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Toliko, više od tri miliona osoba dakle, pogine u Sjedinjenim Državama tako što padne s prozora. To Vučić kaže ovako: „U SAD na svakih deset sekundi pogine jedan perač prozora“. Što znači da ih 8.640 pogine na dan i 3.153.600 za godinu. I za državu od preko 300 miliona žitelja, 3 miliona stradalih na prozorima je previše. Vučić je potegao hiperbolu, reći će dobronamerni čitalac, hteo je da kaže da se nesreće događaju (u Sjedinjenim Državama rekli bi – shit happens, naročito kad se peru prozori). Ali, zašto je potrebno da pogine preko tri miliona perača prozora da bi se smrt dvojice radnika predstavila kao događaj na koji ne treba obratiti previše pažnje jer zaista – nesreće se događaju?
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U združenoj akciji pranja građevinskih investitora, predsednik države i predsednica vlade su u odvojenim, a ipak sinhronizovanim nastupima pevali istu pesmu: ko zida taj i gine (neopravdano od „babine“ ruke, ali opravdano od nemara poslodavca), ko radi taj i greši, ko zine taj i laže. Pesmu je desetak dana ranije najavio gradonačelnik Beograda kada je izjavu o pogibiji radnika koji je rukama pokušavao da zadrži potporni zid započeo rečima „Beograd jeste grad kranova i jedno veliko gradilište i tome se svi radujemo“. A kad vođe države i njenog glavnog grada krenu da se utrkuju ko će kreativnije da opere institucionalnu zapuštenost i razulareno bezakonje, onda nije čudno što je predsednik države našu zastrašujuću seriju pogibija na radnim mestima pravdao „podatkom“ da u Americi na svakih deset sekundi pogine po jedan perač prozora. Narednog dana se izvinio gledaocima što je „ispao glup“ i pravdao se umorom (pa neće valjda da se pravda zlom namerom?) ali nije objasnio čime su uzrokovani svi drugi „podaci“ kojima redovno zasipa javnost: da je čeri paradajz nastao mutacijom gena jedne odvratne životinje (a Simka čokolade se prave od lešnika i krave?) ili da je on na izborima osvojio najviše glasova u novijoj istoriji ili da smo (u bilo čemu pozitivnom) u vrhu (bilo koje) rangliste ili…
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Predsednik Vlade (uskoro i države) najavio je, a pres-služba Vlade kao najnormalniju vest prenela da će tokom maja biti održan tender za izgradnju „novog simbola glavnog grada – Kule Beograd“ i da će izgradnja početi u oktobru. Da je reč o državnoj investiciji, tender bi bio obavezan i sprovodio bi se po pravilima Zakona o javnim nabavkama. Neinformisani čitalac bi pomislio da je upravo to ovde slučaj, ali nije. Radove na području Beograda na vodi sprovodi istoimeno preduzeće u kojem je država Srbija, nakon ulaganja oslobođenog zemljišta, vrednih objekata i svakovrsnog povlašćivanja (ubranizam, eksproprijacija, direktno angažovanje najviših predstavnika vlasti) dobila blizu trećine udela (tačnije 32%), dok je ostatak pripao partneru Eagle Hills, na osnovu uloga od 150 miliona dolara i još tolikog zajma.
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Mnogo je događaja i ljudi u proteklih pet godina koji bi mogli biti paradigma ove vlasti. Pa ipak, Savamala je možda najbolji kandidat za to. Po onome šta se desilo i po onome šta se posle nije desilo. Šta se desilo u Savamali i šta se posle nije desilo je kao lex specialis Marfijevog zakona: desilo se sve ono što nije smelo da se desi i nije se desilo ništa od onoga što se moralo desiti. A desilo se da su neki, nama još uvek nepoznati ljudi, lišavali slobode i pokretne i nepokretne imovine neke druge ljude. I nije se desilo da policija i tužilaštvo istraže i procesuiraju taj događaj. Jedini koji je nešto uradio je ministar policije. Ali ne ono što se od njega očekivalo. Nego ono što se nije očekivalo. Naime, tužio je sudu jedan nedeljnik i jedan portal. Prvi pod optužbom da ga proglašava za mozak operacije Savamala, drugi pod optužbom da ga proglašava za najglupljeg u toj aferi. (Začudo, nije podnosio tužbe kada su objavljivani tekstovi o tome da je plagirao doktorat, tada je samo obaran sajt.)
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Policijski službenik Goran Stamenković je zbog nezakonitog postupanja tokom rušenja Savamale kažnjen ispod zakonskog minimuma, iako je prema odluci suda došlo do teške povrede prava tri građanina i štete od preko 1,5 miliona dinara. Tako su ispunjeni uslovi da policajac Stamenković ne dobije otkaz i da praktično ne snosi nikakvu odgovornost. Trenutni bilans pravde za rušenje Savamale je 3.000 dinara, koliko je „Goranče” morao da plati sudske troškove. Šef smene dežurne službe policije Stamenković je po naređenju još uvek neidentifikovanog „vrha policije” postupao suprotno zakonu tokom rušenja Savamale i nije sprečio ugrožavanje bezbednosti građana i njihove imovine. Uslovno je kažnjen zatvorom zbog nesavesnog rada u službi u trajanju od pet meseci. Kazna se neće izvršiti ako Stamenković u sledeće dve godine ne izvrši novo krivično delo. Međutim, uslovna osuda nije trebalo da spreči Ministarstvo unutrašnjih poslova da pokrene disciplinski postupak protiv Stamenkovića (pogledajte odgovor MUP-a na pitanje o tome).
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Od ukupno 3,3 milijarde dinara, približno 30 miliona evra, koliko je država potrošila na eksproprijaciju objekata u okviru izgradnje Beograda na vodi, većina je izdvojena za zgrade kompanija Simpo i Iskra. Obe zgrade se nalaze između autobuske stanice u Karađorđevoj ulici i Geozavoda u Hercegovačkoj ulici u Beogradu. Najveći proizvođač nameštaja u Srbiji je na ovom mestu još osamdesetih godina prošlog veka izgradio reprezentativni izložbeni salon, a tik uz njega, sa prepoznatljivom staklenom fasadom, pripijen je poslovni objekat Iskre, nekadašnjeg slovenačkog giganta jugoslovenske elektronske industrije. Oba zdanja su od prošle godine u vlasništvu srpsko-arapske kompanije Beograd navodi. U Ugovoru o zajedničkom ulaganju u projekat Beograd na vodi koji su u aprilu 2015. godine potpisali Republika Srbija i privatna firma iz Emirata Belgrade Waterfront, ove dve zgrade se navode kao investicija Republike Srbije u zajedničku firmu Beograd na vodi. U Ugovoru piše i da zgrade imaju po 1.200 kvadrata, kako se navodi i u dokumentima katastra.
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„Želim da pozovem sve građane u Srbiji da dođu i vide koliko je lepo“ – to je ukratko politički program tekućeg režima. Sažeo ga je i precizno izneo sam Vučić, kada je u subotu svečano otvorio jednu stambenu zgradu u Beogradu (na vodi). Šta je tačno lepo, ostalo je neizgovoreno. Možemo da nagađamo na šta se mislilo – na fasadu, ili na hodnike i zajedničke prostorije (bazen i teretanu) u zgradi, ili na stanove, ili na okolinu, ili na pogled s prozora i terase… Dalje već možemo da zamislimo: svakog jutra na ulazu u zgradu okuplja se grupa radoznalih žitelja Srbije voljnih da uživaju u lepoti. Dočeka ih vodič (recimo upravitelj zgrade ili Vučić lično) i zajedno kreću u obilazak. Bućnu se u bazenu, provežbaju u teretani a onda krenu u individualne posete po stanovima da bace pogled s terase ili prozora. Na kraju ture, na rastanku, ljubazni vodič ili Vučić sam pozdravljaju ih rečima – vi ovako nikada nećete živeti, ali ste barem videli koliko je lepo.
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U najnovijem Mostu Radija Slobodna Evropa razgovaralo se o tome da li će Aleksandar Vučić uspeti da zataška jednu od najvećih afera od dolaska Srpske napredne stranke na vlast. Reč je o rušenju zgrada u delu Beograda koji se zove Savamala, a koje su izveli ljudi pod fantomkama u noći između 24. i 25. aprila. Oni su maltretirali i vezivali građane, a policija se nije odazvala na pozive za pomoć. Sagovornici su bili Vesna Rakić Vodinelić, profesorka prava iz Beograda, i Radomir Lazović, aktivista inicijative Ne da(vi)mo Beograd koja organizuje proteste zbog rušenja u Savamali. Bilo je reči o tome zašto je Vučić kao krivce za rušenje označio najviše rukovodstvo Beograda, a potom počeo da minimizira značaj afere govoreći da se radi o rušenju tri bespravno podignute barake, da li je gradonačelnik Siniša Mali pošteđen zato što ima neke adute protiv Vučića, zašto Tužilaštvo ne može da odmakne od predistražne faze, zašto Vučić tvrdi da oni koji protestuju zbog Savamale žele da ruše njega, o prisluškivanju aktivista inicijative Ne da(vi)mo Beograd, kako se šire laži da proteste finansiraju strane sile, kao i o tome zbog čega Evropska unija uposlednjem izveštaju o napretku Srbije u evrointegracijama nije pomenula aferu Savamala.
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This paper reflects the theoretical and practical ideas following the role of the symbol in visual communication and comprehension the transmitted message. The aim is assimilation of essential knowledge needed in the process of visual communication of architecture students in higher education institutions. The paper provides a clearer picture regarding the perception of visual language, comparing the cultural universe of the sign. The semiotic system, the signs and symbols that are conveyed over time are thoroughly analyzed. We propose to show how the theoretical positions are applied to the material of different visual forms, especially architectural.
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Cula is a semi-fortified construction, characteristic of the 18th-19th century. Such construction can also be found in other countries, such as Serbia, Bulgaria, Albania, Greece, and Northern Macedonia. In Romania, there are several dozen calls, with different levels of conservation. Until now, these constructions have not been exploited for tourism, most being left to decay. Establishing cultural routes that include them could represent a solution to save these constructions.
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In north-east Slovakia, complex as well as simply-forged crosses have survived at sacral buildings and in museum collections. Craftsmanship and artistic sense of the blacksmiths in the 17th to 19th century made from forged crosses, placed on churches, bell towers and chapels an interesting picture of folk plastic art, which however was conditioned by theological teaching, regulated, and controlled by church dignitaries. The basic types of crosses are enriched by a lot of other symbols and signs crafted as one unit. Some forged crosses can be found at their original place and in their original function even today, some others are not complete, or crosses of the basic shape replaced them later, because the signs and symbols gradually lost their importance in human mind or because the Christian learning and its interpretation changed. The basic types of crosses, the signs used and the symbolism of the crosses and combinations thereof say something about the time of their origin. The applied signs created an ideogram, but mostly more ideograms connected into one unit. Every forged cross not only is a set of signs or ideograms, but – to a certain extent – also an artistic element making the whole building complete.
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Many Algerian cities, including Biskra, suffer from natural problems, especially those caused by heavy rainfalls due to climate change, which reaches its maximum for a long period, and causes severe damage in terms of human and material losses. This paper draws attention on how to deal with the adverse effects of rapid and sudden floods due to runoff in the city of Biskra by studying the green infrastructure as means that rely on preserving the hydrological cycle of water in the safe and effective stormwater management of urban areas and prove that there are opportunities for the application of green infrastructure solutions not only to solve social and economic problems, but also environmental ones. Stormwater management and flood control are among the solutions provided to avoid the negative effects of urban floods, especially in areas with fragile infrastructure.
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The paper explores the link between the architecture and the natural landscape of thermal baths, which were built in Hungary (Budapest) and Romania (Băile Herculane) during the early 20th century. Through a combination of various methods of inquiry, such as field trips and literature documentation, this research was able to develop a deeper understanding of the subject. The actual conditions of built heritage differs in the two countries, but are quite similar in the hazards it is prone to. With the aim of raising the public awareness of the problems facing the natural and urban landscape, this paper presents a brief description of the investigation of the thermal baths changes over time.
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The Italian fortress of Palmanova, built in 1593 and designed by Gulio Savorgnan represented a turning point in the studies of the military engineers of that time. The French engineer Sébastien Le Prestre de Vauban, through the fortress of Neuf-Brisach, created the “Vauban defence system”, reminiscing of the layout provided by the fortress of Palmanova, approximatively 100 years later. In this paper I intend to analyse the reason why, in 1711, the appointed architect Giovanni Morando Visconti used the Vauban defence system in designing the Alba fortress in the present-day Romania. Following the political and historical background that led to the building of these fortresses and the strategical points that they represent, I intend to identify the similarities between them and whether following an architecture that is based on the ideal city of Renaissance represents a political statement.
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A photograph and a color copy of the fresco, made before the earthquake in 1913 have survived as evidence of the ktitor’s portrait. The ktitor is young and has a black beard, he is clad in a splendid bishop’s vestment with Latin crosses and a black monastic koukoulion. In the image, dedicated to the apostles of the Church of Rome Peter and Paul, he is positioned next to the Virgin Mary with Child on throne, above the western entrance of the church, where there had never been other ktitor’s portrait and inscription and, in fact, that gives grounds for the monumental composition to be dated in the same way as the main painting at the time of bishop Ignatius in 1442. The ktitor is depicted to give the model of the church with both of his hands to the apostles of the Church of Rome St. Peter, who presents him before Christ and his Mother, symbolizing the Church. He seems to be smaller than the other figures and his eyes are looking upwards to the Prince of the Apostles Peter – a vision of the Roman claim for supremacy. The ktitor’s model of the church reflects the state of the building with the external gal¬lery before painting the calendar in the sixteenth century, when the big arch-like barred windows were bricked in connection with the painting of the calendar. Most likely, that earlier reconstruction was done in the mid-fifteenth century, when the town of Turnovo was undertaking major buildings – e.g. the bridge and the mosque of Feruz Bey (1435). To identify the Turnovo metropolitan Ignatius, it is the style of the ktitor’s composition that also helps and the accompanying inscription with palaeographic characteristics that are specific for the signatures of the painter Nikolas (e.g. the anagram from 1442). It is known that Ignatius and the Ecumenical Patriarch Joseph II came from the Bulgarian tsarist family and had been in one and the same kellion of the Mount Athos monastery Alipu. That explains the exceptional presence of St. Athanasius of Mount Athos in the altar near the patron of metropolitan St. Ignatius the God-bearer in the diaconicon where the order of dressing was taking place. The Tree of Jesse is contaminated with the Genealogy of Christ and covers the whole space of the church. It unifies the conceptual program by spreading its branches around the Virgin Mary with Child in the apse, the arcade of the triumphant Heavenly Church with the parents of the Mother of God, the martyr priests and warriors, and the scenes from the life of Christ. A painting by Boris Denev painted before the earthquake in 1913 shows the lying Jesse at the southern pillar of the narthex where the stem of the genealogy tree is sprouting out. The vision is related to the genealogy in the Gospels of Matthew and Luke, and also in the Hermeneia of Dionysius of Fourna. The Genealogy of Matthew according to his father’s royal line starting from Abraham, Isaac and Jacob is associated with the one of Luke, according to his maternal line from the ancestors of the |Virgin Mary, Adam, Eve, and Abel, who never occupied the throne of the Jews and in this connection there is the unique branch with the righteous women. The origin of the two genealogies was on the western wall of the narthex facing Jesse. The direction of the visual narrative from left to right is indicated by the image of the semi full-face of Tara, the father of Patriarch Abraham, depicted on the western end of the southern wall of the narthex. The genealogy of Luke on the western wall of the narthex over the entrance had been developing north-wise in the narthex and the naos. The images of their descendants are partially preserved on the northern wall of the narthex (Noah with the Ark and his sons Sim and Japheth) and the naos (Nahor, the father of Tara). The genealogy after Mat¬thew on the western wall of the narthex, south of the entrance, spread over the apse with a unique branch, dedicated to the twelve sons of Patriarch Jacob. Further on, there are the sons of Judah, the Patriarch Kings Zar on the northern pillar in the narthex, and Phares on the southern wall of the narthex next to Tara, where it continues eastward reaching Jesse. From there on, the genealogy is continuing on the northern pillar with Patriarch Ravoam and then in the central arch next to Christ. The Tree of Jesse includes also images from the Hermeneia – e.g. the righteous women, the prophet Nathan, and King Joshua in the southern arch between the narthex and the naos, Patriarch Melchizedek at the northern pillar of the narthex and the pointed by him righteous men named Tobit and Tobias with scrolls unfolded in the northern arch between the narthex and the naos. The connection between the Old Testament and the New Testament is achieved along the west-east axis, from the narthex through the naos to the altar. Depicted in the apse is a branch with the Covenant of Patriarch Jacob as a symbol of the Old Testament unity and prefiguration of the Virgin Mary with Child – cf. the ewer with heavenly manna of Levi and Christ in the hands of Judas. Depicted in the central arch between the narthex and the naos is an allegory of the New Testament unity – the Council of Jerusalem, presented by God’s brethren Jacob and Judas, and the leaders of the apostles Peter and Paul, based of the Seven Ecumenical Synods in the narthex. The tree of Jesse is an element of imperial propaganda, as it is an evidence of the power being taken over from father to son. Most kings have their hands covered for the Holy Communion, but some point to the visual text – e.g. king Zar, the first-born son of Judas, points with his right hand the younger brother Perez from whom originates the family line of Jesse, and his great-grandson, King Aminadav, points with his left hand to his son Nahshon who is called upon to lead Judah’s family line before Moses during the escape of the Jews from Sinai. In the central arch, King Jotham points out to his father Uzziah, who during his life, made him a co-ruler, whereas the kings Sadok and his son Ahim, as well as their descendant St. Joseph, point to the Child dressed in golden vestments as in a dream of the prophet Jesse.
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The Blagaj castle is situated near the mouth of the River Japra into the River Sana, close to the most important medieval road through the valley of the River Una and leading from the Eastern Adriatic coast to the Pannonian basin. During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the castle of Blagaj was the residence of Counts of Blagaj, the descendants of the earlier Babonić counts. While the collapse of the medieval Kingdom of Bosnia in 1463 foreshadowed Ottoman raids into the Sana valley, it was the foundation of Banate of Jajce that put an end to Ottoman raids for a couple of decades. Nevertheless, historical documents sporadically indicate constant threat of Ottoman raids around the turn of the sixteenth century. This is even more clearly depicted by the remains of the castle of Blagaj that show abundant construction work conducted during the anti-Ottoman defensive wars. In this essay, the author contextualizes the known information about the Ottoman attacks in the Sana valley and the importance and the role of the Blagaj castle in the anti-Ottoman defence system of the castles. Although these buildings are today in poor condition, the ruins of the Blagaj castle indicate a major extension of the castle’s fortification system built after 1503, and the beginning of the deconstruction of the defensive system of Banate of Jajce. A special attention is given to the establishnig of the final Christian (i.e. Croatian) desertion of the Blagaj castle during the 1540s.
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The beginning of the publication of Novine Horvatzke (January 6, 1835) and its weekly literary supplement Danicza Horvatzka, Slavonzka y Dalmatinzka (whose owner and official editor was Ljudevit Gaj) marked the entry into the most intensive phase of the Croatian national revival. It coincided with the stronger efforts of the Hungarians to limit Croatian autonomy with the imposition of the Hungarian language, and with intense competition between the Hungarian and Croatian honorati in agrarian and commercial affairs. These circumstances encouraged the involvement of Croatian noble-men and wealthier citizens in the revival movement. At the beginning of the movement, there were two social programmes. One of them was a conservative program based on Drašković’s Disertatia, which foresaw a gradual modification of the feudal system with the aim of preserving it. The second, barely known to the public at first, was a bourgeois-liberal programme to abolish the feudal system while preserving the economic strength of the nobility. At first, it was mainly advocated by the citizenry, and by 1848 it was at least partially accepted by the nobility.
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