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This article presents the selected key socio-political determinants of the pro-Union aspirations of Ukraine that were important for the condition of EU – Ukraine relations. The presented events and historical outline may be the basis for further reflection and evaluation of how Ukraine was undergoing the process of accession and was located at its different stages.
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The article presents the analysis of 2,947 projects in the area of science and education co-financed by the Structural Funds in Poland in 2004–2006. It summarizes the investments co-financed by the European Regional Development Fund, the European Social Fund and the European Agricultural Guidance and Guarantee Fund. Data on 2,947 projects, with their regional division, have been verified. Thanks to this regional leaders have been distinguished in terms of the number of projects and raised funds in 2004–2006. Most importantly, the amount of the subsidy from the EU to projects in the area of science and education in Poland in the years 2004–2006 has been estimated per capita of individual region. These data were compared with the selected human capital development indicators in 2003, 2006, 2009 and 2012 to assess the impact of European funding in the field of science and education on human capital in Poland.
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The objective scope of the analysis performed in the text encompasses selected aspects of policy in its topological dimension. The space of policy is understood as both a theoretical construct (a policy field) and relations between the characteristics of political actors and their special kind of geographical co-existence. The following have been recognised as essential characteristics of policymaking: (1) electoral process and pluralism, (2) functioning of government, (3) political participation, (4) political culture and (5) civil liberties. These features can become an object of analysis in the assessment of democratic and authoritarian tendencies in selected countries. The text uses two statistical methods of multidimensional comparative analysis (Ward’s method and k-means method), apart from which use has been made of basic descriptive statistics and a comparative analysis of the values of the parameters of political characteristics. A selection of 40 European countries (EU-28 and 12 other countries) have been subjected to a statistical analysis according to the 2018 data. The main goal of the analysis is to connect facts and characteristics attributed to policy with a specific geographical area. In order to elaborate the objective scope of the research problem, the following research questions have been presented in the text: (1) Which of the characteristics of policy will determine the division of state entities according to a special type of clusters?, (2) Will political characteristics determine the division of particular state entities according to a special type of geographical division? The addressed research questions have been related to the hypotheses subjected to verification in the text.
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Visegrad Group (V4) containing Czechia, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia, is one of the examples of regional cooperation within the European Union (EU). Recently V4 has shown some coherence in case of migrant wave to the EU, as well as presented unified position vis-à-vis climate change or leaders election in the EU. The Author has taken into consideration major political parties – both ruling and in the opposition – and their programs in all V4 countries and comes to following conclusions: 1. There is no coherence of V4, as Czech Republic and Slovakia are not ready to follow the footsteps of Hungary and Poland in creation of so called illiberal democracies. 2. All V4 countries are domestically highly polarized, with the exception of Hungary dominated by its charismatic leader Viktor Orbán. 3. Internalnstability cannot bring a cohesive and unifi ed voice of V4 in the EU in more coordinated way. 4. If V4 countries will constantly undermine the core system of values, or copenhagen criteria, of the EU, as Hungary and Poland is doing, combined with more and more problems with corruption, as all of them have, then un-famous East – West division line can reemerge in the EU and on the European continent leading to weakening of it on the global scene.
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The aim of the article is to analyze the European programs of the mainpolitical parties in the Weimar Triangle countries. The analysis will focus on the political vision and possible institutional changes. In addition,the position on euro area reforms and (in Polish case) prospects for membership of the EMU will be examined. Another issue is the responseto the migration crisis, and views on the future of the internal market, deepening cooperation in defense policy and a vision of the future of EU foreign policy. Finally, brexit issues will be examined. The article wil lcompare the European doctrine of particular countries, then the views of the government (and its party base) and the opposition parties.
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The aim of the publication is to learn the dimensions of social differentiation by applying socio- economic indicators, as well as to indicate the importance of economic and social conditions as the leading factors in building the social order of national states and the European Union. The main research question concerned the issue whether and under what conditions it is possible to achieve improvement in the level of social cohesion? The experience and knowledge allow to assume that the most important in achieving social and economic cohesion are: the level of economic development and socio-political consensus regarding the distribution and circulation of social goods, rather than the model of national social policy. The adopted assumption was verified, confirmed the dominant role of the social contract, the scope of social solidarism and the developed GDP. These elements determine social development and determine the competitive advantage of national economies. In view of the weakness of institutions and EU-wide solutions, they consolidate the multidimensional disproportions between European societies. The analysis is based on research methods of politics and social policy. Statistical data was provided by national and EU institutions.
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Montenegro has chosen EU and NATO membership as its foreign policy priorities. The goal defined this way implies continuous reform processes through the adoption of standards in different fields of activity of the state and society. Forming of the efficient and interoperable system of national security is the imperative of every country. By using the system of national security, the state should provide peaceful and secure life for its citizens, protect their lives and property as well as human rights and freedom guaranteed by international documents and the Constitution of Montenegro. Montenegro is not an isolated area but it is located in the security unstable area of Western Balkans, and just like the other countries it is faced with challenges, risks and threats to its national security. For all that said, the country must remain persistent on its reform and integration path.
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The aim of this article is an attempt of comparative approach to the personality cult phenomenon, which formed the distinctive feature of three totalitarian political systems developed in Europe after the first world war, namely Italy during the rule of Benito Mussolini, Nazi Third Reich and the Stalinist Soviet Union. And so, after some general presentation of personality cults centered on three leaders of these totalitarian political systems, four general questions had been analyzed. These were as follows: some so-called “cult products”, some methods used in the cult’s propaganda, some functions of the cult of personality and finally some attitudes of totalitarian political leaders toward the cult of personality.
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If the relationship between the EU Council and the European Council in the context of the horizontal division of power is based on a system of checks and balances, the emphasis must be on balance rather than on the separation of authorities/entities exercising power. For this reason, the powers and authority of the states and of the European Union are to some extent mixed up in this relational formula, and they overlap. At the same time, each entity has decision-making powers creating a mechanism of political influence. The powers of the EU Council and the European Council are separated in terms of institutions (structures and personnel) but not of functions, because their powers are interrelated. The competition for power here results in its being shared, which is based on the ‘joint exercising’ of power and thus the joint performance of certain systemic functions, tasks and roles. The powers of one authority should not be performed directly or completely by any of the remaining authorities, and none of the authorities should gain a definite advantage over the others. This should be the message for both the presidency of the EU Council and for the President of the European Council.
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This article is devoted to the position of the European Union authorities and its main bodies on the reforms necessary for the Union to become a driving force in the further process of European integration. Its aim is to analyze the current EU condition and outline the prospects for its development. The main bodies of the Union, inter alia The Commission and the European Parliament and the European Council have in recent years reported a wide range of EU ‘recovery’ strategies and proposals but few have been implemented. The European Union is still drifting and losing its authority on the international scene, and European integration is in decline. In this study, I put a few theses, hypotheses and research questions to which I am trying to give comprehensive answers. One of these also concerns the great enlargement of the EU in 2004, and the other one introducing the single currency – the euro.
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The main issue of this article is the radical political thought and the security of contemporary European democracies. In this article, this problem is analyzed on the example of programs of nationalist parties and other organizations, e.g. National Democratic Party of Germany, National Revival of Poland, Golden Dawn from Greece, New Force from Italy, British National Party, Right Sector and Svoboda from Ukraine and others. Radical nationalist parties undermine of the principles of modern democracies. They attempt to change the international order and change the borders of countries in Europe that exist since the end of World War II. According to the author, only the reduction of defects of democracy and the development of knowledge about democracy, the development of civil society, the elimination of material disparities between social groups and the development of the middle class in Europe, can be an effective remedy for political radicalism.
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One of the great illusions at the end of the bloc confrontation was that lasting peace, security and stability would prevail in Europe. In fact, new areas of tension have emerged. NATO was practically extended to the Russian border, although the Soviet Union had been promised otherwise in 1990. World military spending is a quarter higher than at the end of the Cold War. Germany is once again the central power of Europe west of Russia, and the return of the “German question” has become a problem again. The coup in Kiev and the integration of the Crimea into Russia in 2014 and the subsequent reciprocal sanctions between the EU and Russia have further aggravated tensions However, it is important to say goodbye to all warfare scenarios, strictly follow a concept of war prevention and provide political solutions that can only be achieved on the basis of peaceful coexistence and a new policy of détente.
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The aim of the article is to identify and analyse the relationship between events in Ukraine in 2014 and changes in defense policies of selected European Union countries. The author assumes that at least some of the countries belonging to the European Union have changed their defense policy. They limited the reduction of defense expenditures and even started to increase them. Especially countries bordering on the Russian Federation. Verification of this hypothesis can be carried out on the basis of defense white papers published in 2014–2017 or similar documents. Moreover, by analyse of the actions which have been taken to implement the adopted assumptions. The neorealistic approach was considered to be the right research perspective.
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The subject of the analysis are the circumstances and attitude of NATO towards the military policy of Russia in Ukraine. The article discusses issues such as relations between NATO and Russia after the Cold War, relations between NATO and Ukraine after the Cold War and the Alliance’s response to Russia’s military policy in Ukraine. The article is intended to answer the question of whether NATO’s response was appropriate and sufficiently determined to protect NATO’s eastern flank states from Russia, effectively discourage it from provoking members of the Alliance and force it to change its policy towards Ukraine? Actions taken by NATO in response to Russia’s military policy in Ukraine focus on strengthening security and confirming the readiness to collective defense of Alliance members. Assistance to Ukraine is of a secondary and limited nature, and its scale is insufficient to force Russia to change its policy towards that country. The events in Ukraine led to a crisis in relations between Russia and NATO, as well as reduced the chances of Ukraine to join the Alliance.
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The purpose of this article is to analyze the European Union’s response to the influx of immigrants in 2016–2018. The author argues that the activity of EU countries had an impact on limiting the number of immigrants arriving in the EU, although this was not the only element reducing the number of third-country nationals crossing the EU’s external borders. In order to verify the above, an analysis of activities was conducted regarding agreements with third countries (Turkey, Libya) and the protection of internal and external borders. The article also shows how the numbers of immigrants/refugees to EU countries fluctuated after the 2015 migration crisis.
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In recent years national referenda have become popular instruments for making decisions on very problematic European issues (Grexit, Brexit, migration crisis). The Hungarian vote of 2016 on refugee quotas distribution seems to be one of them. Next to its importance in the Euopean context, the 2016 referendum was devoted to a very difficult and socially important problem. It is argued that this national referendum was a maneuver of Hungarian Prime Minister Victor Orban against the European Union, its solidarity and common interests. Having in mind that the migration crises should be treated as a joint challenge for the entire EU and all its member states should take a part of responsibility in seeking the proper solutions satisfying all MS – the main objective of this paper was to answer the question about the course and consequences of Hungarian referendum of 2016 for realization of the solidarity principle. The article aimed also at finding answers to the questions about the role of referendum on problematic/controversial issues in Hungary and about the factors impacting the voters decision.
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The author analyses the trade between Poland and other EU–member countries. His aim is to show the development, structures and the balance of this trade. The author comes to the conclusion that the trade was (in real prices) weak and the Federal Republik of Germany was the most important commercial partner Polands. Although the high technological and technological products played an important role in the trade between Poland and other EU–countries, low technological commodities were the most significant element of the trade balance, It are matters of consequence to increase the R+D–expenditures in Poland.
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The author summarizes the implementation of regional policy 15 years after Poland’s accession to the EU as revealed in the official data coming from Polish regions, the Ministry of Investment and Development, the European documents and his own expert experience. Not only does he indicate the legitimacy of the adopted directions of intervention, but also he analyses the examples of misuse of EU funds. The latter cases, according to the author, are often associated with local politics, when investment decisions are based on current electoral calculations, and not long-term development strategy. The recommendations propose a change of the hitherto dominant compensatory model of the implementation of European funds to a modernisation model using knowledge as the main development component. This is also related to the need for a broader involvement of the academic community in regional policy.
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The argument of this article is based on the assumption that the Hungarian EU model and the imitative Polish EU vision are based on Euroscepticism, creating the concepts equally incompatible with Western standards of democracy and the EU mainstream views. The strong articulation of extreme opinions leads to the isolation, while in the light of liberal intergovernmentalism it is the Polish concept that undermines the relative position of that state in the EU system more than the Hungarian one. First, compared with Hungary, Poland has completely different interests based on a Russian threat and geographical location. Second, due to its size Poland could be a relatively strong player in the EU, while presentation of a radical concept weakens its role, making it impossible to act as intermediary, an honest broker or a group leader. On the contrary, the Hungarian model, based on a similar concept but applied to a small political actor, can strengthen the relatively marginal position of that state, being a beneficial way to achieve some goals in tactical games.
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This paper is intended to analyze the challenges and consequences of the integration of Western Balkans to the European Union. Specifically, in the first case, challenges of this integration path and in the second case the consequences as a result of eventual stagnation in this path. For more than a century, the Western Balkans region has been seeking its way of European transformation. The region remains in the agenda of European Union expansion, but even after two decades of promises, the integration of Western Balkan countries to EU is not certain. The integration journey is first of all closely connected to building the institutional capacities, adoption of laws, rules, norms and European behavior in the domestic policymaking. Therefore, the challenges are converted into obstacle or inability to the establishment of values, identity, institutional and social aspects in the Western Balkan countries, whereas the consequences are reflected as derivatives of failure to accomplishing the membership of the region to EU. Based on the research conducted on this issue, this study argues that such challenges as lack of rule of law, high levels of corruption and organized crime are derivatives of historical legacy and political elite efforts to capture the state or dominate certain state resources, as well as of the EU approach towards this region. This study is important particularly in this aspect and unequivocally presents the common and separate challenges of the Western Balkans towards integration into the European Union. Along with this realistic presentation, the consequences themselves appear which first of all are not only to the detriment of the Western Balkans.
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