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Result 101-120 of 163
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ASPECTS OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION: RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN PUBLIC POLICIES TOWARDS MUSLIMS IN GREECE, AND THE EUROPEAN CONTEXT
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ASPECTS OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION: RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN PUBLIC POLICIES TOWARDS MUSLIMS IN GREECE, AND THE EUROPEAN CONTEXT

Author(s): Konstantinos Gogos / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2016

In the past few years there have been considerable and positive developments in important issues for the Muslim communities in Greece. The paper focuses on a number of initiatives and policies that have been taken by the Greek state in the last years, aiming at the improvement of Muslim education structures and the strengthening of the religious identity of the Muslim minority of Thrace; it also focuses on recent decisions and initiatives aiming at the improvement of the religious structures of Muslim immigrants in the metropolitan area of Athens. The paper shows the reasons behind these developments, namely the role of the European Union financial and symbolic resources, the changes in the priorities and the mentality of Greek governments since 1990 and especially in the very recent years.

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RESEARCHING ALBANIAN-ITALIAN/ROMANIAN MIXED MARRIAGES
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RESEARCHING ALBANIAN-ITALIAN/ROMANIAN MIXED MARRIAGES

Author(s): Rachele Bezzini / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2016

Albanians and Romanians represent the second and first immigrant group in Italy. Both groups have been subjected to phenomena of xenophobia during the 1990s and 2000s, respectively. The research project, to which this paper refers, explores the social relationships between Albanians, Italians and Romanians, focusing on mixed partnerships/marriages within a context of integration, which is interpreted as a way of boundary-making and through the perspective of mixedness. In particular, this paper tries to organise quantitative data retrieved from official sources and qualitative inputs drawn from the reference literature, through the framework proposed by Kalmijn (1998)1, who has specifically approached intermarriage as a combination of structural constraints, personal preferences and third party interference. In this way data on the Albanian and Romanian immigrant groups are thus framed in order to prepare the groundwork for a qualitative study specifically on Albanian-Italian/Romanian mixed marriages in Italy.

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Strahovi i nade: Europske utopije na pragu XXI. stoljeća
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Strahovi i nade: Europske utopije na pragu XXI. stoljeća

Author(s): Bronisław Geremek / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 20/2015

Philippe de Commynes, veliki pisac ≫Memoara≪, želio je u XV. stoljeću pokazati ovim riječima da je dioba svijeta na države i narode Božja volja kako bi se osigurala politička ravnoteža u Europi. Povjesničar Commynes referirao se na Europu i slobodno upotrebljavao njezino ime. Uostalom, objasnio je, o Europi govori jer je poznaje.

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Da li je i zašto upitan identitet Evrope?
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Da li je i zašto upitan identitet Evrope?

Author(s): Šerbo Rastoder / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 74-75/2016

Evropa, posmatrana u istorijskom kontekstu ili prosto kao predmet istoriografije, jest pojava novijeg datuma. Do posljednjih deset do dvadeset godina nije bilo mnogo istoriografskih knjiga koje su je tretirale kao jedinstven istorijski prostor. Ovaj prostor se uglavnom istoriografski sagledavao kao mehanički zbir posebnih nacionalnih istoriografija te se u tom smislu stvaranje evropskih vrijednosti kroz jedinstveno istorijsko iskustvo može sagledavati i kao proces u začetku. Pričati o Evropi je izazov, ne zbog istoriografskih činjenica već zbog prepoznavanja društvenih procesa koji taj kontinent čine posebnim političkim subjektom i jedinstvenim istorijskim prostorom. Zaista, ako ona jest jedinstven prostor, zašto nema istoriju koja bi to legitimisala?

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Context, strategies and negotiation methods in the European Union Enlargement to Central and
Eastern Europe

Context, strategies and negotiation methods in the European Union Enlargement to Central and Eastern Europe

Author(s): Mihai Alexandrescu / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2013

After almost a decade since the enlargement of the European Union to Central and Eastern Europe, history can be read with the clarity that time offers. The context, strategies and negotiation methods of 1997-2004 can be analysed more carefully now, because the consequences of those negotiations are felt even today. Covering under the mask of enlargement, we notice the fear of the westerners towards the new Member States which brought in a different history and risked disturbing a system that has been painfully set up since the 1950s. But at the same time, we notice the desire for moral revenge of the candidate countries towards the old EU members. In this study, I analyse the merit of Günter Verheugen, the technocrat who found the right language and strategy to reconcile these two perspectives and who adapted to the present interests of the two parties.

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SERBIA AND THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY BEFORE 1989 – HISTORY FORGOTTEN
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SERBIA AND THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY BEFORE 1989 – HISTORY FORGOTTEN

Author(s): Biser Banchev / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2019

The future and the obstacles faced by the relations between Serbia and the European Union are subject of many studies. An interesting fact is that most of these studies lack analysis on the historic experience gained when Serbia was part of Yugoslavia. Even recent European publications and handbooks do not mention the longstanding cooperation with Yugoslavia before 1989. This silence is completely undeserved. Yugoslavia has a long and successful collaboration with the European Economic Community created in 1958. The relations between Serbia and the EEC follow and are synchronized with the process of integration with Western Europe. The relationship between the EEC and Yugoslavia can be divided into four phases. The first phase is from 1958 to 1968, the second phase is from 1968 to 1976, the third phase is from 1976 to 1989 and the last – after 1989. Concrete steps have been taken, but there was no historic time for Yugoslavia to join the European Community.

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Prohlášení České biskupské konference, Ekumenické rady církví v ČR a Federace židovských obcí v ČR ke zdanění církevních restitucí

Prohlášení České biskupské konference, Ekumenické rady církví v ČR a Federace židovských obcí v ČR ke zdanění církevních restitucí

Author(s): Dominik Duka,Daniel Ženatý,Petr Papoušek / Language(s): Czech Issue: 74/2019

Tento týden si s velkou úctou připomínáme 70 let od přijetí Všeobecné deklarace lidských práv Valným shromážděním OSN. V Článku 17 se zde výslovně praví, že každý má právo vlastnit majetek a nikdo nesmí být svévolně svého majetku zbaven. Oba totalitní režimy, jak nacistický, tak komunistický, tento základní postulát flagrantně a brutálně porušovaly.

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Was there any forefeeling? Romania in COMECON through the eyes of NATO and European Commission, 1957-1962
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Was there any forefeeling? Romania in COMECON through the eyes of NATO and European Commission, 1957-1962

Author(s): Artyom A. Ulunyan / Language(s): English Issue: 1-2/2021

The author explores newly revealed declassified analytical and political materials of NATO’s and the EC structures that dealt with economic issued. The documents of these two organizations indicate that neither NATO nor the EU during 1957-1962 period had no assumptions about the specific behavior of Romania as a future "troublemaker" in the Eastern Bloc, although some traces of it have not been left unnoticed. At the same time, at the analytical level and on the basis of individual data, experts made assumptions about the growth of contradictions both in the Eastern Bloc as a whole, and, in particular, its economic arm - COMECON.

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Place of Women’s Rights in Supranation-Building: Comparison of Socialist Yugoslavia and the European Union

Place of Women’s Rights in Supranation-Building: Comparison of Socialist Yugoslavia and the European Union

Author(s): Ana Maskalan / Language(s): English Issue: 02/2022

In both Socialist Yugoslavia and the European Union, the establishment of women’s rights can be determined as an integral part of supranation-building. While bearing in mind the long and unbroken tradition of patriarchy, both entities, partially under the influence of feminist theory and practice, have integrated the fight for women’s rights into their political agendas, using them as an identity tool in establishing a clear distinction from the opposed political, economic and socio-cultural systems. Imposed from the above, the introduction of gender equality policies and legislation to many of their (nation) states came as a shock therapy, challenging existing traditional cultural patterns and norms while making the results uneven and fragile. Women’s rights policies were, especially in the beginning, primarily economic in nature, concentrating on the inadequate position of women in the labor market and ignoring the structural reasons behind inequality.

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Yugoslavs and Europeans Compared: Supranational Polities and Supranational Identification

Yugoslavs and Europeans Compared: Supranational Polities and Supranational Identification

Author(s): Nikola Petrović,Filip Fila,Marko Mrakovčić / Language(s): English Issue: 02/2022

Drawing on Sekulić, Massey and Hodson’s seminal article ‘Who were the Yugoslavs?’, this paper compares the share and determinants of identifying as Yugoslavs during socialism with the panorama of primary European identification. Eurobarometer surveys containing data on European identification are utilized to that end. The study takes in consideration social and political contexts that shaped supranational identification in particular Yugoslav socialist republics and EU member states. Our findings show low levels of Europeans and Yugoslavs in both polities. The results also show that nationally specific contexts affect both the prevalence of European identification and its determinants. There are considerable differences in the level of European identification among EU countries, and statistical analyses of the Belgian, French and German cases further showed that different factors shape it. Of all the variables, non-exclusive nationalities have been the strongest predictors of supranational identification in both Socialist Yugoslavia and the EU.

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PASSES TROUBLES, RETRO-UTOPIES ET MOBILISATIONS GUERRIERES EN EUROPE CONTEMPORAINE

PASSES TROUBLES, RETRO-UTOPIES ET MOBILISATIONS GUERRIERES EN EUROPE CONTEMPORAINE

Author(s): Alina Iorga / Language(s): French Issue: 2/2022

After the horrific experiences of ex-Yugoslavia, the tragedy of Ukraine reveals the terrible consequences of the memory conflicts radicalization. Anticipated by a constant mnemonic war led by the Russia particularly against its Eastern neighbors, it proves “what happens when memory wars turn into real wars”. Since the end of Cold War, in the context of the re-nationalization of ideologies, the remythologization of national histories, and the reshaping of memory politics, the European memory games, as part of the struggle for recognition, have often became memory wars. This article provides some relevant insights about the political instrumentation of the “restorative nostalgia”/“retrotopia” in the (post-)Cold War illiberal memory games/wars, against the background of the growing crises connected to the rise of neo-nationalism.

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Къде завършва Европа? (Границите на политиката за разширяване на Европейския съюз)

Къде завършва Европа? (Границите на политиката за разширяване на Европейския съюз)

Author(s): Teodora Kaleynska / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2017

The paper presents the EU enlargement policy and conditions, their implementation in the Western Balkans and mostly in Turkey. It goes through the accession process, analyses the perspectives of Turkish membership, the attitudes towards the accession in the country and in the EU member states.

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CRIZE LA FRONTIERELE UE

CRIZE LA FRONTIERELE UE

Author(s): Anghel Andreescu,Mircea Udrescu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 71/2023

While a form of federal government is being set up in Brussels through the NRDP, the EU is going through an energy crisis, with unmanageable price explosions, low gas reserves and threats over the Stream 2 pipeline. of which the EU leadership is accused, even if the propaganda directed by the EU points the finger at Russia, which has become the official threat. Beyond shaking economic balances, the European Union is inventorying a lot of crises, whose implications on general security we will detail in the content of this article.

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Cultural Diversity and Security Culture in the European Union

Cultural Diversity and Security Culture in the European Union

Author(s): Filofteia Repez,Polixenia Olar / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2022

Cultural diversity and security culture have become important topics on the agenda of state and non-state actors, contributing to the achievement and maintenance of social cohesion, to the opening of prospects for resolving conflict situations and to the restoration of peace and security. The European Union has become a multi-ethnic, multi-racial and multicultural space, where the two concepts - cultural diversity and security culture, have become very important topics in theory and practice. Joining and scientifically approaching to the cultural diversity and security culture in the European Union is a complex and interesting endeavor. For the present research, however, we will focus on two objectives: highlighting the importance of cultural diversity and security culture within the European Union and presenting actions of the European Union with the aim of promoting cultural diversity and developing security culture. In this sense, the scientific research methodology mainly included observation, document analysis and comparative analysis. The article contributes to awareness of the importance of cultural diversity and security culture in the European Union in the present century, even more so as threats to security have diversified and amplified; also, this article can be a useful resource for professors, researchers, students, etc., whose scientific research activity has as its subject the proposed theme.

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Implicitne spoljne nadležnosti Evropske unije

Implicitne spoljne nadležnosti Evropske unije

Author(s): Radmila Dragišić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Issue: 24/2022

The anthological ERTA case is considered to be a case in which the contours of learning about the implicit external competence of the European Union have been developed. That logically based teaching, which has already been elaborated in detail so far, celebrated its 50th birthday in March 2021. Therefore, it seems justified to remind ourselves of it and explore the extent to which it is relevant today. At the center of our interest is the substantive determination of external implicit competencies, their origin and genesis at the level of the Union, as well as the scope of their application in the post-Lisbon period expressed through selected jurisprudence of the Court of Justice of the European Union. We use analytical and synthetic methods in our research, with content analysis and historical-comparative analysis occupying a central place within them. Ultimately, we conclude that the concise clarification of cases in which the Union has external jurisdiction further strengthens the need to constantly follow the interpretations given by the Court in the ERTA judgment, which can be fertile ground for an overly extensive assessment by that judicial body

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Europeizace Turecka bez vstupu do EU? Nebo kandidátský stát Turecko jako případ SUI generis?

Europeizace Turecka bez vstupu do EU? Nebo kandidátský stát Turecko jako případ SUI generis?

Author(s): Helena Bauerová,Kateřina Hájková / Language(s): Czech Issue: 2/2018

The aim of the contribution is to analyze Europeanization of Turkey in the context of the European Union (EU) enlargement policy. The case of Turkey will be examined from the internal political development point of view, predominantly in the period 1999-2017 with a historicist overlap responding to a long-term relationship building with the European Community, or EU. Turkey will be analyzed in terms of its preparedness for joining the EU and therefore any top-down and down-top Europeanization signs in the areas of policy and politics, or three development phases - Europeanization, weak Europeanization and de-Europeanization of Turkey – will be observed. There are 2 hypothesis forming the basis of the research: 1. Turkey is a more active partner in relation to the EU, especially after 2015, when there were clear down-top signs of Europeanisation; 2. The EU reduces the requirements for Turkey in the context of ensuring European internal security.

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From Leipzig to Kyiv through Brussels: How the Revolution of 1989 Defined an Era
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From Leipzig to Kyiv through Brussels: How the Revolution of 1989 Defined an Era

Author(s): James Krapfl / Language(s): English Issue: 04/2024

To mark the 35th anniversary of the revolutionary events of 1989, the twentieth anniversary of the European Union’s 2004 enlargement, and the tenth anniversary of Ukraine’s Revolution of Dignity, East European Politics and Societies has invited six members of the journal’s editorial and advisory boards to contribute reflections on problems associated with the anniversaries. This introduction sets the contributions in context, and it asks how the period as a whole - now nearly as long as the period of Communist rule in most of the region - should be conceptualized. It argues for the explanatory value of defining the era not so much in terms of “post-Communism,” but in terms of the revolutionary experience that in 1989 provided the yardstick against which subsequent developments have been measured.

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Греция и ЕС: проблемы интеграции в XXI веке
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Греция и ЕС: проблемы интеграции в XXI веке

Author(s): Anna K. Aleksandrova / Language(s): Russian Issue: 1/2025

Greece is the first country in the Balkans to join the European integration project. This predetermined Greece’s subsequent role as a state working to expand the EU’s borders in the region. However, Greece inevitably faced both internal problems and external challenges affecting its own EU integration process. Thus, the boundaries of Greece’s European integration in the 21st century have at least two dimensions – an internal one, defining Greece’s own place within the EU, and an external one, showing Greece’s role as a European state in the Balkans. Greece’s accession to the Eurozone in 2001, on the one hand, led to the country’s rapid economic growth in the first decade of the 21st century, and on the other hand, became a precondition for the deep financial and economic crisis of the 2010s, caused by Athens’ debt problems. The crisis catalysed the spread of Eurosceptic sentiments, albeit moderate, in Greece. At the same time, it required a serious reform of the European Union, “forcing” it to develop anti-crisis instruments that had not existed before. At the same time, at the beginning of the 21st century, Greece, being the (at first the only) EU member in the Balkans, played the role of a locomotive of European integration for the other countries of the region. However, Greece’s efforts to promote the Balkan states to the EU have not always been consistent and fruitful. Moreover, for non-EU member states in the region, Greece ceased to be a model of a successful integration project after the sovereign debt crisis of the 2010s.

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Czechoslovakia, Warsaw Pact and invasion of 1968

Czechoslovakia, Warsaw Pact and invasion of 1968

Author(s): Zdeněk Veselý / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2025

The intervention of the armies of the five Warsaw Pact member countries into Czechoslovakia in August 1968 represents a significant event in modern history, remembered primarily in the national memory of Czechs and Slovaks. And given the decisive role of the Soviet Union, primarily as a trauma of bilateral Czechoslovak-Soviet relations. In political journalism and professional literature, we often encounter a broader concept, when the intervention is presented as an action of the Warsaw Pact. Therefore, the main goal of this study is to examine what role and whether the Warsaw Pact and especially its highest body, the Political Advisory Committee, played in this intervention. Therefore, even though the suppression of the democratization process in Czechoslovakia - known as the Prague Spring - was carried out by brutal means in the form of a massive military invasion, the author focuses in this study primarily on the political aspect of the issue, because the use of military means was based on a political decision. The decision to intervene was not made at any meeting of the aforementioned Political Advisory Committee of the Pact. The intervention was decided by the highest representatives of the Soviet Union, Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland and East Germany. And moreover, without the participation of other member countries, i.e. Romania, Albania and especially Czechoslovakia, which was the victim of the intervention. The military intervention against Czechoslovakia in August 1968 was therefore not an action of the Warsaw Pact. It was a separate action of the Soviet Union and some other countries of the Pact, that pretended to act on behalf of the Pact to justify their action. Doing so, they acted contrary the proclaimed principles and rules of the Pact.

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欧州における記憶の政治: 2019年欧州議会決議の分析

Author(s): Yusaku Fukuhara / Language(s): Japanese Issue: 71/2024

The European Parliament adopted the resolution ‘Importance of European Remembrance for the future of Europe’ (EP 2019/2557(RSP)) by a majority vote on 19 September 2019. The European Union’s (EU) perception of European history after World War II has been constructed based on the historical perspective of Western European countries regarding Nazi crimes and the victory over fascism. However, with the EU’s eastward enlargement, this narrative has been gradually changed with the incorporation of the historical experiences of Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs). As a result, the EU’s recent historical narrative has also incorporated accusations of crimes committed by the Soviet Union. This study analyses recent EP resolutions on common European historical narratives in this context. Although the European Parliament has discussed a common European historical memory and understanding on several occasions, the 2019 resolution has a distinctive feature not seen in previous resolutions: harsh criticism of the current Russian government for engaging in the distortion of history and hybrid warfare through means such as the spread of disinformation. In other words, the resolution’s criticism of Russia extends beyond the EU’s (re)construction of historical perceptions and in this sense was adopted for political purposes. However, this raises the question of the dynamics behind the scenes, for to understand recent developments in the politics of European memory, it is important to analyse the political dynamics in the European Parliament. Previous research has focused on the role of ‘memory entrepreneurs’ who have actively exercised their influence to reconcile different historical memories between Western European countries and CEECs. These scholars have pointed out that some Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) from CEECs have used their influence to incorporate narratives of the criminalisation of communism into the EU’s common view of historical memory during the construction of a common European history. However, the last resolution discussing the common European memory was adopted by the European Parliament in 2009, and no equivalent official documents have since been discussed by the European Parliament. Although the 2019 resolution was the latest official document from the European Parliament discussing a common European history, there have been only limited attempts by scholars to analyse the relationship between political dynamics and changes in the current European Parliament and severe criticism of the current Russian government on its internal and external policies as well as the equivalence of Nazism and Stalinism. This study analyses the 2019 resolution as an example of one of the most comprehensive outcomes of the EU’s discussion of memory politics by examining plenary discussions and draft resolutions written by various European political party groups, as well as roll-call votes, focusing on the activities of ‘memory entrepreneurs’. Special attention is paid to the fact that some MEPs from CEECs played a crucial role in incorporating discourses on the criminalisation of communism and criticism of the current Russian regime into the EU’s common historical memory. This study elucidates how the 2019 resolution was formulated by focusing on the political process of the adoption of the resolution, as well as the activities of MEPs who were actively engaged in the process. This study finds that the Lithuanian MEP Rasa Juknevičienė, an influential memory entrepreneur, led the resolution process on behalf of the European People’s Party (EPP) group. In addition, this study sheds light on the influence of a prominent retired political figure, MEP Tunne Kelam from Estonia and the EPP Group, who was also an influential memory entrepreneur, on the political process of the 2019 resolution debate. Simultaneously, the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group, led by several memory entrepreneurs from CEECs, successfully implemented a strategy of integrating the criminalisation of communism and the condemnation of the current Russian government into the common European historical discourse. They achieved this political goal by effectively utilising the European Parliament’s procedures and cooperating closely with the largest political group, the EPP. The success of the ‘memory entrepreneurs’ from the CEECs is also the result of continued attempt by some centre-right and conservative ‘memory entrepreneur’ MEPs from CEECs to reconstruct the framework of common European history at the European political level.

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