Avrupa'da Türkler: Din ve Entegrasyon
Review of: Nurullah Haydar YURDUSEVEN - Yakup ÇOŞTU, İngiltere’deki Türk-Müslüman Göçmenler; Dini Organizasyonlar, Lider Matbaacılık, Çorum, 2013, 200s. (ISBN: 978-60562249-1-1)
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Review of: Nurullah Haydar YURDUSEVEN - Yakup ÇOŞTU, İngiltere’deki Türk-Müslüman Göçmenler; Dini Organizasyonlar, Lider Matbaacılık, Çorum, 2013, 200s. (ISBN: 978-60562249-1-1)
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As one of Syria’s neighbors, Turkey has become a refuge for more than 3.5 million forced Syrian migrants. Though many of them are living in Turkey’s border cities, in or around the refugee camps, many others have already dispersed to other cities. Among these cities, Istanbul has the largest Syrian community. Drawing on a qualitative field work in Istanbul’s neighborhoods, this study explores the Syrian migration to Istanbul and reports the attitudes towards this movement of the local neighborhood and village headmen, known as muhtars in the Turkish local administrative system. As the study shows, their attitudes towards forced Syrian migrants are paradoxical, marked both by feelings of disturbance, worry and uneasiness, and at the same time welcome and support.
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Modernist planning and urban development created a lot of residential space without consulting the people who would live in it. It was generally assumed that the professional planner was the best judge of the needs of the community and knew exactly how to meet these needs through physical design: open green space and high-rise, cheap-to-build apartment blocks with fresh air between them. With these and other principles in mind, modernist planning, produced many neighbourhoods and new towns in an attempt to create 'ideal communities and spaces'. Before long, most of these neighbourhoods and towns had lost their charm and had descended into rundown hubs of poverty, racial and ethnic exclusion, criminality and stigmatisation. Toronto is no stranger to this problem. Jane-Finch, a neighbourhood in the north-western corner of the city is one of the products of modernist planning. Jane-Finch, as a cheap neighbourhood, houses a large immigrant population and diverse groups, but thanks to its community-planning tradition, some social transformations are taking place there and turning a stigmatised rundown area into a community hub. This paper discusses the changing social and spatial dynamics in the Jane-Finch neighbourhood and underlines the need to find new planning approaches in order to deal effectively with an increasingly diverse and complex urban society.
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Andrea Levy’s short story “Loose Change” (2014) focuses on an unsettling encounter between the narrator, a black British woman, who identifies herself as a “Londoner,” and a homeless refugee woman, Laylor, from Uzbekistan. It is my claim that the unsympathetic attitude of the narrator to a refugee woman in need of help is indicative of the text’s emphasis on “relational” and “historically variable” positioning of diasporic formations (Brah, 1996, p. 180) and of Levy’s brave tackling of the following question raised by Alison Donnell: “Does the success that writers and other cultural practitioners have had in ensuring that the black in black Britishness has now arrived at a point of much fuller and complex self-representation, mean that black writers no longer need to contest the nation?” (Donnell, 2002, p. 17). In “Loose Change,” Levy continues with contesting the nation, yet this time her emphasis falls upon “a new group of people in Britain that seem to mark the limits of tolerance and belonging, the threshold between in and out” (Donnell, 2002, p. 17); i.e. the refugee.
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Three Masters are important figures of the national struggle of East Turkestan. These people fought for the cause of their homeland, East Turkestan, far many years. These people, who embraced a nationalist worldview, were burdened by the Chinese governors and expelled from their homeland. However, the leaders of this movement, The Three Masters are the pacemakers who proved that the fight can be faught not only within the national borders. Within this context their struggle began in Nanking, continued in East Turkestan and at some point some of them were forced to migrate and to leave their Motherland for good. Therefore this paper aims to reveal the struggles of the Three Masters in the East Turkistan and in China.
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Mehmet Altunbay from Azerbaijan Gence (1911) was educated at Odessa Military Air School. In 1933 he successfully graduated from this school and served as pilot. He has been awarded three times in Soviet Russia for his achievements in his profession. He rose to the command of the Air Force Academy. However, the KGB was not ready for an Azerbaijani officer occupying such a high position, so he was given a death penalty by the KGB and he decided to escape to Turkey. He and his two friends first went to Iran, then to Baghdad and finally to Turkey. After the exam held by the General Staff, a pilot document was given to him in Turkey. He worked as a pilot in Turkish Airlines between 1945 and 1960. For Mehmet Altunbay, who is seen as a hero among the Turks of Azerbaijan, a cinema film is made in 1967. In 1987 he passed away. This study will focus on the biography of Mehmet Altunbay, one of the Azerbaijani intellectuals who have been in refuge in Turkey during the Republican era.
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Recently, a concept called “feminization of migration” has been widely discussed in international literature. The concept implies that the number of female immigrants in developed economies is higher than that of male immigrants as well as the increase in demand for women segregated jobs in target countries, the tendency of women to migrate individually, and the inclusion of women in all kinds of migration. Migrating in difficult weather and transportation conditions puts all immigrant groups at serious vital risks. However, children and women can be much more affected from all this experience. From this understanding and sensitivity, this study sought answers to questions about why and how women migrants are migrating, what risks they are facing during and after migration, and how migration effecting migrant women and their families.
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The aim of this study is to determine what kind of religious coping activities the refugee students forced to emigrate to Turkey due to the devastating reasons such as war and violation of rights apply in order to overcome their traumatic lives and the relationship between the use of these religious coping activities and their adaptation to the culture they live in. The fact that religion has important functions in dealing with all difficulties, especially forced migration, makes it a matter of interest about what kind of religious coping process refugees have experienced for making their lives bearable. Therefore, this research is based on the assumption that the refugees mostly struggle with difficulties by using positive religious coping methods and try to achieve cultural adaptation through this struggle. The sample was selected from the refugee students from Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan continuing their education in different departments of Karabük University and in different high schools of Karabük National Education Directorate in 2017-2018 academic year. “Cultural Adaptation” and “Religious Coping Styles” scales were applied to the sample with an average age of 18. According to the research findings, cultural adaptation and positive religious coping levels of the sample group are above the average, and negative religious coping levels are below the average. There was found a positive meaningful correlation between cultural adaptation and positive religious coping of which relation was determined through some independent and demographic variables (r = .269). Therefore, it is thought that providing spiritual care for refugee students might increase the level of cultural adaptation.
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After receiving the divine authorization from Allah to openly notify people of Islam, the Messenger of Allah started to publicly to invite the people of Mecca to Islam. Idolaters however felt heavy shame to give up the faith of their ancestors, and the pagans did not accept the Prophet's invitation to Islam. They applied various pressures to the Messenger of Allah and the believers to renounce the cause of Islam. When the animosity against the new Muslims became intolerable, Almighty Allah gave permission to immigrate, first to Habasha and then to Medina. Some of the companions of the Prophet periodically immigrated to Habasha and then to Medina. In the sources that have survived to the present day, poets (ṣaḥāba: companion of the Prophet Muhammad peace be upon him) reflect the events experienced during the immigration to Medina and the intensity of emotions they felt during the holy journey. These poets demonstrate in their writings a sense of elation and pride, having followed the Prophet's favorable advice to immigrate to Medina and portend that their religion will be strengthened in Medina by their presence. Their poems in terms of style are more focused on unscripted, or spontaneous feelings, a style of pauses to give harmony between the shorter verses, unlike long poetic tradition in the period of ignorance (Jāhiliyya).
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Turkey has been home to immigration movements throughout history due to its geographical and strategic location. Turkey's immigration reality has gained a more complex and massive dimension in recent years, especially with the atmosphere of war and instability in the neighboring countries of the eastern and southern parts of the country. The migration began from Syria to Turkey in 2011 due to the transformation of the political internal confusion in Syria into war is the closest example of that. One of the most fragile groups in the international migration movement is children. Some children, who join the migration, migrate with their parents or relatives but some of them migrate alone. A child who is separated from his / her parents and who does not have a person who will be responsible for him / herself according to law or tradition is called unaccompanied child migrant. The aim of the study is to reveal the situation of unaccompanied child migrants and the main risks they face and to determine the implementation for them in Turkey. In this context, the situation of unaccompanied child migrants and the main risks they may face at various stages of migration were assessed and current information on practices for children were provided.
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Ukraine has been going through a series of political and economic crises, notably the Euromaidan revolution and the Russian aggression and subsequent economic downturn. These events triggered fresh transnational diaspora-led activities such as the ‘London Euromaidan’ and the ‘Warsaw Euromaidan’. This paper analyses Ukrainian diaspora volunteerism in the UK and Poland and explores how the Ukrainian diaspora engages and contributes economically, socially, politically and culturally to the development of Ukraine. Drawing on fieldwork in both countries, three main findings were identified. First, due to the events in Ukraine, the Ukrainian diaspora has mobilised, grown stronger and became more united, whilst transforming from a more inward-looking to a more outward-looking community which, as a result, is now more and critically engaging with Ukrainian affairs. Second, the Ukrainian diaspora has the willingness, power and resources to contribute to the development of the home country, claiming to be recognised as an important stakeholder in the development of Ukraine. Thirdly, the Ukrainian government’s lack of recognition of the contribution of the Ukrainian diaspora is one of the most significant barriers to more comprehensive diaspora involvement in development.
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Marash is standing on a historically important caravan and migration route. Because of this it has been a region where many cultures and civilizations have united in the past and the city has seen the struggle from domination of different nations. Hittites, Assyrians, Meds, Persians, Romans, Arabs and Turks are just a few of the nations which have existed there. In history Marash and it’s neighborhood have been at the centre because of the geographical location, fertile soils and suitable climate conditions. Because of this speciality, Marash has great importance both for trade and the military. However after the Otoman domination, the geopolitic importance of the region diminished. In the late years of the Otoman Empire, there were big problems in Marash due to transportation. On most of the routes which link the city to other cities, transportation by car was not possible. The main transportation routes were mostly designed for easy movement of soldiers and grain. Most of the manufactured products in the region were not exported in or out of the city due to the transportation difficulties. After the Second Meşrutiyet, new road works were planned by the Ministry of Nafia and since the Meşrutiyet, there have been very positive developments in highways, especially with the special efforts of the governers.
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The review of: Sandi Volk: Istra v Trstu: naselitev istrskih in dalmatinskih ezulov in nacionalna bonifikacija na Tržaškem. Koper : Zgodovinsko društvo za južno Primorsko: Univerza na Primorskem. Znanstveno-raziskovalno središče, 2003, 348 strani (Knjižnica Annales, 33)
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Migration has become a burning issue of the contemporary world, while immigrants are the “incarnation of outsiders”. Although research shows that most Europeans support open Europe, spreading moral panic is one of the more frequent responses to migration. Politicians and the media, especially those on the right and the far right side of the political spectrum, try to represent immigrants as a security problem and every other kind of problem for all, even potential, recipient countries. Xenophobophilia, i.e. the political exploitation of xenophobic tendencies in the general population, is on the rise together with xenophobia, which forms a kind of social perpetuum mobile of the third kind. The public discourse often associates immigrants coming from predominantly Islamic countries with terrorism, as if they were Islamists, thus instilling the fear of mass migration from the Islamic world and of possibly devastating Islamic influence on the Christian cultural foundations of contemporary immigration societies. In this context, the question of whether traditional immigration countries as well as new or potential ones are ready and able to face the contemporary challenges of religion. In essence, the dynamics of the relationship between immigrants and the receiving society and the need for its understanding make the issue of religion, among other factors, both complex and unavoidable in migration research. This connection was mainly observed either from the perspective of the sociology of migration or the sociology of religion, which determined the focus and aspect of linking the two phenomena. Therefore, this paper first offers a brief insight into previous sociological research from both perspectives, and then tries to pose the issue of sociological research of the relationship between religion and migration with a study conducted in Croatia on a representative sample of adult citizens.An insight into theoretical and empirical research of this relationship shows that they are socially and historically determined in many facets. This is obvious in the differences in the topics that sociologists focus on and which arise from the social and historical context within which they are being explored. Contextual differences in multi-national research represent a problem for researchers, confronting them with theoretical limitations and methodological challenges. Problems of terminological ambiguities arise in these situations, which are further complicated by comparative research and the narrowing of theoretical and analytical focus on theories of competitive threat both on an individual and macro level. As the social and historical context in a way determines the subject and methodology of research, knowledge of it is important for the analysis and interpretation of research results. This is also observed in the research of symbolic boundaries towards immigrants and their possible transformation into social boundaries. When the relationship between symbolic and social boundaries is thought of in connection to contemporary mass migration, the symbolic boundaries are expressed in individual attitudes towards immigrants, and social boundaries can be recogvnised in the consequences of these attitudes: materialised in disorderly and poor living conditions in refugee settlements at the borders, fencing of state borders with walls and razor wire, formed in immigration policies, expressed in active resistance to the establishment of centres for asylum seekers in local communities, etc. In this context, where most of the immigrants come from predominantly Muslim countries to a predominantly Christian Europe, religion is seen as a symbolic boundary that needs to be the focus of research. Starting from this point of view, and from the fact that the importance of religion as a symbolic border, as well as other ethnic markers and cultural features, varies from society to society, Croatian society makes a good example for several reasons. Croatian society has a long history of multi-ethnicity and multi-confessionalism within multi-ethnic and multi-confessional states. In the past, ethnic differentiation primarily relied on religion as a cultural symbolic boundary, and in many respects it still does so. The transitional period and the new-found state independence were characterised by strong national homogenisation and a war at the end of the 20th century, and by joining the European Union, the population of the traditionally emigrant society was presented with the possibility of an even easier emigration, but the potential for an inflow of immigrants also increased.Croatia’s state borders became more open than ever for bi-directional population migration, which raises the question of whether the symbolic and social boundaries followed the same transformation. In addition to answering this question and given the social context in which religiousness is strongly expressed, and the arrival of immigrants is more of a possibility than a reality, the main aim of the research was to try to determine whether some of the examined dimensions of religiosity (religious self-identification, confessional self-identification and religious practice) can be considered as predictors of Croatian citizens’ attitudes toward (potential) immigrants.The empirical research using the survey method was conducted from June to September 2009 on a representative stratified sample of 1300 adult citizens of Croatia. In addition to socio-demographic characteristics of respondents and their self-estimated socio-economic status, used as independent control variables, and expressed political orientation of respondents as an additional control variable within the regression analysis, within the framework of the research from the wider survey questionnaire, the analysis uses instruments related to major independent measures, the dimensions of religiosity, instruments related to independent constructs, a measure describing the attitude of the relation between religious and national identity, and a measure describing the social distance towards religious groups, and instruments related to dependent constructs describing attitudes towards foreign (immigrant) workers.In relation to the posited research questions of whether there is a connection between the examined dimensions of religiosity (religious self-identification, confessional self-identification and religious practice) as independent variables and attitudes towards foreign (immigrant) workers, the expressed social distance and the perception of threat of immigration, as dependent variables, a connection has been determined. Analysis of variance (ANOVA) determined statistically significant differences in average social distance towards foreign workers according to all three dimensions of religiosity. Respondents who self-identified as most religious, as “convinced believers”, express a statistically significantly greater social distance towards foreign workers than the “religious”, “unsure and indifferent” and “non-religious and opposing religions” respondents. Those who never attend church express a statistically significant smaller social distance towards foreign workers than those who attend it rarely, on a monthly or weekly basis, or even more frequently. Differences in confessional identification show that those without confessional affiliation are statistically significantly less likely to express social distance towards foreign workers than those that identified confessionally, i.e. Catholics and others.Using the analysis of variance, statistically significant differences in average attitudes towards immigrant workers were determined and described by the factor construct of the sociocultural immigration threat, according to all three researched dimensions of religiosity. The results show that those who self-identified as “nonreligious and opposing religions” express a statistically significant lower degree of perceiving the sociocultural immigration threat than the “convinced believers” and “religious”. Those who never attend church perceive immigrants as less of a sociocultural threat than those who attend it rarely, on a monthly or weekly basis, or even more frequently, to a statistically significant degree. Differences in confessional identification show that those who identified as Catholics are statistically significantly more likely to view immigrants as a sociocultural threat than those without a confessional affiliation. When it comes to average attitudes towards immigrant workers described by the factor construct of the immigration socio-economic threat, analysis of variance found statistically significant differences only with respect to the religious self-identification of the respondents. The “religious” accept the views that describe this factor to a statistically significant greater extent than the “convinced believers” and the “unsure and indifferent”.Finally, a hierarchical regression analysis of predicting social distance towards foreign (immigrant) workers has been carried out in four steps (models), with respect to the examined dimensions of religiosity, with respect to attitudes towards the connection of religious and national identity, and with respect to the expressed social distance towards members of other religions (non-Catholics), and with control for socio-demographic variables (gender, age and education) and variables of self-estimated socio-economic status and political orientation of respondents.Religious self-identification within the first model (β = -0.118) proved to be a significant predictor, and the result suggests that those who identify as more religious are more inclined to express greater social distance towards foreign workers. After the inclusion of the other two religiosity indicators in the second model, religious practice and confessional self-identification, the result shows that those who identified as Catholics, unlike those who expressed that they do not belong to any confession, are more inclined to express a greater social distance towards foreign (immigrant) workers (β = -0.145). In the third model, a variable was added which describes attitudes to the connection between religious and national identity as a construct, which revealed that this variable contributes the most to the explanation of the dependent variable (β = 0.294), demonstrating that those who are more in agreement with the statements describing that construct tend to express greater social distance towards foreign workers. In the fourth regression model, explaining 49.3% of the variance of the criterion variable, the addition of the variable of social distance towards members of other religions (non-Catholics) explains an additional 32.7% of the variance, and this variable proves to be by far the most significant predictor (β = 0.644). From the results obtained, it follows that social distance towards foreign (immigrant) workers is more likely to be expressed by those who evaluate their socio-economic status as inferior, those who identifiedthemselves as Catholics, unlike those who expressed that they do not belong to any confession, those who hold the view that religious and national identities are closely related, and especially those who are inclined to express social distance to members of other religions (non-Catholics).It is concluded that the researched dimensions of religiosity have been shown, as is the case in some other studies, as significant predictors of attitudes toward (potential) immigrants. In addition, since the respondents who identify themselves as more religious are more inclined to xenophobic attitudes than those who identified as less religious or non-religious, expressed religious identity, especially confessional identity, is shown to be a symbolic boundary towards (potential) immigrants in the Croatian society, and this is also indicated by the finding that those who accept the view that the religious and national identity are closely related and those who are inclined to express social distance to members of other religions (non-Catholics) tend to express a high social distance towards foreign (immigrant) workers. The results of the research also point to the validity of the assumption that highly expressed religiosity, especially confessional identification, points to a wider social and cultural identity to a large extent.
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One of research interests of migration anthropology is transnational flows. In recent yerars, anthropologists have been investigating these flows that pave the way for transnational community. This article aims to examine the fact of transnational community in the case of Mardinite Syriacs. Based on the findings of ethnographic research, the article focuses on the dual lives of immigrant Syriacs and their experiences of being migrant and minority group. Firstly, it examines Mardinitie Syriacs’ emigration until mid-1990s and their visibility in the city since 2002. As a result of “the Return Project”, immigrant Syriacs have re-established networks with their local community. This article argues the transformation process of immigrant Syriacs into transnational community, considering a new social space constructed by their dual lives.
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Brooklyn (John Crowley, 2015) movie is about a young immigrant woman (Eilis Lacey) who moves intercontinental from Ireland to the United States by a a ship in the 1950s to live American dream. Eilis' American dream who lives in İreland with her mother and sister was a revenue-generating job, education and a better lifestyle that she could not have in her own country. form this point of view the film is extremely important in terms of addressing the migration of women. Because, gendering migration has become one of the most important issues in the 1980s and early 1990s. Studies on international migration in these years; they stated that women should be considered as individual, independent and active, not passive migrants who go after their spouses or families. The film draws attention at this point.
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In this research, the sociological dimension of the social causes of juvenile delinquency in Niğde province is discussed. Scientific analysis of juvenile delinquency in Niğde province has been made in three different parts - biological, psychological and sociological. The geographical location of the research, Niğde, was chosen considering the social structure. It is often seen that males are more likely to commit crimes in suicide or drifting children, especially those between 11 and 18 years of age. Niğde police headquarters detain more children compared to other sexes and ages as can be seen from the data of the children's branches. Niğde province has a conservative society structure in itself. Due to its geographical conditions, there are many civil servants working in the city.
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The developments of the Arab Spring of 2011 extended, among others, to Libya. As a consequence of the armed anti-government uprising supported militarily by the air forces of the Western powers (under the auspices of NATO), the regime of Colonel Muammar al-Qaddafi, who has controlled the state since the 1969 military coup, was overthrown. The collapse of the current regime has initiated the path to the social, political and economic transformation of the Libyan state. However, the rivalry of local political forces which is a reflection of tribal, regional and ideological divisions, prevented the emergence of an effective political system. As a result, Libya has evolved into a dysfunctional state and the processes of internal destabilization and lack of state borders control generate threats also for the international environment of the country (West Africa, East Africa, Europe).
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The changes in the 21st century have brought new threats and problems for the international community. The European Union, as one of the most important actors in the world, was forced to change its approach to a new situation, which is characterized by the presence of threats such as illegal migration, huge refugee influx and the existence of fragile states in its neighborhood. The main objective of this paper is to present the EU’s engagement in stabilization of fragile states through civilian and military missions and operations to hold illegal migration. It answers the question whether the actions undertaken by the EU are powerful. The analysis of the operations and missions in chosen states (Somalia, Libya) shown that although the influx of migrants and refugees is lower, the changes and the influence of actions helping them to become stronger and more secure states are rather minor The conclusions comprise several thoughts which should be taken under consideration by the EU in the future in order to support European security and wealth.
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This research analyses six Annual Reports (AR) written by the European Migration Network, in particular two general AR (written in English) and four AR depending on its French and Italian National Contact Points (written in French and in English, respectively). It aims at studying the way in which paratext — namely Peircean diagrams (maps, boxes and charts) — does not only contribute to a better textual comprehension by the target public as compared with AR in which these tools are rare or lacking, but also convey their authors’ opinion. Our hypothesis, verified during the analysis, consists of inferring that the EMN chooses official and reliable data to catch public’s attention, so not respecting neutrality which may deal with an official report of an institution. If the usage of Peircean diagrams is wider in the EMN AR than in its NCP AR, these tools represent reliability for institutions and politicians who may be interested in reading them, but they are also a source of authority for editors who write them. This research is based on the analysis of expert and institutional discourse (Maingueneau 2002; 2004; Maris 2002; Cussó & Gobin 2008) and on its pragmatic outcomes (Bouchard 2015; Espeland 2015).
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