele da ruše njega, o prisluškivanju aktivista inicijative Ne da(vi)mo Beograd, kako se šire laži da proteste finansiraju strane sile, kao i o tome zbog čega Evropska unija uposlednjem izveštaju o napretku Srbije u evrointegracijama nije pomenula aferu Savamala.

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Agitprop Delivery Unit

Agitprop Delivery Unit

Author(s): Zlatko Minić / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 2016

Aleksandar Vučić je nedavno izjavio da nije imao vremena da pročita izveštaj Zaštitnika građana o (ne)reagovanju policije na dešavanja u Hercegovačkoj ulici. Ali izgleda da je imao vremena da pročita skromni literarni uradak predsednika Zavetnika, objavljen samo na sajtu te organizacije i na dva sajta posvećena odbrani srpstva od zavere Zapada. U navedenom biseru “istraživačkog novinarstva” naslovljenom “Ne da(vi)mo Srbiju”, plasira se teza da se Zapad navodno podigao protiv “Beograda na vodi”, jer u tom projektu nema finansijskog učešća američko-britanskog imperijalizma. Ta teza se, u odsustvu bilo kakvih realnih pokazatelja, na primer u vidu makar blagog prekora iz EU ili SAD na odstupanje od pravila slobodnog nadmetanja, “dokazuje” kroz nabrajanje redakcija biltena Ne da(vi)mo Beograd, nevladinih organizacija sa kojima su ti ljudi povezani i “finansijerima”, odnosno donatorima tih organizacija.

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Algorytmy genetyczne w audycie i kontroli wewnętrznej

Algorytmy genetyczne w audycie i kontroli wewnętrznej

Author(s): Marta Woźniak / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 3/2006

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An Operative Area for Amphibious Ships: Fighting Piracy

An Operative Area for Amphibious Ships: Fighting Piracy

Author(s): Alper Gunoral,Fahri Erenel / Language(s): English / Issue: 11/2016

Piracy has always been a big problem for sea routes. Several years ago the Gulf of Eden was the high risk area for mariners. United Nations task groups, big war ships took charge for maritime security and 2016 became a quieter year in that area. But piracy never diminished globally despite total efforts and millions of dollars spent. The new High Risk Areas seem to be Gulf of Guinea and around Malacca Strait. Malacca Strait is also a narrower and risky area for big ships. This article compares different kinds of warships, to offer a new way of fighting against piracy, while reducing costs for flag states and increasing effectiveness.

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Anatomia rosyjskiej wojny informacyjnej. Operacja krymska - studium przypadku

Anatomia rosyjskiej wojny informacyjnej. Operacja krymska - studium przypadku

Author(s): Jolanta Darczewska / Language(s): Polish / Publication Year: 2014

Wojny informacyjne mają w Rosji długą tradycję. W ostatnich latach zostały zdefiniowane na nowo na gruncie teorii geopolityki, w myśl której są one środkiem do osiągania celów państwa w polityce międzynarodowej i wewnętrznej oraz jego geopolitycznej przewagi. Geopolityka dostarcza także ideologicznych uzasadnień strategii rywalizacji Rosji z Zachodem. W opozycji do ideologii liberalizmu promuje „neokonserwatywne mocarstwo postliberalne, walczące o sprawiedliwy świat wielobiegunowy, broniące tradycji, wartości konserwatywnych, prawdziwej wolności”. W kontekście rywalizacji „cywilizacji eurazjatyckiej” z „cywilizacją atlantycką pod przywództwem USA” objaśnia kryzys wewnętrzny na Ukrainie oraz przyczyny aneksji Krymu przez Rosję. Tekst stanowi próbę zrekonstruowania zarysu teorii wojen informacyjnych wyłaniającego się z prac czołowych przedstawicieli rosyjskiej geopolityki, Igora Panarina i Aleksandra Dugina, a także jej praktycznego zastosowania podczas operacji krymskiej.

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ANAYASAL İKTİSAT TEORİSİ ÇERÇEVESİNDE LİDERLİK VE YÖNETİM AHLAKINA BAKIŞ

ANAYASAL İKTİSAT TEORİSİ ÇERÇEVESİNDE LİDERLİK VE YÖNETİM AHLAKINA BAKIŞ

Author(s): Ahmet Arslan,Esra Çikmaz / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 7/2020

Along with the increasing tendencies of globalization, there have been some changes in the perspectives of those who govern the government. With the development of technology, the results resulting from management have become quicker and easier to question, and the understanding of arbitrary management has tended to leave its place to a transparent and accountable management approach based on mutual consensus. Constitutional economic theory has adopted the principle that people at the top level of management should use the resources on the basis of efficiency and efficiency instead of political interests, and that there are some legal constraints with an economic constitution and that the quality of management in the public administrators complies with both legal and local principles. When the studies on Constitutional Economic Theory are examined, its relationship with management and management ethics has remained in the background in the literature, since the theory is handled with its economic and financial aspects. In the studies conducted on management ethics, the issue is not addressed in terms of constitutional economic theory. Therefore, there was a need to look at the theory in terms of management ethics as well as economics and finance. This study includes the principles to meet this need. The aim of the study is to find a solution for how a moral management approach should be within the scope of the basic suggestions of Constitutional Economic Theory. In the study, the theoretical information about how to be a good leader manager should be given within the scope of the constitutional economic theory, and the recommendations that are thought to be useful for today's public administrators are included.

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ANTIPIRACY OPERATIONS AT SEA
THE COSTS OF PIRACY IN THE GULF OF ADEN AND SOMALI BASIN

ANTIPIRACY OPERATIONS AT SEA THE COSTS OF PIRACY IN THE GULF OF ADEN AND SOMALI BASIN

Author(s): Mihai Egorov / Language(s): English / Issue: 11/2016

Approximately 80% of world trade currently travels by sea, representing around 93,000 merchant vessels, 1.25 million seafarers, and almost six billion tons of cargo. When appear some disturbing factors, that affect the transfer of goods and the free transit on sea routes for civilian ships involved in trading, disorders of all specific processes are inevitable, starting from the delays to financial losses, lack of confidence and not the least occurrence of critical conditions that can culminate in life lost. About maritime piracy it was written very much, there have been made statistics, but it has not managed so far to put all these documents in a white book of piracy. The data presented in this paper are the results of corroborating statements transmitted by NATO, EU and the organizations involved in analyzing this phenomenon.

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APATHY AND ACTIVISM FOR PUBLIC ADMINISTRATORS UNDER A CHANGED DEMOCRATIC INITIATIVE

APATHY AND ACTIVISM FOR PUBLIC ADMINISTRATORS UNDER A CHANGED DEMOCRATIC INITIATIVE

Author(s): Osezua Ehiyamen Mediayanose / Language(s): English / Issue: 14/2018

The paper examined the activist role of public administrators in a democratic system. It attempts to analyze the active participation of public administrators in the process of formulation and implementation of governmental policies. The paper argues that most times public policies largely reflect the desired value commitment of public administrators, and the politicians in whom the electorate entrust their mandate. It further argues, not minding legitimacy problem, that activist role of public administrators is not unacceptable if it is directed towards the public interest. The paper adopts desk research method; drawing data mainly from secondary source and adopts analytical research in arriving at keyfindings.

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Attempts to Weaken Romania’s Anti-Corruption Law: Implications for Internal and European Policy

Attempts to Weaken Romania’s Anti-Corruption Law: Implications for Internal and European Policy

Author(s): Jakub Pieńkowski / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2018

On 29 January, the third cabinet of Romania’s ruling coalition of the Social Democratic Party (PSD) and the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats (ALDE) was established. Prime Minister Viorică Dăncila’s intention is to weaken the country’s anti-corruption laws. These changes are criticised by the U.S. and in the European Union as undermining the rule of law in Romania. This may strengthen EU supporters of the idea to connect structural fund payments to adherence to the rule of law.

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BACKDOOR POLITICS: PERMITTING INFORMALITY FOR FORMAL DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICAN DEMOCRACIES

Author(s): Aluko Opeyemi Idowu / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2020

The backdoor politics is a general term behind the study of effective and responsible public policy from the perspective of informal political processes. The study analyses informal input determinants that affect responsible public politics. The methodology utilises data from the Afrobarometer database, assessing three countries in Africa, from the east, west and southern parts – Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa, respectively. The starting point of this methodology is that policy is responsible and effective if it integrates formal and informal decision-making processes and decision implementation.

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Bauk kruži Sava-malom, bauk laži

Bauk kruži Sava-malom, bauk laži

Author(s): Vesna Rakić Vodinelić / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 2016

Jedini državni organ koji je objavio jasan izveštaj o noćnom razbojničkom rušenju delova Savamale – i to vršeći samo svoja ovlašćenja – jeste Zaštitnik građana. Svi ostali se pozivaju na „nadležne organe“, traže strpljenje dok se ti organi jednom (ko zna kad) ne oglase, napadaju druge do očiglednog apsurda za radnje koje ti drugi nisu ni teorijski bili u prilici da izvedu. Sada im se pridružio Aleksandar Vučić, predsednik SNS u „potpunoj gali“ (M. Krleža), dakle, u punoj raskoši rasnog autoritarno-potcenjivačkog stila, koji je kao PPV i kao premijer negovao i koji će, zasigurno, kao budući premijer, terati do krajnjih granica strpljenja ili iscrpljenja građana Srbije. Šta su nam to imali poručiti Aleksandar Vučić?

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