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Kultura u vanjskoj politici Evropske Unije

Kultura u vanjskoj politici Evropske Unije

Author(s): Edin Veladžić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 74-75/2017

It is obvious that culture becomes an increasingly important factor in the Union’s foreign policy. References to the new dimension of culture in the EU’s foreign affairs can also be seen in the establishing of the Creative Europe program where it is clearly emphasized that it is referring to the objectives set out in the Treaty on the Functioning of the EU and the European Agenda for Culture. This aspect is also recognized in the European Neighborhood Policy. Through its Neighborhood Policy, The Union cooperates with the southern and eastern partners to achieve the closest possible political link and the highest degree of economic integration. In the Institutions of the Union, the potential and the need to conduct agile cultural diplomacy has been recognized. Culture, based on the Agenda for Culture, has become one of the key components of foreign affairs. Well crafted cultural diplomacy is the corner stone of building trust and long-standing good relations with citizens in third countries. For this reason, EU cultural policy makers have recently advocated that culture is essentially and horizontally integrated into a broad spectrum of EU foreign policy, from trade relations to enlargement policy and neighborhood policy. Culture can also be an instrument that helps to stimulate democratization, freedom of expression, inclusiveness, development, education, reconciliation and more. All of this confirms that the culture segment is becoming more and more represented in EU policies. Its enormous potential is recognized and therefore we find it more and more common in other sectoral policies.

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Separatism in the United Europe: old problem with a new face

Separatism in the United Europe: old problem with a new face

Author(s): Ivan Yakoviyk,Marina Okladna,R. R. Orlovskyy / Language(s): English,Russian,Ukrainian Issue: 140/2018

The focus of this article is the research of the questions, related to the development of separatism in Europe. The prerequisites for the development of the separatist movement within the European integration are analysed, as well as the forms of its realization. The EU’s role in settling the separatist conflicts of the member states is explained. The author is proving the conclusion that in future, within the United Europe, the demands for self-determination will be reviewed by the European Union’s institutions more and more often. Those events will be happening on the background of the mounting tensions between the EU, its member states and their regions.

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Суд справедливості Європейського Співтовариства вугілля та сталі як прообраз Суду справедливості ЄС

Суд справедливості Європейського Співтовариства вугілля та сталі як прообраз Суду справедливості ЄС

Author(s): T. Komarova / Language(s): English,Russian,Ukrainian Issue: 140/2018

The history of the foundation of the Court of Justice of the European Coal and Steal Community, which became the prototype of modern Court of Justice of the European Union, is enshrined. The model, on which the Court was found and factors, which influenced and helped actively formulate the autonomous legal order of future European Union, are analyzed. The author learned the influence of national practice of the States-founders of the European Coal and Steal Community on establishment of the Court’s functions as well as of international experience. This influenced on the unique features of Community’s judicial system and on the formation of supranational mechanisms of judicial protection.The author shows that from the beginning of functioning of the Court of Justice of the European Coal and Steal Community it has played the role of defender of private persons’ interests and this fact differ the Court from classical international judicial organs. Private persons quite effectively appealed against the decisions of Community institutions and this shows the orientation of new Community not only on States but on people of Europe.The Court of Justice of the European Coal and Steal Community was not just a formal predecessor of the Court of Justice of the European Union, but it determined the vector of the development of judicial practice and principles which are still form the cornerstone of the functioning of justice in the EU.

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10 Years of Polish Membership in the European Union Structures. Was It Worth It?

10 Years of Polish Membership in the European Union Structures. Was It Worth It?

Author(s): Rafał Willa / Language(s): English Issue: 12/2014

Poland had to meet various political, legal and economic criteria in order to become a member of the European Union; the EU itself also had to prepare for it in institutional and financial respect. Although fulfilling acquis communautaire standards, then accession negotiations and completion of formalities lasted 10 years and the anti-EU campaign before a national referendum about Polish integration with the EU caused serious doubts and concerns connected with the accession, still on the 1 May 2004 Poland became a member of the EU. Now, after 10 years of membership there are several questions how Poland has used its presence in this organization. Has it been a time of prosperity and success or rather a failure and a historical mistake? What and how has Poland been changed over this time? Have social doubts connected with the EU integration been allayed? These are just a few questions raised in this article and the author tries to answer them.

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Around the Bloc: We’ve Earned Your Respect, Bulgaria Tells Brussels
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Around the Bloc: We’ve Earned Your Respect, Bulgaria Tells Brussels

Author(s): TOL TOL / Language(s): English Issue: 01/16/2018

Just days into its stint in the EU presidency, Bulgaria is stepping up its efforts to be accepted into the bloc’s inner sanctum.

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+383 Prishtina Calling
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+383 Prishtina Calling

Author(s): Adelheid Wölfl / Language(s): German Issue: 01/2018

Ten years after independence, most Kosovars are disappointed. They expected more prosperity and employment. The new government in Kosovo, which is in place since September 2017, has not been able to ratify the border agreement with Montenegro – a prerequisite for participation in the Schengen visa liberalization regime. In summer 2018, Kosovo might finally get a dialling code of its own: +383. The country remains bottom-placed regarding EU enlargement in the Western Balkans. In Serb inhabited Northern Kosovo the security situation has worsened after the murder of Oliver Ivanović in January 2018. Prior to a bilateral and legally binding agreement between Kosovo and Serbia – which should be signed in 2019 – there has been speculation about a possible border change, which could result in Northern Kosovo falling to Serbia. However, the German government has clearly opposed this possibility. There are also rumours that Russia and the US could play a role in the agreement, but this is rejected by key players in the EU.

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Europeizacja systemu zamówień publicznych w Polsce

Europeizacja systemu zamówień publicznych w Polsce

Author(s): Magdalena Potapińska / Language(s): Polish Issue: 27/2012

The article aims to exhibit an adaptation of the procurement system in Poland to European Union legislation. Continuous amendment of the law rules is eliminating pathological phenomenon and it causes increased efficiency of public spending.

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Women and Politics: The Impact of the European Integration Process on Women’s Political Representation in Romania

Women and Politics: The Impact of the European Integration Process on Women’s Political Representation in Romania

Author(s): Elena Brodeală / Language(s): English Issue: 5 (19)/2015

This paper explains what the impact of European integration was on women's political representation in Romania. This impact is particularly interesting for two reasons: firstly, because the European Union does not have competence in the electoral domain and cannot impose Member States any obligation to adopt measures to boost women's representation in politics, and secondly, because women's political representation is generally a "taboo" subject in Romania mainly due to the abusive use of gender quotas by the former Socialist regime. In the case of the first reason, the EU can use only soft law means to raise States' awareness in this field, but Member States are free to decide on measures to increase women's political representation. In the case of the second reason, it has to be mentioned that during State Socialism, the Communist Party imposed quotas in many representative bodies, including the Parliament, this coinciding with the moment when women in Romania received full formal political rights for the first time. Yet, since all women who got in Power were Party members and were not supposed to have a real influence in the decision-making of those times, their presence in politics proved to have had a negative effect on the situation of gender representation after the fall of the regime. After this moment, it was believed that women have a detrimental impact on politics. Thus, the number of women in politics fell dramatically. It is only Romania’s decision to accede to the EU that precipitated a change in the situation. The reason for this, as I argue in this paper, is that a high presence of women in politics started to be seen as a "European value" necessary for Romania's EU accession. This made Romanian decision-makers adopt certain legislative measures and argue in favor of gender quotas, although there was no such legally binding requirement from the EU. Said differently, in order to increase their chances of accession to the EU and foster Romania’s “European identity”, Romanian decision-makers ended up transposing or aiming to transpose EU’s soft law into hard law acts in Romania. To illustrate how and why this happened, the paper will look at two aspects. The first aspect refers to the actual changes brought to this field by Romania’s EU integration, while the second one refers to the political and historical factors that facilitated such changes. These factors include Romania’s undeniable desire to “return to Europe” after the fall of State Socialism, the political pressure put by the EU with regard to increasing women’s representation in politics and the endeavor of local politicians to portray EU accession as requiring measures to ensure gender balance in politics.

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Innowacyjność Polskich przedsiębiorstw usługowych na tle doświadczeń Unii Europejskiej

Innowacyjność Polskich przedsiębiorstw usługowych na tle doświadczeń Unii Europejskiej

Author(s): Bogumił Czerwiński / Language(s): Polish Issue: 13/2009

In this study exercise of the author was turning of the attention on innovations in services on account the growing meaning of this section in the economic activity, at simultaneous hitherto existing concentrating of considerations theoretical and investigative on innovations technological, concerning in the greater degree of the industrial activity. With simultaneously essential becomes observing of effacing boundaries separating the industrial activity from service. One ought so to ascertain that research innovativeness should adopt the more intersectoral dimension. On the job one presented the meaning of the innovation in the service activity and the place of Poland on the innovative map of Europe in seizing sectoral and geographical. An effect of the work are four basic concerning recommendations of the innovation in Polish service firms. They refer: the considerable enlargement of financial supporting for undertakings pro-innovative, introductions of legal facilitatory changes to service firms realizing of the innovation, the more easy access to widely understood knowledge and intensive promoting of using of modern technicses of communication.

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CSDP and the Open Method of Coordination: Developing the EU’s Comprehensive Approach to Security

CSDP and the Open Method of Coordination: Developing the EU’s Comprehensive Approach to Security

Author(s): Simon Sweeney,Neil Winn / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2017

How can we best describe the operation of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), and how can we improve policy-making in CSDP? The Open Method of Coordination (OMC) is predicated on the conviction that there are clear limits to the extent that European Union (EU) foreign and security policy can be strengthened through the restricting tendencies of intergovernmental cooperation between EU member states. Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) – agreed by the European Council and 25 EU member states in 2017 – offers practical instruments towards delivering value-added capacity to the process of crisis management beyond intergovernmentalism. As a process, PESCO is analogous to the logic of OMC, including more appropriate levels of coordination at the national organisational level in order to effectively facilitate the EU’s comprehensive approach to conflict prevention and crisis management. The requirement for new and “open” types of EU foreign and security policy coordination is underlined by the immense differences between EU member states in external policy, both concerning national crisis management structures and the resulting inefficient segmentation of policy at the EU level.

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Around the Bloc: Orban’s Victory Knocks Out a Media Critic
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Around the Bloc: Orban’s Victory Knocks Out a Media Critic

Author(s): TOL TOL / Language(s): English Issue: 04/17/2018

Closure of a daily and radio station owned by opposition magnate tightens the ruling party’s grip on tools of power.

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OCHRONA INFORMACJI NIEJAWNYCH W SYSTEMIE PRAWNYM UNII EUROPEJSKIEJ

OCHRONA INFORMACJI NIEJAWNYCH W SYSTEMIE PRAWNYM UNII EUROPEJSKIEJ

Author(s): Jacek Sobczak / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2011

The paper discusses the principles of protection of classified information in EU law by means of an analysis of Article 1 of the Treaty establishing the European Community, and the Council decision of 31 March 2011 on the security rules for protecting EU classified information. Issues considered involve the clauses on classified information, risk management for security, the issue of personal and physical security, classified information management, protection of classified information in ICT systems, industrial security, information exchange with third countries, and finally – the breach and compromise of EU classified information. The final part emphasizes the connection between the above-mentioned decision and other normative acts.

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STRATEGICZNE WYZWANIA DLA POLSKIEJ POLITYKI ZAGRANICZNEJ W KONTEKŚCIE PREZYDENCJI W RADZIE UNII EUROPEJSKIEJ W 2011 ROKU

STRATEGICZNE WYZWANIA DLA POLSKIEJ POLITYKI ZAGRANICZNEJ W KONTEKŚCIE PREZYDENCJI W RADZIE UNII EUROPEJSKIEJ W 2011 ROKU

Author(s): Radosław Grodzki / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2011

The contribution refers to selected priority areas of the Polish Presidency in the EU. The topics include the future EU Financial Framework; future of the EU enlargement policy, Eastern Partnership; the EU Energy Policy and especially areas of defense policy during Presidency: development of military capabilities, with a focus on pooling and sharing and the revival of the discussion on the increase of usefulness and flexibility of EU Battle Groups and strengthening EU capabilities, reform of its command structure, in particular improvement of planning capabilities and conducting operations at strategic level.

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CZARNOMORSKI WYMIAR BEZPIECZEŃSTWA EUROPEJSKIEGO

CZARNOMORSKI WYMIAR BEZPIECZEŃSTWA EUROPEJSKIEGO

Author(s): Marta Zobeniak / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2011

This article examines geopolitical, geoeconomical and geostrategical tendencies, vulnerabilities, risks and threats in theWider Black Sea Area. The research reveals the existence of a „Soft War” opposing the U.S. and E.U. on one side to the Russian Federation and its allies from Shanghai Cooperation Organization on the other side, which can easily become the Second Cold War. It involves access to energy resources and distribution, the Russian efforts to maintain and extend its hegemony using regional instability, secessionist enclaves, sabotage and paramilitary violence, terrorism and criminality. The article also examinesWestern regional interests. For many centuries, from a geopolitical, geoeconomic and geostrategic point of view, the Black Sea and Balkan area’s importance was based mainly on the region’s role as a point of intersection between great powers that played a critical role in Europe’s history. This area was a link and a frontier, a buffer zone and a transit corridor, betweenWest and East or North and South. The region represents a point of linkage for commercial nets and areas rich in energy resources, but also a black hole in the Western historical consciousness. In the political environment the area is part of the wider Black Sea area and includes the Euro-Asian energy corridor linking the Euro-Atlantic system with Caspian energy supplies. Today the Black Sea and Balkan area is characterized by transformations caused by separation from communism and the Soviet sphere of influence, and by transition from isolation to the values of democracy and free trade. Some of the states from this region are now NATO and European Union members, and others are trying to become eligible by fulfilling NATO and E.U. conditions. At the same time, Russia is trying to build a politico-military and economic block in order to regain its position as a major regional player and a great world power.

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PROBLEMY BEZPIECZEŃSTWA UNII EUROPEJSKIEJ

PROBLEMY BEZPIECZEŃSTWA UNII EUROPEJSKIEJ

Author(s): Janusz Karwat / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2011

The institutions responsible for the security of those societies developed in the last two decades in the European Union. The Council of Europe accepted the first safety strategy in the history of this international organization. Terrorist attacks made taking forceful steps necessary. The process of creating union troops mainly in combat groups became significant. The creation of this group is the most important military initiative undertaken by the European Union. Since 2010 they have been working in rotation groups and with the ability to react quickly during a crisis outside European territory. Poland is taking part in this process with an increasingly active contribution to strengthen its position within EU structures. Poland is part of the Weimarsk and Visegrad combat group with other countries. There is no sign yet of the creation of a unileteral European army in the coming years. The European Union undertakes supplementary tasks in relation to military operations run by the United Nations and NATO.

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TURCJA W UNII EUROPEJSKIEJ? BILANS KORZYŚCI I KOSZTÓW

TURCJA W UNII EUROPEJSKIEJ? BILANS KORZYŚCI I KOSZTÓW

Author(s): Magdalena Szkudlarek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2012

The aim of this article is the comprehensive analysis of possible benefits and disadvantages of Turkey’s European Union membership from the point of view of both of the sides of the accession process, and the attempt to predict the probable consequences of two political scenarios: accession of Turkey to the EU which is equivalent to being a full member with the same rights as remaining 27 countries, or the fiasco of Turkey’s accession process to the UE. The first part of this article contains the analysis of economic, political and sociocultural benefits that both of the sides will gain and the balance of the costs that each side will have to bear. The analysis that is being carried out in the second part of this article is concerned with possible consequences of ‘worst and best scenario’ fulfillment. However, as it is being shown in this part of article, between two mentioned above extremes there is one more possible way of progress of events: heavily supported by the chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany Angela Merkel ‘privileged partnership’ for Turkey instead of full EU membership. How it has been repeatedly said by Turkish political leaders, none form of partnership should be even considered because offers of cooperation different from full EU membership are insult to Turkey. However, taking into consideration the fact that EU is still being affected by economic and political crisis, it may have not possibility to offer Turkey anything more than remaining the ‘status quo’. Possible results of this progress of events like Turkey’s turn to the Islamic neighbouring countries and European Union’s loss of a chance of attaching great importance to global geopolitics, are also taken into consideration.

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ЗНАЧАЈ СОЦИЈАЛНОГ ДИЈАЛОГА У ПРОЦЕСУ УСКЛАЂИВАЊА ДОМАЋЕГ ПРАВА СА ПРАВОМ ЕВРОПСКЕ УНИЈЕ

Author(s): Željko Mirjanić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 68/2014

The importance of a social dialogue in the process of consolidation of domestic law with the European Union law is hereby analyzed through the issues of level of development of institutional tripartite dialogue, development of social dialogue as a prerequisite that is ahead for the countries in the process of joining European integration and the mode of consolidation of domestic labour law with the EU law. Social dialogue in the countries that have passed through or are still under the process of transition of legal order, is being developed according to relevant model of the EU countries, which have recognized the social dialogue as an efficient way of reaching compromise and preserving social peace. The key importance in our country is given to tripartite dialogue within the economic social council. The functioning of the economic social council of the Republika Srpska can be a model of social dialogue, and its role is to consolidate labour and social laws as well as other laws that are at stake for social partners, with the European Union law. At the same time, the subject matter of the dialogue in this council is wider then the issue of the law consolidation, and covers a number of other areas, corresponding to trends of development of social dialogue that is prevailing in the EU countries. On the contrary, the absence or flaws in institutional social dialogue regarding its functioning especially at the local level, and having in mind unfavorable circumstances regarding the employees’ associations in private companies and forming of the council of employees, are a limiting factor to development of autonomous labour law, as a part of the process of consolidation. In the process of joining the EU, the request for consolidation of labour legislature with the EU law has come out, which includes the necessity of further providing legal prerequisites for social dialogue. The greatest problem in that process, apart from enactment of new labour law, is defining relations between the governing institutions and social partners. In our country there is a trend of constantly widening the subject of social dialogue to matters outside of regulating rights and interests of employees and employers, as well as the widening of dialogue to non-governmental sector. In the last decade, social partners are having more and more participation in the government and a growing influence to participation of the country in the process of joining European integrations, through the economic social council and other forms of institutional tripartite dialogue, which leads to the change of traditional relations between the institutions of government and representatives of employees and employers.

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DOSEZI I PRETPOSTAVKE UBRZANJA INTEGRACIJE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE U EVROPSKU UNIJU I NATO SAVEZ

DOSEZI I PRETPOSTAVKE UBRZANJA INTEGRACIJE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE U EVROPSKU UNIJU I NATO SAVEZ

Author(s): Mirko Pejanović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 3/2017

After the three and a half year war period from 1992-1995, the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s economy and infrastructure were devastated. Also, the socio-cultural sphere greatly suffered. More than a million citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina were refugees in the countries of Western Europe, the USA, Canada and Australia. Internally displaced persons in the Bosnia and Herzegovina territory lost their homes. The reconstruction of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina started after the Dayton Peace Agreement in early 1996. The Dayton Peace Agreement has established peace, but also a dysfunctional state - namely all state structures are derived from ethnic basis. Political parties are articulated on ethnicities and do not have a historical conduit to form consensus on the Bosnia and Herzegovina’s state development. With its civilian and peacekeeping forces, the International Community has provided the institution of the International Community Higher Representative and the Special Representative of the European Union and enabled peace building and transition of the B-H society. The construction of peace in the first decades of the XXI century takes place on the geopolitical basis of the Dayton Peace Agreement and the geopolitics of the Euro-Atlantic integrations. With the involvement of the International Community and the European Union, apart from peace-building, the Dayton Peace Accords also established the basis for a historic project of the integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina into the European Union and the NATO Alliance. From the geopolitics of the Dayton Peace Agreement, Bosnia and Herzegovina gradually moves into geopolitics of EuroAtlantic integration through gaining membership in the European Union and the NATO alliance. European integration takes place within the internationalization of Bosnian issue as a matter of building Bosnia and Herzegovina as a self-sustainable legal state. Bosnia and Herzegovina achieves its self-sustainability by implementing reforms and gaining membership in the European Union and the NATO Alliance. As a result, the integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina into the European Union and the NATO Alliance is a historic project of building peace in post-war and post-Dayton era. The delay in the integration of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina into the European Union and the NATO alliance can create conditions for the functioning of new geopolitical forces in the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, contrary to the Euro-Atlantic integration concept.

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DEFENCE INDUSTRY IN THE EUROPEAN UNION – CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES IN TIMES OF ECONOMIC CRISIS

DEFENCE INDUSTRY IN THE EUROPEAN UNION – CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES IN TIMES OF ECONOMIC CRISIS

Author(s): Rafał Wiśniewski / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2012

Current economic crisis in the EU can prove to be a turning point for the European defence- industrial base. The purpose of this article is to analyse the current state of the EU-based defence sector and possible trajectories of its future evolution. In order to achieve this aim, an overview of defence industry’s functions has been provided, followed by SWOT analysis of internal and external factors influencing the current and future position of the European defence-industrial base. Presentation of the sector’s strengths and weaknesses, as well as threat and opportunities coming from the external environment provides basis for assessment of possible future directions of industry’s evolution.

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DISCOURSE ON NATIONAL IDENTITY IN MOLDOVAN POLITICS AFTER 2009

DISCOURSE ON NATIONAL IDENTITY IN MOLDOVAN POLITICS AFTER 2009

Author(s): Piotr Oleksy / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2012

Throughout the 20 years of independence, different concepts of a Moldovan nation have competed in public, scientific, and political discourse. A turning point came in 2009, when the ruling Communist Party of Moldova was replaced by a pro-European coalition of self-styled liberal-democratic parties who brought about a significant pluralisation of Moldovan public life. The goal of this article is to analyse the discourse on national identity in Moldovan politics since 2009.

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