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Kolbuszowa, rok 1944. Polskie podziemie przystępuje — w akcji „Burza” — do działań przeciw niemieckim okupantom. Zaraz potem nadchodzą wojska sowieckie. Teodor Mytych, żołnierz AK, pisze w środku wydarzeń osobisty dziennik. Otrzymaliśmy świadectwo człowieka, dla którego spotkanie ze Wschodem okazało się wyrokiem.
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Upłynęło parę dni obfitujących w nadzwyczajne wypadki. Przeżywamy chwile gorączki i niepokoju. Prawdą oczywistą stał się fakt, że Niemcy wieją jak licho i zdaje się, że i my wystąpimy do akcji — jeśli nie do ogólnego powstania, to przynajmniej do dywersji na wielką skalę. [...]
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Ostatni raz na wolności widziałem się z Teodorem 3 listopada 1944. Namawiał mnie gorąco, żebym usunął się z Kolbuszowej gdzieś na wieś, choćby do niego, gdzie pod okiem jego ojca, który pełnił funkcję starosty, będę bezpieczny. Przyznałem mu rację, ale miałem jeszcze wiele spraw do załatwienia i ukryłem się chwilowo u mojego dziadka w Kolbuszowej Dolnej.
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Krzyżowa na Dolnym Śląsku (zob. „Karta” 21) nie jest typowym, oczywistym miejscem spotkania polsko-niemieckiego. Nie wiąże się z jakimś szczególnym wydarzeniem historycznym dotyczącym wzajemnych stosunków, nie przypomina o nazistowskich zbrodniach na terenie Polski (jak podobny ośrodek w Oświęcimiu). Tak samo nieoczywiste może być zestawienie na jednej wystawie przykładu niemieckiej grupy antyhitlerowskiej z czasu II wojny oraz osób i grup reprezentujących powojenną opozycję antykomunistyczną.
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W „Karcie ” 13 opublikowaliśmy list Jana Kurdwanowskiego — krótki opis Rakowa p o d okupacją niemiecką. Kurdwanowski spędził w tym mieście jedynie lato 1941 i 1942 roku; to co wydarzyło się później zna z opowieści przyjaciela. Pisał: „Ja sam nie byłem świadkiem żadnych dramatycznych wydarzeń, tym niemniej było coś surrealistycznego w tym miasteczku i dlatego nie schodzi mi ono z pamięci”. Dziś prośbę sprzed czterech lat 0 dopełnienie obrazu wojennego Rakowa spełnia Janusz Buczek
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Review of: Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe, "Bandera. Faszyzm, ludobójstwo, kult. Życie i mit ukraińskiego nacjonalisty" tłum. Sebastian Szymański, Warszawa: Prószyński i S-ka, 2018, 902 s.; by: Paweł Kowal
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The aim of this article is to contribute a practical study model based on long term, deep, mainly historical studies about the Holocaust in Albania. A similar model has already existed for the eight years in Bucharest, Romania. Based on its advantages and the needs in Albania I built a new model. The article describes the relevant historical background and raised the humanistic questions that have interested and challenged many historians over the last 20 years.The article is based on theoretical methods from other fields and integrates them into the original model. The model is divided into two parts that are interdependent. The conclusion and discussion summarize all the factors in order to convince the Albanian Ministry of Education and University of Tirana to adopt its idea.
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The article is about the advance of the Red Army from the village of Terchová to Žilina in the spring of 1945. The Soviet army participated in tough battles while liberating the village of Terchová because of its strategic importance. Soviet army also met tough resistance in the village of Belá. Following their defeat at Belá, Wehrmacht troops retreated to their first defense line. In case the first defense line was breached, there was a second one built, situated in the towns surrounding Žilina. The tough resistance of German troops made the advance of the Red Army difficult. After numerous defeats Wehrmacht started to retreat to the Moravia region. On the 30th of April Žilina was liberated without any resistance. The damage caused by the movement of the front would be visible even years after the war.
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This paper analyses the relevance of the concept of political religions for political science. The very concept of political religions was coined in the beginning of XX century with a goal to explain the nature of totalitarian regimes founded in Europe soil. By analyzing Italian fascism, German national socialism and communism of the USSR, researches came to a conclusion that these regimes had some characteristics of religion and therefore, that they could be referred as political religions. Goal of our paper is twofold. First, by using qualitative analysis and critical approach we tend to bring this concept closer to our scientific community and second, we tend to explain why this concept is still relevant for political science at the beginning of XXI century.
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The paper is an attempt to show the role of the Jasenovac concentration camp in the destruction of peoples from different parts of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) based on partially revised list „Victims of War 1941–1945” from 1964. On the basis of achieved results in the process of revision of the census list, a calculation of the total losses of the civilians of Yugoslavia, of those in the NDH and its regions, with particular focus on losses in the Jasenovac camp was made. The losses in Jasenovac were analyzed through the prism of the general losses of the civilian population of NDH during the war, in all its parts. They were all compared with the demographic structure of the population of the NDH and its regions. Jasenovac camp system, was the largest concentration camp in the NDH, where a quarter of all killed civilians in this territory lost their lives (24.53%). The scope of the crimes committed in the Jasenovac camp clearly identify it as a destruction camp. The victims in Jasenovac were brought to the camp from all parts of the NDH. Most of the dead were originally from the two regions with which the camp was bordering, 30.60% from Slavonia and 25.13% from Bosanska Krajina, with 12.62% of losses originating from Eastern Bosnia. The victims from 4 regions had a greater share in losses in Jasenovac than their representation in the population of NDH, Banija 2.25 times, Bosnian Krajina 2.14 times, Slavonia 2.13 times and Srem 1.19 times, while Kordun had equal share. The victims of the other 7 NDH regions had much less participation in the losses in Jasenovac than their representation in the population, from 19.12 and 11.21 times lower in the part of Dalmatia and Lika, up to 2.27 and 1.23 times lower in Northwestern Croatia and Eastern Bosnia. Jasenovac was the site of the death of half of all killed Slavonia civilians (54.11%), two fifths from Srem (38.30%), one third of killed civilians from Banija (32.73%), a quarter from Northwestern Croatia (26.70% ) and Bosanska Krajina (23.27%), but also minimal parts of the killed civilians from Lika (1.28%), Dalmatia (3.49%) and Herzegovina (5.57%). Jasenovac was the central place of death in the NDH, where 78.08% of all victims of the Roma lost their lives, 61.68% of the victims of the Jews, 23.24% of Serbian civilian victims, 11.81% of Croats, 3.50% of Muslims and 4.39% of members of other and unknown nationalities. In nine of the twelve NDH regions, Serbs accounted for the bulk of the loss of prisoners in the camp, everywhere with a predominant majority of 92.43% in the Bosnian Krajina and 91.85% in Banija, up to 54.87% in Srem, the Jews were majority in two regions (Eastern Bosnia 55,35% i Northwest Croatia 36,21%), and the Romas in one. Three-quarters of Serbs killed the Jasenovac (74.61%) come from three regions (36.88% from Bosanska Krajina, 27.20% from Slavonia, 10.53% from Banija). Of all Serb civilians victims from Slavonia, 55.54% lost their lives in Jasenovac, as well as 33.99% of Serb civilian victims from Northwestern Croatia, 33.70% from Banija, 28.34% from Srem, 23.50% from Bosanska Krajina, while the share of victims of Jasenovac in the other seven regions was far smaller or minimal (Lika 0.89%). Half of all Jews victims in Jasenovac were from Eastern Bosnia (47.65%), with 21.27% from Northwestern Croatia and 18.63% of Slavonia, while 12.45% were from the other nine regions. While in Eastern Bosnia almost all Jews lost their lives in Jasenovac (90.74%), from Jews from Slavonia and Northwestern Croatia, 54.69% and 35.89% of them were killed in that camp. Of the dead Roma in Jasenovac, 59.95% originated from Slavonia, where life was lost by four fifths of all the Romas victims from Slavonia, Srem and Northwestern Croatia. Of the Croats killed in Jasenovac, 45.92% were from northwestern Croatia, while 43.22% of the Muslims killed in the camp were from the Bosnian Krajina.
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In this work antifascism is shown as a movement which in its original nature represented a logical opposition to fascism, but also as a hypothesis which according to its definition ultimately had to offer the realisation of full democratic freedom. However, essentially different ideological and political demands of declarative representatives of antifascism, especially prominent in the initial phase, influenced undoubtedly its longlasting lack of credibility, which was in the short period of the Second World War (1941-1945) nevertheless successfully replaced by the appearance of the real universal antifascism, originating from the necessity of defence against general fascist aggression. Within this framework Communists as a part of the antifascist movement, although losing the import of antifascist factor in the period of their collaboration (1939-1941) with the Nazi movement, won back their significant antifascist position by being forced to enter the war, later abusing it as a guise for the parallel realisation of the Communist revolution. In that way they undeniably verified the ambiguity of antifascism, i.e. clearly asserted their true ideological priority over representing and realising the complete idea of antifascism. Croatian Communists, as factors of the broader Communist movement, and also of that general, universal antifascism, represented first and foremost, accordingly to their nature, the obligatory ideological tasks which they unquestionably had to carry out, which simply meant; their behaviour could not leave the framework of strictly set principles of Communist doctrine.
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It is fair to say that university as idea was Heidegger’s lifelong obsession. Young Heidegger believed that the power of education would become a generator of change. At the beginning this still was thought in the realm of Christianity and orthodox Catholicism of his heritage. It meant modern scientific scrutiny in the search for truth that was supposed to be real Christian truth. The most modern method of philosophy at the time was (Husserl’s) phenomenology, which Heidegger was using for critical examination of the tradition in European philosophical, metaphysical thought. After the catastrophe of the Great War Heidegger, who was already teaching at the university, saw an urgent necessity of a radical turn from the traditional university to a completely new beginning starting with reflection on the first awakening of the quest about the being as such in ancient Greece. While this is no more than fantastic fancy, the true change and potentially new beginning was what he was doing at the university: his formidable lecturing and teaching, his profound and nevertheless down-to-earth thinking, his prolific pragmatic philosophy, its modern approaches and horizons-opening methods. In his striving for complete change of university Heidegger was taking his concrete existence and doings for granted. He did not give them a thought, instead he started to believe that nationalistic and antisemitic demolishing of the ‘old world order’ and fossilized institutions should just be the proper moment for the revolution of university and academic education to start. Until Heidegger had taken his rectoral post at the University of Freiburg (1933) and delivered his famous inaugural speech, nobody knew about his concept of ‘completely new university’, but he nevertheless believed that it should fit to the party schemes of ‘national- socialist university’. The fundamental notion in this concept of university revolution is the “Will” (der Wille), though assumed will. After the debacle of this shameful episode Heidegger still kept fantasizing about the other university, though skipping silently the ‘category’ of will; at the same time he was castigating himself for that political engagement – as is now known from the notorious “black notice-book” (2015). But no sincere analysis of the matter can be found in these private notices, rather all of these self-reflections end up in self-pitying à la: not that his concept was wrong, but the time was not right. Being a part of the criminal, murderous regime did not even emerge to his mind as a problem. That’s the true reason for the notorious silence in the public about his guilt or at least responsibility during the Nazi regime. In the focus of this article is also Heidegger’s twofold nature, not to say duplicity, which it sometimes was, too. This has many facets, but just comparing the language in texts of his Nazi-speeches and private notes on the one hand and his philosophical lectures and writings on the other, it becomes obvious that the two sides of Heidegger are deeply and totally irreconcilable. On their own they would be utter opposites; being parts of one person they constitute a paradox called Martin Heidegger. After he was sanctioned with deprivation of the licence to teach, Heidegger suffered a real trauma; what he was so bitterly missing was his active life, teaching and lecturing at the real existing university, not the imagined one he kept yearning for. Such too is the chasm that can be observed between Heidegger’s critique of university’s liberal spirit on one hand and the essential gains he had in his life exactly from this liberal new age spirit and the university as the modern institution and the only (precarious) possibility of free thinking since the time of early Greek thinkers on the other.
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For several years, regular archaeological excavations have been conducted in the Forest of Lućmierz near Zgierz in Central Poland. They focused on searching for the collective graves of hundreds Poles executed by Nazi Germans in Zgierz in 1942, and the location and exhumation of the contents of burial graves from 1939–1940, in which the remains of victims of the German Inteligenzaktion were originally hidden. In both cases, the main difficulty for the researchers was the fact that the Germans carried out actions to erase the traces of the crime, consisting in the cremation of the remains of the victims extracted from the grave. Unclear information regarding exhumations, which was provided by the new Polish administration in the spring of 1045, did not facilitate the research either. The archival inquiry and archaeological research did not answer all the questions. Therefore, in 2014, some ethnographic interviews with the residents of the towns located around the Forest of Lućmierz were carried out. The article cites extensive fragments of the interlocutors’ statements, which have been commented on from the point of view of the needs of the archaeological research.
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The attitude of Carl Schmitt towards the Nazi government, regardless of different attempts at its justification, can be explained based on his works prior to 1933. These works contain a large number of basic tenets in the context of which it seems consistent to welcome and serve national socialism. Schmitt’s concept of political system aimed at the establishment of unity by means of an authoritarian power and thus could not have stated anything against the Nazi regime which sought to establish political unity using just such means.
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Professional ambitions and threat to personal safety forced Carl Schmitt to join the Nazi Party and to make compromises with the Nazis. After an examination of his attitude towards the Jewish question, the influence o f the notion of Grossraum on the Nazi ideology and his participation in decision making, he was freed from criminal charges at Nürnberg. Nevertheless, his international reputation of a theoretician of law was destroyed.
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The "links" between Nietzsche's philosophy and the Nazi ideology is in the service of the latter and its political and ideological aims. This is clearly demonstrated also by the work of the Nazi philosopher Baeumler. Falsifying the philosophical foundations of Nietzsche’s metaphysics an attempt was made to develop an autonomous Nazi picture of the world. Understanding of this falsification leads to the core of the fascist ideology.
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Nobel Laureate Elie Wiesel is one of the most preeminent writers of both American and European literature. The author, who is raised in an Orthodox Jewish family living in Romania, struggles against the World War II and the Holocaust in his childhood. His work Night is an autobiographical novel concerning about the writer himself with his family in Nazi German concentration camps at Auschwitz and Buchenwald in 1944–1945, at the worst and most catastrophic days of the Holocaust toward the end of the Second World War. Wiesel is intensely affected by genocides and war; he deals with the notion of God and the extinction of humanity. Furthermore, the protagonist survives in such terrible time that he experienced a moment to feel happiness for his father’s death. His point of view of his self and others has agony and confusion. This traumatic incidence creates traumatic personality. Wiesel’s Night encapsulates a Holocaust survivor’s traumatic memory and experience. Also, Wiesel quests the existential questions. In this study, traumatic effects of war and Holocaust in the eyes of a child in Night will be argued.
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Dana 30. januara 1933. godine nemačka devojčica po imenu Melita Mašman otišla je s roditeljima na bakljadu kojom je obeleženo imenovanje Adolfa Hitlera za nemačkog kancelara. „Neobjašnjiv osećaj" te berlinske noći ostaće u njoj do kraja života: „gromoviti bat koraka, ozbiljna pompa crveno-crnih zastava, treperavi odsjaj baklji na licima i pesme čije su melodije istovremeno agresivne i sentimentalne. Kolone su marširale satima. Stalno iznova smo među njima viđali grupe devojaka i mladića jedva starije od nas samih".
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Article analyses the role of lieutenant Miloš Pаnjević and the network of „illegals“ in General Mihаilović’s resistance movement he set up in occupied Belgrade 1943–1944. Author’s research is primarily based on German documents and documentation of security forces and police/ Gestapo, as well as documentation of agents of Yugoslav Army in Fatherland that had been confiscated by Gestapo (4th division). So far, historians analyzing resistance movement in Belgrade during WW 2 unjustifiably neglected and ignored resistance of Yugoslav Army in Fatherland. Thus Ravna gora group of lieutenant Pаnjević is unknown to scientific public and there were no published historic works on it. Pаnjević’s group is one of important phenomena that should be analysed in the context of resistance to Nazism in occupied capital of Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Even though this group was short-lived as occupying forces broke it up, sent it members to concentration camps and executed lieutenant Pаnjević, it’s organisation, activities and results are worthy of scientific research and historic remembrance.
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