Књига истине и отрежњења
Приказ/Prikaz: Сачувати мир у Босни – митови, изазови, шансе (зборник радова), превела и предговор написала Тијана Кецмановић, „Чигоја штампа“, Београд, 2011., стр. 164
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Приказ/Prikaz: Сачувати мир у Босни – митови, изазови, шансе (зборник радова), превела и предговор написала Тијана Кецмановић, „Чигоја штампа“, Београд, 2011., стр. 164
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The problems of global changes in the economic, political and cultural sphere are analyzed. The advantages and meaning of cultural and civilized approaches to the study non-linear development of globalization are considered. The necessity of analysis the dynamic of globalization with taking into account cultural and civilized components is substantiated.
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This article is a call for the academic debate on conspiracy theories to advance beyond general cultural analyses. To achieve that, we must make our conceptual tools more precise. I discuss the fundamental component of power difference to conspiracy theories and suggest an analytical typology based on their 'gradient of power'. Beyond that, I argue that we should work towards a theory for the structure of circulation of conspiratorial forms and logics. To this end, I introduce the notion of 'conspiracy narrative' as the basic element in such dynamics. I sketch out a model for the mechanics of interaction and exchange in webs of conspiracy narratives.
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Political mobilization consists of actions and their legitimization, which have both an activist and a legitimizing basis. The activist basis stems from the basic structure of the political system, which entails the principles of political organizing and action. The legitimizing basis has its roots in the basic political values and ideas which serve to legitimize the political system. In this paper I will analyze the legitimizing basis of the political mobilization of the Serbian opposition in 1990.
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On the principles of a paradigm of development the article analyses the moral and ethical component of political leadership through a prism of changes in the system of personal cultures of its carrier. The attention is focused on non-institutional factors as special «background» of the personality, influencing behavior, nature of activity of political subjects and institutes. The latter are presented as "binding restrictions" within which there is an active interaction of the leading players. Given is the example of the gender asymmetry in political leadership that has the socio-cultural bases. It is noted that “being fed" artificially, gender asymmetry aggravates transitional quality of leadership in the conditions of identity crisis. The authors come to the conclusions about essential underestimation of non-institutional factors in political science, the importance of a moral and ethical component in the stabilization of policy and in the developing phase of an institutionalization of political leadership of Russia aimed at identification of the leaders-intellectuals focused on the educated layers.
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This research deals with two topics concerning mixed parentage rearing practices in Bulgaria. On the one hand, it is the naming the offspring with regard to the name giver(s) and principles of name-choosing, deriving from parent(s)’ cultural heritage and affected (or not) by the living-in social environment. On the other hand, there is the matter of the non-Bulgarian language acquisition, whose development is a question of micro managing of each of the families (and in many cases of each of the partners). Parents’ decisions, regarding these topics, set the manner in which others look at the mixed offspring, as well as how the children accept themselves as bearers of two cultural backgrounds.
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To lobby means to influence or persuade public officials to take a desired action, usually to pass (or defeat) legislation. An effective lobbyist is convincing and persuasive at selling an idea. The first legislative attempts to regulate lobbying activities in USA were passed in the late nineteenth century and those early statutes have served as models for every lobbying enactment since that time. The aim of this paper is to give an overview of recent studies devoted to the interest of companies and lobbying patterns. After the definition of lobbying and description of the actors, this paper relates to lobbying contract. A basic question raised by the cases on lobbying contracts is whether the law of contract should be used as an indirect means of enforcing social and political public policy, particularly when that policy is not directly enunciated and enforced in any other area of the legal system.
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Исследуя специфику дейтонской Боснии и процесс пересмотра основных положений Мирного соглашения (МС) 1995 г., автор доказывает, что созданная под непосредственным внешним вмешательством БиГ рассматривалась идеологами МС как “государство переходного периода”. Ускоренная в последнее время централизация Боснии и подготовка ее вступления в НАТО имеет целью создание еще одного протектората на Балканах. В статье делается вывод о глобальных процессах переформатирования всей мировой системы.
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The article deals with the analysis of the influence of socio-political factors on logics status and its role in the society on the basis of short outline of logics foundation.
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The maxim of Cardinal Lubomyr Husar (Ukrainian Church): «Between East and West Ukraine there is no division, there is a separation between those who like the Ukraine, and who does not love her» is analyzed. The work is done in a structurally-semiotic way. The syntax, semantics and the logical structure of the utterance is studied. The phrase is seen in the political, cultural, and theological contexts. Peaceful at first glance judgment turns out to be confrontational.
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In the light of Manifesto social responsibility is not only an informal promotion of systemic, i.e. requisitely holistic behavior, aimed at overcoming the current crisis and becoming a new socio-economic order, replacing the monopolistic neo-liberalism as soon as possible for humankind to survive and avoid the 3rd world war. It is also a tool of power-holders aimed at preventing the pending new socio-economic order and at keeping their privileges and benefits.
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Ancestor masks (imagines maiorum) played an important role in public representation of the Roman aristocracy in republican epoch. While analyzing the extant written evidence and comparing it with archeological material the author has gathered that there were two different forms of imagines: those used during funeral processions and the cereous images (busts) preserved in Roman aristocrats’ houses. Moreover the paper explores the origin of the tradition of ancestor images honouring. The author discovers its beginnings in the 5th century BC when appeared the first mentionings of the tradition of ancestor images honouring. At the same time the Etruscan and Greek influence obviously played an important role in elaborating different types of images. In the second half of the 4th century BC, when the nobility emerged, the patrician tradition of ancestor images spread to plebeian part of the new aristocracy. Also it is most likely that just at that time the technique of posthumous masks making was borrowed from Greece. In the paper special attention is given to socio-political role of ancestor masks during the period of classical Republic (3rd 2nd centuries BC). Studying some evidences of ancient historians the author has come to a conclusion that apart from ritual meaning ancestor images were one of the essential instruments of influencing the masses and election campaigns in the Roman republic. Finally, this traditional form of justification of the proper right to have special position in the society came back in favor also at the time of the principate. The role of ancestor masks demonstration during the funeral ceremonies of principes from the Julio-Claudian dynasty and their kin is traced in the paper on the basis of the extant written evidence of the ancient authors. In the final part of the article the author comes to a conclusion that ancestor masks of the princeps were gradually replaced from emperor’s funeral rite by other forms of images. As a result with the Flavian dynasty came into power this tradition got left, while the image of the dead emperor took the main place in the emperor’s funeral rite.
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The article proposes an explanation of the social conditions of and thepolitical effects from widespread conspiratorial discourses in Bulgaria today. The approach is based on a generalization of Moishe Postone’s use of Marx’s critiqueof political economy to articulate a critical theory of modern antisemitism. My main argument is that it is possible to deploy Postone’s thesis, regarding the personalization of abstract domination in modern capitalism, more generally, that is without limiting it to the analysis of strictly antisemitic conspiratorial discourses. What interests me in particular is how to adapt Postone’s theory of antisemitism to explain narratives about “the Backstage of the Transition” in Bulgaria today, understood as the secretive force, derailing the nation fromits “natural” historical course. The concrete empirical focus of the article is the parliamentary debates around the adoption of amendments to the Judicial System Act from 2016. The amendments’ stated goal was to limit influences of “secret societies” in the judicial system; during the debates the imagined “Backstage of Transition” was personalized in the figure of “the free masons”.
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The paper analyzes the media and political reactions in Bulgarian online media to the Government's Annual National Security Report, subsequently approved by the Bulgarian Parliament, for the period September 2017 – November2017. References to the report were subject to content analysis according to the timeline of the reactions and the intensity of their occurence, according to the different categories of institutional and non-institutional speakers, as wellas according to the basic messages they were carrying. The findings show a strong disproportion in the representation of different opinions and the lack of public debate on the subject. Since the beginning of the period, there is a visible disparity between the reactions to the Report and their media coverage.The passages in the text of the Report that describe the role of Russia for the Bulgarian national security focus almost all of the media attention and were the most debated political issue on this topic. With a great deal of certainty it can be speculated that the next national security topic that will get great coverage will revolve around the state of security in the Black sea.
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«Парадокс ограниченного выбора» (англ. “bounded choice paradox”) был выявлен в ходе проведения в 2007-2008 гг. научного исследования «Теория и методология анализа международных консультаций». Основанием для обнаружения парадокса стало несоответствие индексов технологической и индивидуальной эффективности (сокр. ИТЭФ и ИИЭФ) консультационных процессов в международных межправительственных организациях (НАТО, ОВД, ОБСЕ, ШОС, СНГ) при сходных условиях функционирования указанной формы международной социально-политической коммуникации. Анализ уровня совокупной эффективности международных консультаций показал высокие показатели ИТЭФ (достигающие 95-100%, что значительно выше нормальных значений совокупной эффективности в 55-60%) при достаточно низких показателях ИИЭФ (в пределах от 1 до 10%) и низкой психологической удовлетворённости участников кон-сультационных процессов их итоговыми результатами (не более 15%) в консультативных и исполнительных органах НАТО, ОВД и ОБСЕ. В то же время низкие показатели обоих индексов отмечались в консультативных структурах ШОС и СНГ.
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The present article follows the relations of the Gypsy activists from Shumen with the International Roma Union, the attempts to send representatives to three of its congresses, as well as the control exercised by the authorities on these activities in the period 1966–1981. Archival documents and narratives of the witnesses of the events or of their relatives have been used. First of all, the analysis of the documents and narratives shows that the so called Gypsy nationalism (that lead to putting under observation of the Gypsy activists and to the restriction of their attempts to maintain contacts with the International Roma Union) was groundless. The article will also show that the self-study attempt of the Gypsies in Bulgaria were actually the efforts of a small group of representatives of the Roma intelligentsia, but not an all-Roma movement.
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