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Changes Within the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s Society: Involvement of the Non–Governmental Actors

Changes Within the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s Society: Involvement of the Non–Governmental Actors

Author(s): Miloš Procházka / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Non–Governmental Organizations (NGO) activities in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) are specified by missing mutual diplomatic representation between the two Koreas, and also between the DPRK and the US. This fact helps to increase the importance and prestige of NGOs, the role of individuals and groups in cultural, sport and civic exchanges when participating in mediation of humanitarian and development aid to the DPRK. The entrepreneurs, who are willing to invest in DPRK (despite the adverse conditions) and employ North Korean workers, play an irreplaceable role as well. A summary of these activities provides an overall picture of the presence and impact of non–governmental actors.

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Politicians’ Role in Foreign Policy Making in Japan before the Central Government Reform

Politicians’ Role in Foreign Policy Making in Japan before the Central Government Reform

Author(s): Karol Żakowski / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The decision–making process in Japan has been characterized by extensive powers possessed by the bureaucrats who often overshadowed their political superiors. Foreign policy making was not an exception. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) boasted strong control over Japan’s diplomacy. While the role of civil servants was theoretically limited to the implementation of the decisions made by politicians, in reality the administrative staff used a range of informal sources of power to act as arbiters of state matters. Only after the entry into force of Hashimoto’s administrative reform in 2001 did top–level decision makers gain new institutional tools that helped them to conduct an independent foreign policy on a more regular basis. Without denying this conventional wisdom, I argue that the politicians could occasionally play a significant role in Japan’s diplomacy even before implementation of institutional changes at the beginning of the 21st century. Under special circumstances, prime ministers, chief cabinet secretaries and foreign ministers were able to exert a considerable influence on the course of foreign policy, sometimes even changing its direction. Up to the 1990s the most influential figures in the government had enough authority to overcome the domination of the bureaucrats and impose their own will on MOFA.

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Political Leadership and the Security Policy: Negotiations on the US Military Bases in Okinawa under the Murayama and Hashimoto Cabinets

Political Leadership and the Security Policy: Negotiations on the US Military Bases in Okinawa under the Murayama and Hashimoto Cabinets

Author(s): Beata Bochorodycz / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The problem of the US military bases, including the relocation of the Futenma military air station and a construction of a Futenma replacement facility (FRF) in Okinawa, has been a difficult and contested issue in Japanese domestic and foreign affairs for decades. In November 1995 Prime Minister Murayama and Vice President Al Gore established a Special Action Committee on Okinawa for deliberation on the reduction and realignment of the military bases. In April 1996 President Clinton and PM Hashimoto decided on the relocation and construction of the FRF in the prefecture within five to seven years. As of 2015 the prospects for implementation seem dim, especially after the electoral victory of the anti–base governor Onaga Takeshi in November 2014. This article focuses on the decision–making process under two consecutive prime ministers, Murayama and Hashimoto, since it was during their premiership that the issue was set on the agenda and decided upon. The article argues that on one hand PM Murayama made several important decisions, but lacking enough experience and power as a minor coalition member, as well as due to short term in office, was not able to supervise implementation of his decisions. On the other hand, PM Hashimoto did exercise strong leadership in regard to Futenma Air Base, but as the LDP president his decisions run along the general policy of Ministry of Foreign Affairs, who is in charge of the foreign policy formation on daily base. Furthermore, the American side agreed to the relocation since the benefits – a new and technologically advanced facility for the US army, entirely paid by the Japanese government, outweighed the hardship of the transfer. In the entire process, the Okinawan community, demanding removal of the bases outside the prefecture, was not consulted and hence the ongoing opposition to the US bases and FRF.

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Демокрация и неравенство
4.50 €

Демокрация и неравенство

Author(s): Antony Todorov / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

Democracy as political regime since Antiquity is based on a fundamental principle - the equality of free citizens. On the other hand this regime coexists with economic system of the market, which is based on competition and therefore produces inequality. This inevitably creates tension between democracy and the market, which are governed differently. Most research so far has not found strong impact of the democratic regime on social inequalities. But the issue is the opposite impact of inequalities on democracies. The article argues that deepening social inequalities unavoidably undermine democracy.

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INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The project ‘Russia’s (Dis)Information Activities Against the Nordic-Baltic Region’ was initiated in 2016 as a reaction to the intensification of Russia’s influence activities against the West on the backdrop of the information campaign against Ukraine and the conflict in the southeast Ukraine. Previous studies conducted by the NATO Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence (NATO StratCom COE) led to conclusion that Russia is employing a multi-level and multi-direction system of influence to advance its political and military goals. However these studies did not provide in-depth answers about the origins of the various information flows, their actual goals, and their ultimate effect on the social and political processes in Western countries. As pointed out by prominent British journalist Edward Lucas: ‘Even in the narrow question of the effectiveness of Russia’s overtly published propaganda, we have limited information about who consumes it, in what quantity, when, where and why. So before getting too excited about the lies and hatred spewed out by, say, Sputnik or RT, we need to know where it is landing. The answers may vary sharply by country, and across the demographic and social spectrums. But finding them requires quantitative and qualitative research.

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Saveznička vojna uprava u Puli 1945 -1947.
6.00 €

Saveznička vojna uprava u Puli 1945 -1947.

Author(s): Darko Dukovski / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The Allied Military Government in the Zone A of Venezia Giulia that existed between mid-June 1945 and mid-September 1947 was an occupation formation of the Allied army whose primary aim was to stop the Yugoslav military and political penetration (and annexation) in the territories that formally had belonged to the Kingdom of Italy but that were earmarked to be united with their mother countries (Slovenia and Croatia) in political documents of the Partisan movement, so as to prevent the Peace Conference from facing a fait accompli. Another, no less important goal was social and economic. The Allied Military Government was to prevent the humanitarian catastrophe and to restore the economy at least to some degree and enable it to provide for the population. To be sure, it was also necessary to prevent anarchy and lawlessness immediately after the war. It is questionable to what degree it succeeded in performing these tasks. It did manage to prevent the more violent consequences of political frictions, but not the process of mass emigration, primarily of Italian town population, as well as the change of the town’s geo-political status. The fact that the Allied Military Government was the butt of criticism of both the pro-Yugoslav and the pro-Italian political forces, testifies that it strove to do its job in good faith, to stay neutral and abide by the agreements that had been signed as much as it was possible with regard to the conflict-laden political situation among the former allies.

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Албания в политике Югославии и СССР в первые послевоенные годы по советским дипломатическим документам
5.00 €

Албания в политике Югославии и СССР в первые послевоенные годы по советским дипломатическим документам

Author(s): Anatoly Semenovich Anikeev / Language(s): Russian Publication Year: 0

The liberation from the Fascist occupation of a number of East European countries by the Soviet army was the first step in the process of transformation of political systems and the formation of the Soviet block. The dominant position in the Balkans was taken by the Communist Yugoslavia which strove to expand its influence in the region. In the first phase such a role of Yugoslavia tallied nicely with the interests of USSR which was willing to delegate part of its power to Yugoslavia. Albania, whose independence and territorial integrity were guaranteed by the agreement between USSR, USA and Great Britain, was in informal alliance with Yugoslavia and in the sphere of its military and political interests which, was one of the main reasons for Moscow to hand that country over to Belgrade in summer 1946 for »vicarious« administration. Having entrusted the Yugoslavs with this task, USSR took over the responsibility to supply aid to Albania, retaining at the same time the control over the execution of decision concerning foreign policy of that country. During 1946 and 1947 Yugoslavia concluded with Albania a number of treaties concerning economy and finance. It reorganized Albanian army according to the Yugoslav standards, which, to all intents, should lead to Albania becoming one of the Yugoslav republics. The Soviet leadership considered such policy realization of the agreements which had been reached, but only until the moment when, the Yugoslavs broke them – in the opinion of the Cremlin. Parallel aid from these two countries caused a clash of interests among the Albanian leaders and led to the formation of two groups, one of which started to consider the alliance with Yugoslavia a burden and to turn increasingly toward Moscow. In November 1947, under pressure from the Yugoslavs, the leader of that group, N. Spiru ended his life in suicide. This enraged Stalin who summoned Djilas to talks in Moscow. By the end of the year it became known in Cremlin that Tito intended to send an infantry division to Albania near the Greek border, which was a severe »transgression« that would endanger Soviet interests in the region. Stalin talked about that to Yugoslav leaders in February 1948 who were summoned to Moscow together with the Bulgarians to be »filled in«. The totality of these circumstances was one of the reasons for the conflict with Yugoslavia which would begin soon. In that experiment of the Cremlin Albania was held hostage by ambitions of the two Communist leaders, one of whom, having entrusted that country to Yugoslav patronage wasn't able to foresee all consequences of such a step, so he made an ultimatum to Yugoslavia at the crucial juncture. Disregarding the scale of its involvment in the events in Albania, Yugoslavia fulfilled the demands of the Cremlin, but it was forced to withdraw from Albania during the increasing conflict with USSR. Stalin's estimate that one could continue to run Yugoslavia from the Cremlin by relying on ideological instruments and economic pressure wasn't justified. For its part, Albania proved a faithful ally of Moscow until the end of the Stalin's era, together with other faithful and enraged (for reasons of their own) enemies of »Titoism«. On the whole, the episode of Yugoslav-Albanian relations which developed under Cremlin's careful auspicies during the first postwar years showed, coupled with other factors, the deeply flawed character of the policy on which Stalin tried to build his East-European empire.

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Зашто Југославија? Преоријентација Србије од Русије ка Француској?
5.00 €

Зашто Југославија? Преоријентација Србије од Русије ка Француској?

Author(s): Gordana Jović-Krivokapić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The controversial issue of creation of a Yugoslavian state on the eve and during World War I is defined in polemical style in this article. At the same time, the French-Russian cooperation at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries is considered as a wide geostrategic context for the Serbian Yugoslavian project because it promoted reorientation of Serbia from Russia to France and resulted in creation of the Yugoslav state. The latest reviews of Serbian and foreign historiography aim to define the ideas and processes which made it possible. The studied works partly disprove of and partly develop the historiography of the previous period, which is also partially considered in the article.

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Pristup Titovog režima Kosovu krajem pedesetih godina
4.50 €

Pristup Titovog režima Kosovu krajem pedesetih godina

Author(s): Jan Pelikán / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Based primarily on the documents of the conference of the Executive Committee of the Union of Communists of Yugoslavia (UCY) held in March 1959 the paper analyses the approach of Tito's leadership to Kosovo. It tries to point out the main tendencies in the approach to the Albanian question and the different opinions of certain members of the highest leadership of the UCY. A gradual change in viewing the Albanian problem by the leading people of Tito’s regime set in in the late 1950s. Many members began to be aware of the importance of the Albanian community in Yugoslavia and the necessity of improving its situation, above all access to education and to employment. The need to industrialize Kosovo as soon as possible was stressed. Although these tendencies existed, the repressive elements of Tito's regime remained dominant, above all the secret police.

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Współczesne relacje gospodarcze Polski z państwami Partnerstwa Wschodniego

Współczesne relacje gospodarcze Polski z państwami Partnerstwa Wschodniego

Author(s): Daniel Butyter / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie zmian, które wystąpiły w polityce zagranicznej Polski po jej akcesji do Unii Europejskiej, oraz analiza ekonomicznych aspektów współpracy pomiędzy Polską i jej wschodnimi sąsiadami, a także próba przewidzenia dalszych wątków współpracy pomiędzy Polską, jako częścią Unii Europejskiej, i wschodnimi sąsiadami UE.

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Drugačija Rusija: Pogled iz Srbije

Drugačija Rusija: Pogled iz Srbije

Author(s): Milan Subotić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Ove godine navršava se četvrt veka od „avgustovskog puča” (1991) čiji je neuspeh ubrzao raspad Sovjetskog Saveza i doveo do nastanka Ruske Federacije i drugih nezavisnih država – članica negdašnjeg „neraskidivog saveza”. Za brojne „sovjetologe” koji su decenijama proučavali „prvu zemlju socijalizma” mirnodopski slom svetske supersile koji je, na početku svog drugog predsedničkog mandata, Vladimir Putin nazvao „najvećom geopolitičkom katastrofom XX veka” (Putin, 2005), bio je potpuno neočekivan. Stoga je razumljivo što se još vode teorijski sporovi o uzrocima i dinamici raspada države koja se njenim podanicima i inostranim posmatračima „činila večnom, sve dok nije nestala” (Yurchak, 2005). Tokom devedesetih godina prošlog veka ove rasprave su pretežno bile usmerene na tumačenje sovjetske istorije, jer su polazile od uverenja da je, za razliku od neprozirne prošlosti, budućnost postsovjetskih društava i država lako predvidljiva. [...]

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Reżimy Nowego START i INF w centrum uwagi w 2018 r.
4.50 €

Reżimy Nowego START i INF w centrum uwagi w 2018 r.

Author(s): Marek Tabor / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

In 2018, the world’s arms control architecture teetered on the brink of collapse.The paper presents some examples of this process: 1. the United States withdrewfrom the Iran nuclear deal (P5 + 1 – Iran); 2. the summit in Singapore was important,but negotiations between the United States and North Korea over Pyongyang’snuclear programme and denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula stalled; 3. the newSTART was correctly implemented but its future is uncertain; 4. the US threatenedto withdraw from the INF.

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Indyjska strategia równoważenia w regionie Azji i Pacyfiku po 2014 r.
4.50 €

Indyjska strategia równoważenia w regionie Azji i Pacyfiku po 2014 r.

Author(s): Jakub Zajączkowski / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

The aim of the article is to analyze the evolution of India’s strategy in the Asia-Pacific region after 2014, i.e. after the Indian People’s Party (Bharatiya Janata Party,BJP) came to power and the post of prime minister was taken over by NarendraModi. The article characterizes and discusses the main assumptions, directions, andinstruments of India’s foreign policy in the Asia-Pacific region.The article attempts to answer two main research questions: whether and, if so,why has India adopted a more active strategy in the Asia-Pacific region; and whether,in its strategy in the political-strategic and security sphere, it has opted for an alliancewith the USA in the Asia-Pacific region.Answers to these questions will allow us to verify hypothesis stating that,especially under the influence of the dynamics of intra-regional relations in foreignpolicy in 2010s, India has redefined its role and position on the Asian continent andhas strived to implement a balancing policy in order to limit China’s increasinglyimportant role and to prevent the shift of power on the Asian continent in favour ofBeijing. To achieve its goals, India advocates a political and strategic alliance withthe USA and its allies as one of the pillars of a democratic, liberal order in the Indo--Pacific region (as an alternative to the order proposed by China).The theoretical tool used in this case study of India’s regional strategy is thecategory of balancing policy. This research tool was selected for its cognitiveand explanatory values which emphasize the importance of the anarchism of theinternational system and the fact that the rules of relations between states area function of the balance of power between them.

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Slovak security and defense policy in 2018

Slovak security and defense policy in 2018

Author(s): Tomáš Čižik / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The year 2018 was not a calm one in world affairs. The post-Cold War international order is becoming more unstable, potentially threatening global peace and security, perhaps irreversibly. Geopolitics has become relevant once again, having adopted a new face. The great powers now compete and use hybrid warfare and political interference to achieve their political goals.

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European Perspective and Connectivity of the Western Balkans as a Specific Priority of the First Bulgarian Presidency of the Council 2018

European Perspective and Connectivity of the Western Balkans as a Specific Priority of the First Bulgarian Presidency of the Council 2018

Author(s): Monika Panayotova / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Please let me extend my gratitude to the Faculty of International Economy and Politics of the University of National and World Economy and to the Bulgarian Association of Political Science for the invitation and the opportunity to exchange withyou on the important topic of the European perspective and connectivity of the Western Balkans as a specific priority of the first Bulgarian Presidency of the Council 2018.

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The Balkans’ Image as Constructed in Donald Trump’s Public Statements (2017-2018)

The Balkans’ Image as Constructed in Donald Trump’s Public Statements (2017-2018)

Author(s): Kalina Ishpekova-Bratanova / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This study was prompted by the strong academic and research interest in President Donald Trump’s governance and rhetorical style, which is atypical of any senior government official holding a high post in the state administration. Another major motivation for selecting thisresearch object is the topicality of political discourse, and its linguistic and pragmatic aspects, inthe era of post-truth politics. Yet another reason was the typically negative image of the Balkans ina historical perspective. The findings in this study largely confirm those established in previousresearch with regard to Donald Trump’s foreign policy priorities. Even though Trump is differentin form – in language and rhetoric – in his foreign policy, he shows continuity with his post-ColdWar predecessors in substance, especially in the Balkans and South-eastern Europe.

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EU and US Leading Approaches to the Western Balkans: Compatibility and Differences

EU and US Leading Approaches to the Western Balkans: Compatibility and Differences

Author(s): Sonia Hinkova / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The article analyzes the nature and dynamics of EU and US spatial interests andpolicies that outline their spheres of influence in the Western Balkans. It presents the tools andapproaches (strategic, economic and political) through which these two actors assert their geopolitical interests in the region and specifically in the six Balkan countries (Albania, Bosnia andHerzegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro). It is argued that the EU and US approaches in the Western Balkans are strategic in nature and sustainable. The paper aims at analyzing and comparing the two strategic approaches in terms of their compatibility and differences.

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Delineating the Geographical Mobility of African Immigrants Towards Greece: Between Transnationalism and Integration
4.50 €

Delineating the Geographical Mobility of African Immigrants Towards Greece: Between Transnationalism and Integration

Author(s): Laukia-Maria Fratsea,Apostolos G. Papadopoulos / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Currently migration in the Mediterranean Sea has risen to the top of the policy agenda. The press and the media of the EU countries are full of images of sub-Saharan African (SSA) migrants attempting to land to the EU soil. These images often focus at the end of “boat peoples” journey to Europe and more particularly at the events referring to the crossing of the land and sea borders of Turkey to Greece or Lambedusa and Italy.

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Russian Positions on Syria and Syrian Kurds
4.50 €

Russian Positions on Syria and Syrian Kurds

Author(s): Konstantin Truevtsev / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Russian foreign policy initially did not place a high priority on the issue of Syrian Kurdistan. Relations on the governmental level with Iran, Turkey,Iraq, and Assad‘s Syria overshadowed this issue that remained extremely marginal until 2011 despite the Kurdish ties of the long-time leader of the Syrian Communist Party, Khaled Bakdash.

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Транграничното сътрудничество на България със Сърбия, Македония и Турция в контекста на приоритетите на европейското териториално сътрудничество през новия програмен период

Транграничното сътрудничество на България със Сърбия, Македония и Турция в контекста на приоритетите на европейското териториално сътрудничество през новия програмен период

Author(s): Monika Moraliyska / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The European Territorial Cooperation (ETC) is an important part of the EU Cohesion Policy, which aims at economic, social and territorial cohesion between regions and countries in the EU. A part of it are the cross-border cooperation programs that have a positive effect on the development of border areas through joint activities and challenges in different areas. In the new programming period 2014 – 2020 the priorities and objectives of ETC have changed and developed in the light of the changing circumstances in the environment, social and economic problems and globalizing world. This paper examines these changes, the new priorities of cross border programs and analyzes the cross-border programs of Bulgaria with its neighbors Serbia, Macedonia and Turkey in the past and current programming period. A comparative analysis is made of their main objectives, priority axes and budget perspectives. The report summarizes the findings for the future of cross-border cooperation in the EU and Bulgaria's participation in it.

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