Cookies help us deliver our services. By using our services, you agree to our use of cookies. Learn more.
  • Log In
  • Register
CEEOL Logo
Advanced Search
  • Home
  • SUBJECT AREAS
  • PUBLISHERS
  • JOURNALS
  • eBooks
  • GREY LITERATURE
  • CEEOL-DIGITS
  • INDIVIDUAL ACCOUNT
  • Help
  • Contact
  • for LIBRARIANS
  • for PUBLISHERS

Content Type

Subjects

Languages

Legend

  • Journal
  • Article
  • Book
  • Chapter
  • Open Access
  • Politics / Political Sciences
  • Politics
  • EU-Accession / EU-DEvelopment

We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.

Result 7661-7680 of 7877
  • Prev
  • 1
  • 2
  • 3
  • ...
  • 383
  • 384
  • 385
  • ...
  • 392
  • 393
  • 394
  • Next
“Has regional cooperation led to the establishment of Balkania: Europe’s Southeastern Dimension?”

“Has regional cooperation led to the establishment of Balkania: Europe’s Southeastern Dimension?”

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

During the last decade there were many regional initiatives such as the Stability Pact and the Southeast European Cooperation Process aiming to establish strong linkage among countries in the Western Balkans, which in turn will bring lasting peace and stability to the region.. But we can hardly state that these regional arrangements have managed to build up strong “regional identity” which is a prerequisite for a sound regional cooperation as seen in other European regions, such as Scandinavia. Mainly, regional initiatives have focused on instant problem solving, rather than on launching a new long life quality for the region as a whole in economic and political sense. Thus, the regional cooperation phenomenon insofar has not produced any substantial results and sounds more like a good intention.

More...
“NATIONAL INTEREST” CONCEPT IN EUROPEAN CONTEXT

“NATIONAL INTEREST” CONCEPT IN EUROPEAN CONTEXT

Author(s): Cristina Bogzeanu / Language(s): English Issue: 41/2011

The present study is meant not only to contribute to fathoming the understanding of the mechanisms lying beyond European actors’ behavior on the regional and international arena, but also to make some conceptual clarifications. Within this article, the concept of “national interest” is approached from the perspective of International Relations and the manner in which this concept is understood and utilized at European level is examined. The first part of this paperwork analyses from a theoretical point of view the concept mentioned above, relying on the visions of different International Relations schools on it. The second section is meant to study the way in which this concept is applied at European level. In this sense, there are considered not only the EU official documents, but also EU’s role on the international arena, with the purpose to identify the logic behind a certain action of the EU or of its Member States, to find if they act accordingly to the idea of “common good”, at the European level, or to that of their own interests. This study ends with a research on the way in which Romania’s national interests have been formulated before and after its adhesion to the EU, the objective of this demarche consisting in demonstrating the two-way relation between national interests and the common ones, defined by the European official documents.

More...
“Parallel reforms and double efforts”: Latvia`s experience reforming administration

“Parallel reforms and double efforts”: Latvia`s experience reforming administration

Author(s): Iveta Reinholde / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2015

The public administration reform process in Latvia from the beginning of the 1990s was separated into two parts - national administrative reform and administrative territorial reform – both with their own unique goals and implementation mechanisms. The divided coordination and management of the reforms have resulted in the two administrative subsystems. The paper’s aim is to explore the links between reforms in the national level and local level after 2004 by analyzing the main reform documents determining all reform activities at that time. The results will demonstrate the complexity of the reform management process, as the coordination of reforms is essential regarding all of its levels and sectors.

More...
“Polish Energy Policy by 2050” in light of the EU’s Long-term Low Greenhouse Gas Emission Development Strategy

“Polish Energy Policy by 2050” in light of the EU’s Long-term Low Greenhouse Gas Emission Development Strategy

Author(s): Julia Michalak / Language(s): English

The new global climate agreement struck in Paris at the end of 2015 recommends its signatories to formulate long-term greenhouse gas emission development strategies by 2020. In March 2016 the European Commission outlined a plan to start preparations of the EU’s low-carbon development strategy. The Commission’s recommendation was welcomed by the European Council. Furthermore, several EU Member States are currently developing their own long-term climate and energy scenarios. In this context Poland also should start to develop its own long-term low greenhouse gas emission development strategy. Ongoing work on the long-term energy scenario Polish Energy Policy by 2050, which should take into account both the EU’s and EU Member States’ climate policies, offers a good opportunity to do so.

More...
“Potemkin Europeanisation”? Dynamics of Party Competition in Poland and Hungary in 1998–2004
20.00 €
Preview

“Potemkin Europeanisation”? Dynamics of Party Competition in Poland and Hungary in 1998–2004

Author(s): Kristina Mikulova / Language(s): English Issue: 01/2014

After the EU’s Eastern enlargement of 2004, it became clear that some of the reform in the former candidate countries resembled a Potemkin village: behind a gleaming façade lingered a grimmer reality. Party politics in Central Europe proved to be a case in point. The following article argues that party systems in the region only underwent “Potemkin Europeanisation”—essentially enjoying a “liberal consensus” thanks to a “camouflage effect” of the Europeanisation processes—in 1998–2004. Using case studies of party competition in Poland and Hungary in 1998–2004, it draws broader theoretical conclusions about the persistence of traditional cleavages as organizing principles of party systems in Central Europe, as well as the nature of EU influence on the modus operandi of party politics in candidate countries.

More...
“Take Back Control of Our Borders”: The Role of Arguments about Controlling Immigration in the Brexit Debate

“Take Back Control of Our Borders”: The Role of Arguments about Controlling Immigration in the Brexit Debate

Author(s): Simon Goodman / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2017

In the run-up to Brexit, the British referendum on leaving the European Union (EU), immigration was one of the top issues of concern to voters. Discussions about immigration dominated the campaigns, with the “Vote Leave” campaign linking leaving the EU with the opportunity to prevent immigration into the United Kingdom (UK). The focus on this was in part due to the migration and ‘refugee crisis’ in Europe that coincided with the referendum. This paper presents an analysis of how the key players in the Brexit debate focused on immigration. The question is, therefore, how did the participants in the Brexit debate talk about immigration and what did this talk accomplish. Discourse analysis of campaign coverage reveals that: 1. Leave campaigners presented immigration as out of control, including that from within and outside of the EU and those arriving in Europe as refugees; 2. “Remain” campaigners presented Brexit as an ineffective way of controlling migration; and, 3., in limited cases, immigration was presented as beneficial. The conclusion is that the focus on immigration appeared to have been a major factor in the eventual success of the Leave campaign. Although it remains to be seen what impact Brexit will have on immigration, opposition to immigration has become mainstream.

More...
“United We Stand Strong:” Bulgaria’s EU Council Presidency
0.00 €

“United We Stand Strong:” Bulgaria’s EU Council Presidency

Author(s): Jakub Pieńkowski / Language(s): English

On 1 January 2018, Bulgaria took up the presidency of the EU for the first time. Over the next six months, it will try to build up its image as a stable and responsible EU partner and the leader of the Balkan states. The effectiveness of the Bulgarian presidency will depend on its ability to achieve compromise on such issues as mass-migration, Brexit, and the new budgetary framework. Bulgaria avoided involvement in Article 7 actions against Poland, but in this situation, its emphasis on the mediating role of the presidency may be particularly important.

More...
“Unity through Balance:” Estonia’s EU Council Presidency

“Unity through Balance:” Estonia’s EU Council Presidency

Author(s): Kinga Raś / Language(s): English

On 1 July, Estonia took up the presidency of the EU a half year earlier than planned, replacing the UK, which has begun its separation negotiations with the bloc. Estonia will try to take advantage of issues essential to the EU agenda, such as the innovation economy, digitisation, and cybersecurity, to pursue its own interests in the European forum. On the other hand, the upcoming Eastern Partnership Summit gives Estonia the chance to become more actively involved in external EU activities. However, the effectiveness of the presidency depends on the results of its efforts to coordinate the work of the Union in relation to the mass-migration crisis and the future of EU finances.

More...
”New” and ”Existing” Rights in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union

”New” and ”Existing” Rights in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union

Author(s): Gabriela Nemtoi / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

Considered a fundamental document, the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union aims to bring together all the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights that citizens and residents of the Community can enjoy in order to outline the EU’s obligation to respect these fundamental rights. Thus, from the perspective of the content of the Charter, civil and political rights can be understood as those rights necessary for the assertion of the individual and defined by the action of their holder (Muraru & Tanasescu, 2008, p. 142) and in contrast are the economic, social and cultural rights that can be understood as those rights recognized to individuals, in their capacity as members of certain social categories. Through its content, the Charter reaffirms the rights that arise from the content of national constitutions and international obligations, common to the Member States. Thus, these rights stand out as a foundation that is built on the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, on the Social Charters adopted by the EU, on the jurisprudence of the Court of Justice of the European Union and the European Court of Human Rights. In this context, it should be noted that the Charter is the first normative act that manages to codify in a single document, the main civil, political, economic and social rights (DouglasScott, 2011, pp. 645-682), enshrined in previous Community Treaties. Under the auspices of the Charter, we will try to point out the innovative aspect that this document.

More...
„Europa, która chroni” – prezydencja Austrii w Radzie UE
0.00 €

„Europa, która chroni” – prezydencja Austrii w Radzie UE

Author(s): Łukasz Ogrodnik / Language(s): Polish

Priorytetem Austrii podczas rozpoczętej 1 lipca prezydencji w Radzie UE jest bezpieczeństwo. Kwestii tej podporządkowane są główne punkty programu prezydencji: migracja, cyfryzacja oraz integracja Bałkanów Zachodnich z UE. Chociaż w sferze polityki migracyjnej podejście austriackie jest zbliżone do polskiego, pozostają różnice dotyczące wieloletnich ram finansowych UE na lata 2021–2027, polityki energetycznej i egzekwowania przez Komisję Europejską zasady praworządności.

More...
„Evropeizace“ KSČM mezi „Ortodoxií“ a „Eurokomunismem“?

„Evropeizace“ KSČM mezi „Ortodoxií“ a „Eurokomunismem“?

Author(s): Vladimír Handl / Language(s): Czech

KSČM se stala často diskutovaným tématem české politiky a publicistiky. Stabilizovala a posílila svou pozici na české politické scéně, v posledních letech se před ní otevírá i regionální a evropský rozměr politického působení a to zejména se vstupem České republiky do EU. Jednou z významných otázek proto bude, jak stranu ovlivní zpožděný proces “evropeizace”. Jak se projeví institucionální, personálního a informační propojování s EU a odpovídajícími stranickými subjekty, zejména heterogenní levicovou GUE/NGL a Stranou evropské levice? Jak, nakolik a s jakým výsledkem bude strana (její poslanci, vedení, odborné zázemí, zaměstnanci, nižší organizační stupně – okresní, embryonální krajské stupně a členské organizace) vstřebávat nebo odmítat ideové, normativní, institucionální a politické “knowhow” EU, států a aktérů prioritně národně anebo převážně evropsky orientovaných? Procesem “evropeizace” již od počátku 90.let tak či onak procházejí všechny hlavní politické subjekty České republiky a dalších nových členů EU. Obecněji jde o otázku, jak - nebo zda vůbec - reaguje KSČM na vnější programové podněty, včetně zahraničních modelů.

More...
„I did it my way”: Czy to koniec współpracy Zjednoczonego Królestwa i Unii Europejskiej w sprawach zagranicznych, bezpieczeństwa i obrony?

„I did it my way”: Czy to koniec współpracy Zjednoczonego Królestwa i Unii Europejskiej w sprawach zagranicznych, bezpieczeństwa i obrony?

Author(s): Ewa M. SUWARA / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3/2020

31 December 2020 marks end of the “transition period” indicated in the Agreement on the Withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union. Until the end of this period, the subject of future cooperation in foreign affairs, security and defence has not been negotiated within the BREXIT negotiations. It results in lack of its elaboration in a form of a written agreement on future relations between both Parties in this area. The main objective of this publication is to discuss cooperation between the United Kingdom and the EU in foreign affairs, security and defence as of 1 January 2021, following the end of “transition period” stipulated in the Agreement, considering that it has not been negotiated between the Parties. In this publication, the author discusses negotiation strategy adopted by the United Kingdom, the EU proposal of regulating future relations in foreign affairs, defence and security, as well as presents the forms of cooperation with third states applied so far by the EU. The publication indicates the impact of the BREXIT for the future cooperation in foreign affairs, defence and security. The author argues that the strategy of negotiation adopted by the United Kingdom on future cooperation in the foreign affairs, defence and security was well planned, and does not constitute an obstacle for deepening the future relations between the United Kingdom and the EU.

More...
„It Is Not Only The Economy, Stupid“ – The Importance of National and European Identity for the Future of Europe

„It Is Not Only The Economy, Stupid“ – The Importance of National and European Identity for the Future of Europe

Author(s): Eckart D. Stratenschulte / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The European Union has always been a political project, using the economy as instrument to reach the political goals. Therefore, a European identity is of utmost importance for the success of the European integration process. European identity is not the contrary of a national identity but the result of the combination of national identities. The French philosopher François Jullien recommends replacing identity differentiation, which is always exclusive as well as inclusive, with the concept of distance. According to this concept, differences in cultures are certainly taken into account, but they are not used for exclusion, but to construct a greater common whole.

More...
„Specjaliści” od UE. O myśleniu potocznym jako granicy poznania wspólnoty europejskiej a sprawa polska (esej)

„Specjaliści” od UE. O myśleniu potocznym jako granicy poznania wspólnoty europejskiej a sprawa polska (esej)

Author(s): Marek Kaźmierczak / Language(s): Polish Issue: 15/2021

The main hypothesis of the article titled “Specialists” about European Union. Common sense as the limit of cognition of European community in the context of Polish policy is: understanding of European Union is shaped and determined by common sense (colloquial thinking). The author of the paper shows that the fragility of UE is rooted in the experience of the pornography of democracy where the rules and law fundamental for democratic society are used against citizens (compare with Polish or Hungarian perspective). That is why common sense is treated as the limit of political thought. Everybody in this context can be treated as the specialist of economy, ecology, international affairs, history, etc. Common sense makes emotions much more real than the facts that is why we can observe a lot of examples of the discourses of exclusion. There is also another important context: the status of liberalism. The author of the paper is convinced that in thinking about liberalism we should concern “biological turn”.

More...
„Tipikus” sepsiszentgyörgyi migránséletutak

„Tipikus” sepsiszentgyörgyi migránséletutak

Author(s): Andrea Sólyom / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 02/2020

The analysis on youth migration was developed in the framework of “YOUMIG – Improving institutional capacities and fostering cooperation to tackle the impacts of transnational youth migration” project. The present paper offers a picture about the “typical” biographies of young migrants. In the municipality of Sfântu Gheorghe emigration is the most important migratory trend. Among emigrants one can identify short term migrants – this type is distinctive of Roma migrants, too; long term migrants, most of them aiming to earn a living through their labour migration; while a smaller group studies and works abroad at the same time. There are also return migrants but it is hard to estimate their proportions. During our research both quantitative and qualitative methods were used. The present paper is based on interviews conducted with young migrants. The present study starts with a short summary of the theoretical approaches applied during the analysis, followed by the methodology and a detailed characterization of the interviewees. The chapter presenting the local context concentrates on the demographic and economic indicators of the place of the fieldwork, then a short analysis is provided about the push and pull factors of the town based on the interviews. In order to achieve a detailed analysis three biographies were selected. Firstly the milestones of their lives will be compared, followed by the analysis of their identitites and of their feelings toward the sending and emigrant (diaspora) communities. Secondly, their migration types and narrative strategies will be identified. Finally, the conclusions will highlight the similarities and differences revealed in the selected biographies.

More...
„Więcej Europy” jako przykład strategii antykryzysowej – próba oceny efektywności

„Więcej Europy” jako przykład strategii antykryzysowej – próba oceny efektywności

Author(s): Marek A. Cichocki / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2 (82)/2017

The author examines the role and effectiveness of the “more Europe” approach to the crisis in the general area of politics (in wide terms), and in relation to the crises in the European Union (in narrow terms). Assuming that the crisis is a perceived situation (coming from the field of perception), and not an objective and scientific set of data, the author tries to assess the actions of policy-makers and show what effects they cause. Referring to the postfunctionalist theory, it is shown in the article that “more Europe” means a strong politicization of the EU, which leads to the polarization – on the one hand, a stronger EU jurisdiction (based on output legitimacy), and on the other hand, the strengthening of national identities. Hence, the logic of technocratic and rational EU mechanism collides with the competition with pre-material values of the logic of identity. This is why the eurozone crisis, which was initially compatible with the logic of economic theories turned into a struggle for identity – with a role of the nation state and democracy in the background. The author concludes that the proponents of the “more Europe” approach do not realize the recently emerged conditions and contexts. Paying attention to the perception unveils that the strategy of “more Europe” can be counter-productive, because the decisions made under the pressure of the crisis may lead to even greater uncertainty and insecurity of those people affected.

More...
„Zielona kartka”: czas na rewizję zaangażowania parlamentów narodowych w politykę Unii Europejskiej
0.00 €

„Zielona kartka”: czas na rewizję zaangażowania parlamentów narodowych w politykę Unii Europejskiej

Author(s): Karolina Borońska-Hryniewiecka / Language(s): Polish

Na przełomie maja i czerwca 2015 r. parlamentarzyści krajów unijnych oraz ich odpowiednicy z Parlamentu Europejskiego (PE) spotkają się w Rydze, aby przedyskutować sposoby zwiększenia udziału parlamentów w zarządzaniu Unią Europejską (UE). Jednym z pomysłów jest „zielona kartka” umożliwiająca parlamentom narodowym składanie Komisji Europejskiej (KE) propozycji legislacyjnych. Jednakże klimat nieufności między PE a parlamentami narodowymi może spowodować, że projekt nie dojdzie do skutku i te ostatnie będą zmuszone zweryfikować swoją rolę w UE, gdyż grozi im instytucjonalna i polityczna próżnia.

More...
„Брюксел ни каза така да направим“

„Брюксел ни каза така да направим“

Author(s): Gergana Radoykova / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The 10th anniversary of Bulgaria's full EU membership is not just a time for evaluation . It is important for two reasons, at least. Firstly, the EU is in one of the most serious crises in the history of European unification, waves of Euroscepticism are sweeping across many member states. Secondly, in just half a year our country will have the extremely serious responsibility of taking over the rotating presidency of the Council. In this context, it is of fundamental importance how the Bulgarian citizens make sense of the Presidency, the European Union in its entirety, and last but not least, their place in it.

More...
„Европейски“ vs. „традиционни“ ценности в българските медии

„Европейски“ vs. „традиционни“ ценности в българските медии

Author(s): Ralitsa Kovacheva / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 9/2021

The study presented deals with the issue of the media representation of the concepts of „European values“ and „traditional Bulgarian values“ during the European election campaign in 2019. The results show that a broad misrepresentation of the European values prevails in the political discourse, based on which they are opposed to the Bulgarian values. As a result, a negative attitude towards the EU is constructed.

More...
№ 03 POLAND’S SECOND RETURN TO EUROPE?
0.00 €

№ 03 POLAND’S SECOND RETURN TO EUROPE?

Author(s): Paweł Świeboda / Language(s): English

Donald Tusk, the new Polish Prime Minister, wants to bring Poland back to the heart of Europe, rebuilding ties with Germany and France to create a ‘Weimar Triangle’, lessening tensions with Russia, and trying to make the country a genuine player in European foreign policy. The new Government will try to rebalance ist relationship with the United States, slowing down the move towards missile defence and withdrawing its troops from Iraq. Although there will be a change of style on contentious issues like Russia, the new government will still be an ‘assertive partner’ opting out of the Charter of Fundamental Rights; unlikely to join the euro; and likely to put up a fi ght against reform of the EU budget.Co-habitation with President Lech Kaczyński will create tensions but the government has the constitutional powers and the moral clout to set the agenda.

More...
Result 7661-7680 of 7877
  • Prev
  • 1
  • 2
  • 3
  • ...
  • 383
  • 384
  • 385
  • ...
  • 392
  • 393
  • 394
  • Next

About

CEEOL is a leading provider of academic e-journals and e-books in the Humanities and Social Sciences from and about Central and Eastern Europe. In the rapidly changing digital sphere CEEOL is a reliable source of adjusting expertise trusted by scholars, publishers and librarians. Currently, over 1000 publishers entrust CEEOL with their high-quality journals and e-books. CEEOL provides scholars, researchers and students with access to a wide range of academic content in a constantly growing, dynamic repository. Currently, CEEOL covers more than 2000 journals and 690.000 articles, over 4500 ebooks and 6000 grey literature document. CEEOL offers various services to subscribing institutions and their patrons to make access to its content as easy as possible. Furthermore, CEEOL allows publishers to reach new audiences and promote the scientific achievements of the Eastern European scientific community to a broader readership. Un-affiliated scholars have the possibility to access the repository by creating their personal user account

Contact Us

Central and Eastern European Online Library GmbH
Basaltstrasse 9
60487 Frankfurt am Main
Germany
Amtsgericht Frankfurt am Main HRB 53679
VAT number: DE300273105
Phone: +49 (0)69-20026820
Fax: +49 (0)69-20026819
Email: info@ceeol.com

Connect with CEEOL

  • Join our Facebook page
  • Follow us on Twitter
CEEOL Logo Footer
2023 © CEEOL. ALL Rights Reserved. Privacy Policy | Terms & Conditions of use
ICB - InterConsult Bulgaria core ver.2.0.1219

Login CEEOL

{{forgottenPasswordMessage.Message}}

Enter your Username (Email) below.

Shibbolet Login

Shibboleth authentication is only available to registered institutions.

Please note that there is a planned full infrastructure maintenance and database upgrade of the CEEOL repository.
The Shibboleth login functionality is temporarily unavailable.
We apologize in advance for the inconvenience and thank you for your kind understanding.