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The Limits and Ambiguities of the Albanian “National Question” in Post-communism: Political Parties, Albanian Nationalism, and External Actors
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The Limits and Ambiguities of the Albanian “National Question” in Post-communism: Political Parties, Albanian Nationalism, and External Actors

Author(s): Odeta Barbullushi / Language(s): English Issue: 03/2016

This article interrogates the mobilization of the Albanian national question in Albania in 2012. The two interrelated questions of the article are why the nationalist card is not used consistently and why it failed to trigger a policy debate, or lead to policy changes. The main argument of the article is that, more than a policy alternative, “national unification”is a discursive practice performing two functions: Externally, it signals sovereignty and subjectivity to the international community in Albania, primarily the European Union (EU) and the United States, and as such it is used for political leverage, particularly at critical moments. Internally, it aims at constructing national cohesion, while drawing identity lines between the main political parties. This is particularly the case in moments of political instability, juncture or pressure, as before elections. However, its limited ability to inform policy and mobilize political action results not only from the demobilizing power of international actors, for example, the EU and the United States, but also the dominant position that a specific discourse of “good Albanian nationalism” holds in the political debate in post-communist Albania.

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Andrić and Bašagić in the Yugoslavian Key

Andrić and Bašagić in the Yugoslavian Key

Author(s): Šaćir Filandra / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

The different views on identity politics in Ottoman Bosnia presented by Ivo Andrić and Safvet-beg Bašagić in their respective doctoral dissertations stem from differences in the historical and socio-economic experiences of each of their respective religious and confessional communities. Andrić, oriented towards the future, perceives Bosnia from the perspective of a newly introduced concept of Yugoslav national unity that does not value diversity. Bašagić, romantically looking into the past, sees Bosnia through rose-coloured glasses. Both Andrić and Bašagić share distinct notions of their historical periods and allow for non-scientific influences to shape their academic discourses.

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INTERPRETATIVNI NARATIVI I PERSPEKTIVE PROŠLOSTI
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INTERPRETATIVNI NARATIVI I PERSPEKTIVE PROŠLOSTI

Author(s): Safet Bandžović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 85-86/2020

History is a multifaceted process. Everything that occured has many perspectives. The past is more complex from all research models and ideological learnings. Thanks to different methodological interventions which also depend on chosen viewing angles, they can be identified in many ways. They cannot be changed, but they can be seen in many ways. Contemporaries are a great source of knowledge about different events, epochs and its contents which do not have many traces in documentary material. Funded journalism is related to history and it is one of the benchmarks of social maturity. Ramiz Crnišanin (1925-2017), a witness and a chronicler of his time, gave through his literary and intellectual involvment a great contribution to multiperspective study of the newer history of Sandžak and Bosniaks, as well as their valorization and interpretation.

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Enacting Identities in the EU–Russia Borderland An Ethnography of Place and Public Monuments
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Enacting Identities in the EU–Russia Borderland An Ethnography of Place and Public Monuments

Author(s): David J. Smith,Stuart Burch / Language(s): English Issue: 02/2012

Drawing on Rogers Brubaker’s theoretical analyses of “nationness” and nationalism in post-communist Europe, this article examines the dynamics of social identity within the nationally contested setting of the Estonian–Russian borderland. Since 1991, the city of Narva (96% Russophone by population) has customarily been defined (both politically and academically) in binary national terms as a “Russian enclave” within a unitary and “nationalizing” Estonian state. An ethnographic approach to the case, however, gives a rather different perspective, pointing to hybridity rather than nationality as the defining characteristic of identity politics within the city. In what follows, we bring to bear the results of extensive fieldwork carried out in Narva during 2006–2008. We first examine how different identity categories (local, national, meso-regional, and supranational) are being officially inscribed within Narva’s sites of memory. Thereafter, we focus on how these discursive-material articulations of place are implicated within the everyday performance of identity amongst the city’s population. Using the novel methodology of photo elicitation, we examine how residents of Narva appropriate but also subvert the identity categories that elites and outsiders (including ourselves as researchers) would seek to impose on them from above. This study (we argue) is significant for its methodological novelty, as well as in terms of giving a more nuanced understanding of Narva’s situation at a time of continued ethnopolitical contestation within Estonia as a whole.

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Transitions Online_Around the Bloc-Monday, 26 October 2020
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Transitions Online_Around the Bloc-Monday, 26 October 2020

Author(s): TOL TOL / Language(s): English Issue: 11/02/2020

Regional headlines: Czech PM again mired in conflict-of-interest charges; Catholic Church under fire in Poland; Russia and chemical weapons.

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“Capital of Despair”. Holodomor Memory and Political Conflicts in Kharkiv after the Orange Revolution
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“Capital of Despair”. Holodomor Memory and Political Conflicts in Kharkiv after the Orange Revolution

Author(s): Tatiana Zhurzhenko / Language(s): English Issue: 03/2011

The Great Famine of 1932–33, known in Ukraine as the Holodomor and silenced for decades by the Soviet regime, holds a special place in national memory. It was after the Orange Revolution that the Holodomor became the core of a new identity politics, which conceptualized the Ukrainian nation as a “postgenocide” community, a collective victim of the Communist regime. But the official interpretation of the Famine as a genocide met ambivalent responses in the regions. While formally complying with the official political line, the regional political elites in Eastern and Southern Ukraine often refused to accept the official interpretation of history and sabotaged orders coming from Kyiv. The present article focuses on the official commemoration of the seventyfifth anniversary of the Holodomor in Kharkiv, the former capital of Soviet Ukraine and epicenter of the famine. The “memory wars” in Kharkiv during 2006 to 2009 have revealed more than just tensions between the center promoting a new national identity and a reluctant “Sovietized” region adhering to its political mentality and commemorative culture. In fact, the official narrative of the Holodomor as a genocide and the corresponding memory regime have been contested, renegotiated, and modified on the regional level, through the conflicts and the bargaining of the local political actors. The borderland identity of Kharkiv, its geographic proximity to Russia, added an international dimension to the local memory wars as the Holodomor issue became a stumbling block in Ukrainian-Russian relations.

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The Issue of Genocidal Intent and Denial of Genocide. A Case Study of Bosnia and Herzegovina
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The Issue of Genocidal Intent and Denial of Genocide. A Case Study of Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Edina Bećirević / Language(s): English Issue: 04/2010

This article discusses the issue of special genocidal intent and, within it, the relevance of judicially established truths to the wider historical context. It suggests that genocide researchers should not rely only on verdicts—which either deny or confirm genocide—as historical truth but, rather, use the judicial process and trial evidence as signposts to direct their research. The author uses the case study of Serbian genocide against Bosnian Muslims from 1992 to 1995 to illustrate the failings of judicially established truths in determining wider historical truth. Wartime documentation, interviews with witnesses, and court transcripts are analyzed to illustrate how this wider truth is sometimes lost when focus on the importance of supporting documents is overshadowed by a final verdict. The case of Srebrenica is outlined to illustrate how documents used in trials, as well as witness testimonies, can contribute on their own to the understanding of historical truths. In this case, a selection of trial narratives and documents is used to examine not only if there was “special intent” among Serbian political leadership to exterminate Bosnian Muslims as early as 1992, but also to determine if international community representatives were aware of that intent and ignored it consciously.

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Reassessing the Communist Takeover in Romania: Violence, Institutional Continuity, and Ethnic Conflict Management
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Reassessing the Communist Takeover in Romania: Violence, Institutional Continuity, and Ethnic Conflict Management

Author(s): Stefano Bottoni / Language(s): English Issue: 01/2010

This article analyzes the communist takeover in Romania as the successful outcome of a long-term policy aiming to make the Romanian Communist Party (PCR) a national force. Such an attempt deserves a new analytical explanation of the highly controversial notions of institutional continuity and of “nationalization” of its membership. While mainstream explanations still focus on factors of change motivated by external (Soviet) pressure and stress that violence, coercion, and intimidation have been main instruments used by the Communist Party to implement its goals, the author argues that a reevaluation of the real extent of popular support is needed. PCR became a national mass party immediately after the coup d’état of 23 August 1944. At that time a marginal political force, traditionally ruled by non-Romanian elements and devoted to the strictest internationalism, turned national without falling into discrimination against minority groups, with the exception of the Germans. In multiethnic Transylvania the ethnic power balance consciously created by PCR with Soviet assistance helped the party to strengthen its political legitimacy among different national and social groups. Unlike the Romanian historical parties and the Hungarian nationalists, the PCR and the Petru Groza–led coalition government behaved as a transnational body and pursued integrative policies. In the troubled context of postwar reconstruction, this call for cooperation and peaceful ethnic coexistence distinguished the PCR and its allies from the opposition parties and significantly contributed to make early communist rule more acceptable to large masses of Romanians and non-Romanians, as well.

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Victoria Shmidt: The Politics of Disability in Interwar and Socialist Czechoslovakia. Segregating in the Name of the Nation

Victoria Shmidt: The Politics of Disability in Interwar and Socialist Czechoslovakia. Segregating in the Name of the Nation

Author(s): Natali Stegmann / Language(s): German Issue: 3/2020

Review of: Natali Stegmann - The Politics of Disability in Interwar and Socialist Czechoslovakia. Segregating in the Name of the Nation. Hrsg. von Victoria Shmidt . Amsterdam University Press. Amsterdam 2019. 252 S., Ill. ISBN 978-94-6372-001-4. (€ 99,–.)

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L’ATTITUDE YOUGOSLAVE ET ITALIENNE CONCERNANT LA QUESTION ALBANAISE DANS LA CONFERENCE DE PAIX (janvier-mars 1919)
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L’ATTITUDE YOUGOSLAVE ET ITALIENNE CONCERNANT LA QUESTION ALBANAISE DANS LA CONFERENCE DE PAIX (janvier-mars 1919)

Author(s): Muin Çami,Marenglen Verli / Language(s): French Issue: 01/2016

Comme on le sait, la Conférence de Paix de Paris, 1919-1920, était organisée par les cinq grandes puissances, la Grande-Bretagne, la France, les États-Unis, l'Italie et le Japon, pour résoudre, par leur prise de décision, les problèmes politiques et territoriaux créés par les développements au cours de la Première Guerre Mondiale Bien qu'elle n'ait pas été alliée d’aucune des parties belligérantes, l'Albanie se trouvait dans une situation très difficile menaçant son existence. Il était peu probable que les récentes injustices de la Conférence des Ambassadeurs de Londres (1912-1913) aient été définitivement corrigées, et un traité de 1915, à savoir le Traité secret de Londres du 26 avril 1915, signé par les puissances d'Entente avec l'Italie, pour la faire séduire dans leur coté, menaçait d’anéantir l’État fragile albanais, créé seulement quelques années auparavant.

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The Question of National Minorities in the European Parliament Between 2014 and 2019: A Hungarian Perspective

The Question of National Minorities in the European Parliament Between 2014 and 2019: A Hungarian Perspective

Author(s): Krisztián Manzinger / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

The European Parliament, due to the direct election of the MEPs, is an institution willing to represent the interests of European national minorities and regional communities, compared to other EU institutions, with the exception of the Committee of Regions. During the 2014–2019 term, various questions of national minorities were discussed in the Minority Intergroup, which is an informal but officially recognized group of MEPs, and in the Committees of the Parliament. Individual MEPs, either alone or together with other colleagues, also organized events and conferences on minority topics. Despite the EU being generally reluctant when it comes to national minorities, the plenary of the European Parliament adopted important resolutions on the matter during the term, urging the European Commission to create an EU legal framework for protecting national minorities. While the events, conferences and resolutions did not lead to a breakthrough, even keeping the issue on the agenda is a success, in a milieu often hostile to discuss minority problems seen as offences to national sovereignty. Altogether, important steps forward are greatly needed to secure a more just, equal and citizen-friendly Europe; this is where discussions on minority issues within the EP, for instance, could foster improvement. Hungary is well-known regarding its interests in protecting national minorities. The country itself has a generous legal framework allowing for ethnic and national minority self-governance and is a strong advocate for the international regulation of minority rights overarching the existing system. Hungarian politicians, from both the kin-state and its neighboring countries, are also strong promoters of national minority rights within international organizations, for instance in the Council of Europe or the European Union (EU). Hungarian politicians are not the only ones keen to deal with national minority issues on an international level in Europe. The European Parliament (EP) has also long been advocating for enhancing the system of minority protection. In early 2014, the Strasbourg Manifesto, an act of stocktaking at the end of the mandate of the EP between 2009 and 2014, was adopted by the Minority Intergroup of the EP. It provided guidelines particularly for the MEPs, during the term between 2014 and 2019, and in general for the EU to improve the situation of autochthonous minorities within the EU. With the exception of the EP, EU institutions are mostly reluctant to address national minority issues arising in the Member States (MSs). This traditional position has even been strengthened further in the past term by particular events, such as the independence referenda in Scotland and Catalonia, the illegal annexation of Crimea and the occupation of eastern Ukraine by Russia, the migrant crisis of 2015 and the attacks targeting the civilian population in Western Europe. Nevertheless, in terms of protecting national minorities, there has been some progress in the EP; this article focuses on such developments. There have been other potentially far-reaching successes too, such as the victory of the Federal Union of European Nationalities (FUEN) and the Szekler National Council (SZNT) in front of the courts of the EU concerning their European Citizen’s Initiatives. They, however, lie outside the scope of our inquiry. In this article, the term “minority” exclusively refers to autochthonous national minority groups residing in MSs without taking into account their recognition or legal situation. Other types of minorities (i.e., sexual minorities) are outside of the focus of this article.

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Ethnic Differences in Family Formation and Patterns of Exogamy in Slovakia

Ethnic Differences in Family Formation and Patterns of Exogamy in Slovakia

Author(s): Branislav Šprocha / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

Ethnic affiliation is an important factor in family and reproductive behavior and also has an important role in assortative mating. The historical presence of numerous ethnic groups, especially of Hungarian and Roma background in certain regions of Slovakia, raises the question of how they differ in some selected population communities (e.g. age, education, economic activity, religion) and whether there are differences according to their place of residence (e.g. size of municipalities). In this study we tried to point out the existing differences in fertility levels and the parity structure of women in relation to ethnicity, education and place of residence. Other important questions that we analyse in our paper are the differences in family formation in connection to ethnicity. For this purpose, we use not only marital status but also census results by households. In the last part of the study we examine the issue of ethnic exogamy.

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Slovene–Hungarian Bilingual Education in Slovenia in the Third Millennium

Slovene–Hungarian Bilingual Education in Slovenia in the Third Millennium

Author(s): Anna Kollath / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

Recently, there is worldwide an intense debate about the efficiency and implementation of bilingual education. This problem becomes a very sensitive issue if education includes a minority and a majority language. The former one almost always has a lower level of prestige, and that is why it is endangered. That means minority language needs stronger support in the education process in order the keep the balance between languages since the macro environment of minority students is dominantly not in their mother tongue, but the official language of the state. Education of Hungarian as a mother language and as the language of instruction plays an important role in preservation of minority mother tongue and keeping and increasing its vitality. The occurrence of minority language/language variety compared to official language of the state in the school and the possibility of secondary language socialization in mother tongue are good indicators of the constitutional, legal background and legal security of a certain national community. Efficient minority education of Hungarian as a mother language and as the language of instruction could provide the functional bilingualism which is essential for minority’s everyday life. The aim of this paper is to introduce the complexity and variety of topics of this education model, and to furthermore illustrate how the different reactions related to (the bi- and multilingual and multicultural) society can change its functioning and existence. The paper also underlines that this model is able to be renewed, and its additional features are the quick and intense changes which are regulated by law. The innovations of the new millennium which aim is the inner renewal can lead education process in the right direction and increase its efficiency but only if the creation of laws is influenced by practical needs, what is more there are not any difficulties about its implementation.

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“Russian World” and Compatriots’ Policies: A View from the Other Side

“Russian World” and Compatriots’ Policies: A View from the Other Side

Author(s): Hanna Vasilevich / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

This text will analyse the framework and limitations of the Russian policies towards compatriots (as defined in the Russian legislation) and the perception of these policies in the countries of the former Soviet Union, whose entire populations might potentially be treated as “compatriots.” The focus will be made on the political speeches and media discourse analysis, as they appear both in Russia and the selected post-Soviet countries (Belarus, Moldova, and Ukraine).

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“MUALLIMOV FORUM” – DIJALOŠKA ARENA O STRATEŠKIM PITANJIMA ISLAMSKE ZAJEDNICE

“MUALLIMOV FORUM” – DIJALOŠKA ARENA O STRATEŠKIM PITANJIMA ISLAMSKE ZAJEDNICE

Author(s): Zehra Alispahić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 82/2020

This article presents a detailed insight into eight yearly column of the magazine titled Muallim’s forum which was published in continuously in the period 2008-2016. This column addressed thirty issues of great significance for the strategic development of the Islamic Community of this region but also of Bosniak community in general. Contributors to this column were renowned university professors, muftis, main imams, imams, religious studies’ teachers and prominent experts in field of practice. Any serious analysis of processes in the Islamic Community of these areas will show that Muallim’s forum and the way it treated some issues and initiated some very significant processes in the Islamic Community of the region, determined its priorities in accordance to its basic mission and encouraged the movement towards a realisation of these processes. Results of some of these processes we are already witnessing especially within the organisational segment of the functioning of the Community.

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Reflecting on the Diaspora: The Transylvanian Saxon Self-Image and the Saxons Abroad
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Reflecting on the Diaspora: The Transylvanian Saxon Self-Image and the Saxons Abroad

Author(s): Sacha E. Davis / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2012

Communities both shape and are shaped by their geographical contexts, the spaces of social, economic and environmental interaction in which they are found. These spaces are fluid and contingent, reflecting and influencing changes in the community that gives them significance. This is true also of ‘spaces of imagination’, the geographical context in which the myths and self-representations of the collective are formed and given meaning. The late formation of the German nation-state, and the exclusion of many ethnic Germans from its borders, resulted in a fractured German nationalism in which local (Heimat) identities played a prominent role. This was particularly true for so-called ‘Germans Abroad’ [Auslandsdeutschtum]; German minorities living outside of Germany, mainly in scattered settlements in Eastern Europe. Far from simply reflecting the nationalism of Germany, Germans Abroad embraced understandings of Germanness that reflected their local circumstances and histories. While Heimat communities were local in origin, migration from Europe to the Americas in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries transformed them into transatlantic communities. But what meaning did local identities have in a transnational context, and how did transnational ties of localness relate to Germans’ growing sense of German nationalism?

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Review of Roman’s Fragmented Identities
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Review of Roman’s Fragmented Identities

Author(s): Jill Massino / Language(s): English Issue: 03/2004

The review of: Fragmented Identities: Popular Culture, Sex, and Everyday Life in Postcommunist Romania by Denise Roman. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books/Rowman & Littlefield, 2003. pp. 179, $70.00 hardcover.

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Lyudmila Zhivkova and the Paradox of Ideology and Identity in Communist Bulgaria
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Lyudmila Zhivkova and the Paradox of Ideology and Identity in Communist Bulgaria

Author(s): Ivanka Nedeva Atanasova / Language(s): English Issue: 02/2004

This article argues that Lyudmila Zhivkova is the most controversial political figure in Communist Bulgaria. Zhivkova’s ideas and initiatives that have been overlooked so far are used as a background for exploring a significant conflict between ideology and national identity in modern Bulgarian history. After outlining briefly Zhivkova’s early and unexpected death, the author analyzes the Communist paradoxes of utopia, modernization, and return to feudalism that produced the idiosyncratic phenomenon of Zhivkova as “the uncrowned princess” of Communist Bulgaria. The author explains Zhivkova’s cultural politics as a rational approach worked outwith the help of some of the most outstanding Bulgarian intellectuals at that time. Because of its heavy emphasis on national identity, Zhivkova’s cultural politics reveal clearly several sets of contradictory components of the Bulgarian national character and in some cases challenge the conventional wisdoms about Bulgarians. These sets are the quest for cultural achievements versus limited state resources; excessive national pride versus “shameful national identity”; Russophobes versus Russophiles; East versus West or how to escape the geopolitical trap; and mysticism versus atheism.

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Narrative, Identity, State: History Teaching in Moldova
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Narrative, Identity, State: History Teaching in Moldova

Author(s): Vladimir Solonari / Language(s): English Issue: 02/2002

There exists considerable confusion in post-Soviet Moldova about what kind of history to teach in schools. This argument is part of a wider problem of Moldovan national identity: do Moldovans constitute a separate people and (ethno)nation or should they be considered part and parcel of the single Romanian nation, torn from it by a hostile external power, that is, Russia? In accordance with this latter point of view, Russian and then Soviet authorities forcefully instilled "false consciousness" in the minds of the local population about their national identity and this false consciousness must be done away with, including by means of teaching "true" history. [...]

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Može li subalterni dominirati? (o rotacijama polariziranih osi u kritici postkolonijalne kritike)
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Može li subalterni dominirati? (o rotacijama polariziranih osi u kritici postkolonijalne kritike)

Author(s): Nebojša Lujanović,Srećko Jurišić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 25/2020

Postkolonijalna teorija, kao jedna od teorija nastalih na platformi postmodernističkih teorijskih matrica, uglavnom naslonjenih na dekonstrukcijska čitanja, naišlaje na široku primjenu i na našem prostoru, osvijestivši pomalo i zaboravljene naslage kolonijalnih naslijeđa na području Balkana (Venecija, Osmansko Carstvo, Austro-Ugarska). Pojavila se stihijski kaojedna vrsta pomodnosti u području znanosti o književnosti, ali i o drugim umjetnostima (recimo, filmu), uglavnom među istraživačima koje je prijelaz u novo tisućljeće zatekao u izradi doktorskih disertacija. Nepravedno bi bilo reći da se sve svelo na pojedinačne izlete, ali isto tako reći da postoje znanstvenici koji su se sustavno bavili postkolonijalnim čitanjem domaćih autora i publikacije koje objedinjavaju opsežnija istraživanja.

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