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Обвиняващата мощ на една парадоксална едногласовост
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Обвиняващата мощ на една парадоксална едногласовост

Author(s): Iskra Tsoneva / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Issue: 3/2019

Jonathan Littell’s novel The Kindly Ones, written in French, is a story about World War II and the Eastern Front, presented through the fictional memoirs of a sophisticated SS officer. The main aim of the article is to show how, by a radical rejection of the method of polyglossia, characteristic of narrative in the traditional novel, Littell merges his voice with the voice of his criminal hero, who accuses everyone – participants and witnesses alike, all of us.

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Problem tożsamości i poczucia lojalności Żydów pochodzących z zaboru pruskiego na przykładzie Alfreda Cohna (1901–1961)

Problem tożsamości i poczucia lojalności Żydów pochodzących z zaboru pruskiego na przykładzie Alfreda Cohna (1901–1961)

Author(s): Elżbieta Alabrudzińska / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3/2019

So far a very simplified picture of the transformation of the identity of Jews of West Prussia and Poznan land have functioned in the literature on the subject. The impulse to conduct the research on this issue became the publishing of the memories of Alfred Cohn, a typical German Jew, whose life and dramatic decisions show the complexity of the problem of identity and the sense of loyalty of the Jewish population of the territory of the Prussian partition. Alfred Cohn was close to recognizing himself as a German of the Jewish denomination. In 1920, without a shade of doubt, he decided to maintain loyalty to the German state and leave his family town Bydgoszcz, while in 1945 he decided the opposite. In order to clarify these contradictions, an analysis of the emancipation, acculturation and assimilation processes of the Jewish community of the territories of the Prussian partition of the 19th century and the first two decades of the 20th century was conducted. Subsequently, the results of this analysis were compared with studies on the identity of German Jews living in the Second and Third Reich. At least until the 1880s, the Jews of Greater Poland, and West Prussia considered themselves representatives of a separate nation, despite the already advanced process of assimilating German culture, customs and language, and showing loyalty to the German state. The assimilation reached its greatest intensity at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, leading to a strong integration of Jews with German society and the German state. This aggravated Polish-Jewish antagonism, especially in Greater Poland. After some of the lands of the former Prussian partition came under Polish rule, most Jews remained loyal to the German state, treating it as their homeland, and emigrated in the years 1918–1921 along with the majority of the German population. However, despite such decisions, despite the use of German as their mother tongue, and despite demonstrating German patriotism and the intense desire to blend in with German society, it is necessary to show great caution in the case of attempts to recognize the Jews of the Prussian partition only as a religious minority, although more than once they have defined themselves this way. In the Reich, Jews did not manage to merge with the German environment, either. They created their own Jewish-German cultural system. Their identity can be described as very specific, heterogeneous and shaped by contradictions and dilemmas. In the territories of the Prussian partition, the process of shaping the identity of German Jews was even more complicated as this community had to function also within the Polish society.

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KNOWING THE CAPITAL IN THE NEW PERSPECTIVE: REVIEW OF WAR AND BRATISLAVA

KNOWING THE CAPITAL IN THE NEW PERSPECTIVE: REVIEW OF WAR AND BRATISLAVA

Author(s): Patrícia Fogelová / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2020

Review of: SZALAY, Peter – BOGÁR, Michal – HABERLANDOVÁ, Katarína – BARTOŠOVÁ, Nina – KRIŠTEKOVÁ, Laura. Vojnová Bratislava 1939–1945 [War and Bratislava 1939–1945]. Bratislava: Marenčin PT, 2020, 336 pp. ISBN 978-80-569-0131-0

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Traian Sandu. Un fascisme roumain. Histoire de la Garde de fer. Paris, Perrin, 2014. 496 p. (Traian Sandu. Romanian Fascism. History of the Iron Guard. Paris, Perrin, 2014. 496 p.)
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Traian Sandu. Un fascisme roumain. Histoire de la Garde de fer. Paris, Perrin, 2014. 496 p. (Traian Sandu. Romanian Fascism. History of the Iron Guard. Paris, Perrin, 2014. 496 p.)

Author(s): Nikolay Poppetrov / Language(s): English Issue: 3-4/2020

Book Review

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VLADIMIR HUZJAN, VARAŽDIN U VRIJEME NEZAVISNE DRŽAVE HRVATSKE (1941. – 1945.)

VLADIMIR HUZJAN, VARAŽDIN U VRIJEME NEZAVISNE DRŽAVE HRVATSKE (1941. – 1945.)

Author(s): Dražen Janko / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 19/2020

Review of: Dražen Janko - Vladimir Huzjan, Varaždin u vrijeme Nezavisne Države Hrvatske (1941. – 1945.), Zagreb-Varaždin: Hrvatska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti-Zavod za znanstveni rad u Varaždinu, 2020, 311 str.

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TEISE MAAILMASÕJA KAKS AJALUGU: VENEMAA TÄHISTAS 9. MAIL SUURE ISAMAASÕJA VÕIDU 75. AASTAPÄEVA

TEISE MAAILMASÕJA KAKS AJALUGU: VENEMAA TÄHISTAS 9. MAIL SUURE ISAMAASÕJA VÕIDU 75. AASTAPÄEVA

Author(s): Ants Laaneots / Language(s): Estonian Issue: 14/2020

Teine maailmasõda aastatel 1939–1945 oli 20. sajandi üks kõige traagilisemaid sündmusi, mille järelmõju on tuntav tänapäevalgi. Sõja põhjuste, käigu ja tagajärgede uurimisel on tekkinud mahukas ajalooteadus, mis sisaldab selle kui inimkonna kõige verisema sündmuse erinevaid analüüse ja kirjeldusi ning millel puudub siiani erapooletu ühine nimetaja. Inimkonnale on esitatud laias laastus kaks erinevat nägemust. Ühelt poolt demokraatliku maailma enam-vähem realistlik, dokumentaalsele alusele tuginev sõjakäsitlus, mis paneb süü sõja vallapäästmise eest kahele Euroopa totalitaarriigile: hitlerlikule Saksamaale ja stalinlikule Nõukogude Liidule, kuna neil mõlemal oli ambitsioon saada maailma või vähemalt Euroopa valitsejaks. Teiselt poolt Nõukogude Liidu ja selle nüüdisaegset jäänukit – Venemaa Föderatsiooni – kakskümmend aastat presidendina juhtinud, Vene impeeriumi taastamisest unistava KGB ohvitseri Vladimir Putini ametlik populaarne stalinistlik ajalootõlgendus, mille järgi oli NSV Liit kallaletungi ohver ja Saksamaa käitus agressorina. NSV Liidu ja hiljem Venemaa ajalootõlgenduses polnud mingit Teist maailmasõda. Vene propaganda kohaselt võeti uuesti kasutusele enam kui sajandi tagune, 1812. aastal Napoleoni sissetungil Vene impeeriumi ja rahva vastupanu hüüdlauseks olnud termin „Suur Isamaasõda“, milles NSV Liit purustas Kolmanda Reich’i ning vabastas Euroopa ja kogu maailma fašistidest. Teatavasti kinnitas Stalin selle NSV Liidu „ametliku“ Teise maailmasõja ajaloo 1946. aastal. See oli tarvitusel nõukogude ajal ja Venemaa rakendab seda hübriidsõja efektiivse relvana siiani. Moskva on järjekindlalt süüdistanud lääneriike, sh Baltimaid, ajaloo võltsimises. Infosõda viimaste vastu, keda süüdistatakse natsismis ja fašismis, on muutunud hüsteeriliseks eriti viimastel aastakümnetel Vladimir Putini ajastul, mis algas tema üllatusliku saamisega Venemaa „igaveseks“ presidendiks 2000. aasta jaanuaris.

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Исламский и тюркский факторы в нацистской пропаганде на оккупированной территории России (1941–1944 годы)

Исламский и тюркский факторы в нацистской пропаганде на оккупированной территории России (1941–1944 годы)

Author(s): Boris Nikolaevich Kovalev,Kiril Feferman / Language(s): Russian Issue: 31/2020

The article deals with several topics raised in Nazi Germany’s propaganda about Islamic and Turkic issues directed at the population of occupied northwest territories in 1941–1944. The article analyzes newspapers published by the occupation administration in this region, as well as the published secondary sources. On the face of it, these topics were of little interest to local readers, yet they occupied a sizable place among topics handled by the media run by the occupation regime. A special emphasis was laid on familiarizing readers with conditions of Islam in the Crimea, the only Soviet area with a sizable Muslim population that was occupied by Germany. The region was showcased by Nazi Islamic-themed propaganda. In addition, propaganda also dealt with “unbearable” conditions of Muslims in the Soviet hinterland (Central Asia), and pan-Islamic issues, such as the activities of the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, Hadj Amin al-Husseini. One idea ran through all these themes: the natural support of Islam and Muslims for Nazi Germany, and the equally natural antagonism between Islam/Muslims and the Soviet state. German propaganda also put a premium on the Turkic factor by emphasizing the role played by Turkey, a country spiritually close both to Germany and Soviet Muslims of Turkic descent.

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“Was ist in der Tat das Internet...” Wahrheiten und Mythen über den zweiten Weltkrieg im Cyberspace
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“Was ist in der Tat das Internet...” Wahrheiten und Mythen über den zweiten Weltkrieg im Cyberspace

Author(s): Petya B. Dimitrova / Language(s): German Issue: 1-2/2021

The article attempts to show how the topic about the World War II myths and their rejection is presented on the Internet and how the professional historians are involved in this process, as well as how their messages are perceived by history lovers and the general audience. Based on the examples discussed in the article, the author comes to the following conclusions. The huge variety of opinions, ideas and different approaches to the same historical events and processes on the Internet, as well as the easy and quick access to many topics, documents and different points of view, does not lead to an easy and fast acceptance of those opinions and ideas, even when they are presented with the necessary skill and reasoning. The diminishing of the difference between professionals and amateurs, as well as between writers and readers, and the opportunity given to everyone to express their opinions freely, regardless of their level of competence, i.e. ensuring a free exchange of opinions, does not lead to any consensus. On the contrary, the comments in the virtual world often show great intolerance and are very often filled with hatred and aggression. The Internet’s opportunities to spread historical knowledge to a vast range of people are often used to replace one myth with another, and sometimes to promote total misinformation.

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CAN FASCISM BE GOOD FOR THE JEWS? THE RESPONSE OF THE YIDDISH PRESS IN POLAND TO ITALIAN FASCISM (1922–39): A RESEARCH RECONNAISSANCE

CAN FASCISM BE GOOD FOR THE JEWS? THE RESPONSE OF THE YIDDISH PRESS IN POLAND TO ITALIAN FASCISM (1922–39): A RESEARCH RECONNAISSANCE

Author(s): Joanna Nalewajko-Kulikov / Language(s): English Issue: 123/2021

The article sets out to profile the results of preliminary research into the stances taken by two Warsaw Yiddish daily newspapers, Haynt and Der Moment, on the phenomenon of Italian fascism. These ranged from guarded and benevolent interest, and even a certain fascination, to categorical rejection, depending on the official stance of the fascist movement towards the Jews. The article discusses the initial ad hoc judgments on fascism made in the 1920s, opinions on Polish and Jewish emulators of Mussolini, with particular attention to Vladimir Jabotinsky and the Revisionist movement, and the opinions of Jewish political journalists on Mussolini’s volte-face regarding the Jews in the 1930s. A separate section is devoted to a series of 1938 reportage features showcasing the life of the Italian Jews in Fascist Italy.

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THE SOVIET NARRATIVE OF THE WARSAW GHETTO UPRISING

THE SOVIET NARRATIVE OF THE WARSAW GHETTO UPRISING

Author(s): Gennady Estraikh / Language(s): English Issue: 123/2021

Soviet ideological overseers did not consider the Warsaw Ghetto uprising an utterly taboo topic. However, on their general scale of notable events of the Second World War, the uprising belonged to the category of relatively minor episodes, worth mentioning mainly in the context of ‘more important’ themes, such as the presence of former Nazis in state institutions of West Germany or the collaboration of some Jews, most notably Zionists, with the Nazis. At the same time, the Soviet Yiddish periodicals, first Eynikayt [Unity, 1942–8] and then Sovetish Heymland [Soviet Homeland, 1961–91] did not treat the uprising as an event of secondary importance. Instead, they emphasise the heroism of the ghetto fighters.

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„Niespełniony pisarz, który został historykiem”. Jerzy Wojciech Borejsza (22 sierpnia 1935 - 28 lipca 2019)

„Niespełniony pisarz, który został historykiem”. Jerzy Wojciech Borejsza (22 sierpnia 1935 - 28 lipca 2019)

Author(s): Mariusz Wołos / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2021

The purpose of the article is to present the scientific biography of Professor Jerzy Wojciech Borejsza, an expert on the history of the 19th and 20th centuries, and to characterise his achievements and views on historiography. Borejsza was one of the most prominent experts in the Polish revolutionary movement and emigration after the January Uprising. Later, he was interested in the history of Italian fascism, Adolf Hitler’s worldview, including his attitude towards the Slavs, and the Soviet version of the totalitarian regime.

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Iz historijske građe: Todor Žuža u logoru Jasenovac

Iz historijske građe: Todor Žuža u logoru Jasenovac

Author(s): Edin Šaković / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 51/2021

Attached are several documents from the archive of the Tuzla canton, which bring testimony on the stay of Todor Žuža from Gornja Lohinja near Gračanica in the Jasenovac concentration camp, and his unusual escape from the camp. The documents, primarily the statements made by Žuža himself and two of his neighbors and friends from the camp were created at the request of the Communist Party, which Žuža was a member of. Žuža was arrested in March 1942 with a large group of locals from his village and sent to Jasenovac. For a time he was assigned to forced labor in Feričani near Našice, and in the Bosanska Gradiška area. He remained in the camp until the end of May 1944. He escaped to the Kozara Mountain with a group of comrades, aided by one of the guards, and joined the partisans.

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Regime Preferences in Communist Czechoslovakia and the Narrative on the Slovak National Uprising

Regime Preferences in Communist Czechoslovakia and the Narrative on the Slovak National Uprising

Author(s): Martina Švecová / Language(s): English Issue: 27/2020

Most of the participants in the Slovak National Uprising (SNP) were fighting for the ideals of democracy and freedom, for the defeat of fascism and Nazism and for the new Czechoslovak Republic with equal status for the Slovak people within it. They could not have foreseen that communist totalitarianism would be established after the war, one that would try to use the Uprising as a precursor for the socialist revolution (Fremal 2010: 359). The Communist Party, with the support of historians, utilised the legacy of the SNP to justify its political actions. Czechoslovak identity was also constructed through the image of the SNP, whose annual celebrations provided the communists with the opportunity to interpret the legacy of the SNP in various forms. This work deals with the way the communists interpreted the SNP in order to convince the public that this was a people's Uprising intended to lead to social equality and the eventual acceptance of communism in Czechoslovakia in the years 1947,1948 and 1954.

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Lupta pentru eliberarea României de sub dominaţia Germaniei hitleriste oglintită în ziarul "Graiul Liber"

Lupta pentru eliberarea României de sub dominaţia Germaniei hitleriste oglintită în ziarul "Graiul Liber"

Author(s): Homer Radu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 4/1978

Dans la présente communication, l'auteur se propose de mettre en relief la contribution que la publication „Graiul liber", le journal des prisonters roumains dans l'U.R.S.S. — a apporté à l'action pour le réveil des consciences des prisonniers roumains de l'Union Soviétique en vue de la lutte contre l'Allemagne hitlérienne, pour la libération du pays, pour la liberté et la démocratie. Le journal „Graiul liber" a constitué un vrai liant entre le pays et les prisonniers qui se trouvaient dans l'U.R.S.S., puisqu'a ceux-ci pouvaient connaître les réalités roumaines, la lutte de tout le peuple roumain contre les occupants allemands, contre la dictature d'Antonesco pour la liberté et la démocratie. Après avoir été constituée la division de volontaires roumains „Tudor Vladimirescu", le journal „Graiul liber" a consigné les victoires obtenues par cette héroïque division dans la lutte contre l'Allemagne hitlérienne. Dans les pages du journal se trouvent des amples références concernant l'héroïque acte de l'insurrection nationale armée anti-fasciste et anti-impérialiste du 23 Août 1944. Jusqu'au moment quand il a cessé d'apparaître, le journal a informé les lecteurs sur l'ample processus révolutionnaire qui a eu lieu dans notre pays après la victoire de l'insurrection.

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War Economy, Local Administration and Everyday Life under German Occupation in Bohemia and Moravia: New Approaches for Digital Humanities through Digitization, Databases and Digital Analysis

War Economy, Local Administration and Everyday Life under German Occupation in Bohemia and Moravia: New Approaches for Digital Humanities through Digitization, Databases and Digital Analysis

Author(s): Jan Vondraček / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2021

World War II led to extensive rationing, both of agricultural production and individual consumption, which significantly shaped the everyday life of the Czech population in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia from 1939 to 1945. This paper shows how new digital methods can be used to contribute to this history of National Socialism, in particular, in the areas of rule, administration, and everyday life in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. Different types of sources from the local administration of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia are presented and analyzed using a specially developed software. This provides a structured insight into the everyday life of the local population. The software makes it possible to systematically and statistically evaluate previously unstructured source material. It can be shown that district offices staffed by Czech officials and institutions previously unknown to research, such as the Supreme Price Authority and the Bohemian-Moravian Market Association, were central to the enforcement of the wartime economy in the protectorate. The everyday contact of the local population with the administration was mostly within the framework of a “normative state” rather than a “prerogative state.” In contrast to traditional accounts, this analysis shows that the security organs, such as the Czech or German police and gendarmerie, or Gestapo were only involved to a minor and rather incidental extent. Furthermore, the paper shows that the local population possessed a wide range of agency, which it was able to use.

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Пътят към конференцията „Ванзее“ и расовата война. Нацистката антиеврейска политика през 1938–1942 година
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Пътят към конференцията „Ванзее“ и расовата война. Нацистката антиеврейска политика през 1938–1942 година

Author(s): Maria Koleva / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 3/2021

The article traces the development of anti-Jewish policy in Nazi Germany from the appointment of Hitler as Chancellor to the Wannsee Conference, which adopted a specific plan for the extermination of the Jewish population in Europe. Following the escalation of the process of discrimination and disenfranchisement of Jews, the article presents the most discussed issues in the study of the Holocaust. It is clarified under what conditions, by whom the decision was made for the mass murder of European Jews and the main figures who organize its practical implementation are outlined. An excerpt from the minutes adopted at the Wannsee Conference is attached to the author’s text.

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Biocentrism and Marxism: Bloch’s Concept of Life and the Spirit of Utopia

Biocentrism and Marxism: Bloch’s Concept of Life and the Spirit of Utopia

Author(s): Cat Moir / Language(s): English Issue: 35/2020

This article argues that Ernst Bloch’s (1885-1977) early philosophical development was profoundly influenced by a biocentric perspective that dominated European culture in the decades around the turn of the twentieth century. Biocentrism covers a range of artistic and intellectual currents united by a commitment to embodied life, the natural world, and the insights of the flourishing biological sciences. Despite the clear filiations between biocentrism and völkisch and fascist ideologies, as this article demonstrates, Bloch combined aspects of biocentrism with a Marxist viewpoint in an attempt to counter his political opponents—even as that meant occasionally moving in the same conceptual territory.

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ODPOWIEDZI NA ANKIETĘ - PIOTR FRANASZEK

ODPOWIEDZI NA ANKIETĘ - PIOTR FRANASZEK

Author(s): Piotr Franaszek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2021

Jako osoba wychowana w rodzinie o tradycjach patriotycznych zawsze przywiązywałem dużą wagę do historii Polski. Moja edukacja w szkole średniej i na studiach przypadła na lata siedemdziesiąte XX w. Nauka historii w liceum kończyła się na II wojnie światowej. Na studiach na zajęciach z historii najnowszej zwykle „dochodziło się” do wydarzeń 1956 r. O mordzie w Katyniu wykładowcy mówili bardzo ogólnie i zasadniczo tylko w kontekście zerwania stosunków dyplomatycznych z rządem emigracyjnym i „ucieczce” armii gen. Władysława Andersa ze Związku Sowieckiego.

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The State of Siege and the Holocaust in Romania: An Incursion into the Origins of the Legal Framework for the Operation of the Camps under the Antonescu Regime
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The State of Siege and the Holocaust in Romania: An Incursion into the Origins of the Legal Framework for the Operation of the Camps under the Antonescu Regime

Author(s): Corneliu Pintilescu / Language(s): English Issue: 14/2021

The state of siege turned into an almost everyday experience in interwar Romania. From 1916 until 1928 and from 1933 until the end of the second World War, Romania was either partially or entirely under state of siege. This abuse of the state-of-siege mechanisms heavily contributed to the routinization of political violence and fuelled the crisis of the liberal order during the 1930s. Thus, it is no surprise that one of the vehicles of installing the dictatorship of King Carol II was Decree no. 856 from February 1938, which officially turned the state of siege into a permanent reality. In this context, General Ion Antonescu found, when seizing power in september 1940, a complex legal and institutional framework in charge with implementing the state of siege, entailing: the state-of-siege legislation, the secret services, the military prosecutor’s office, the military courts, and the political prisons. During Ion Antonescu’s rule, this legal and institutional framework was extended and turned into an effective tool for ethnic cleansing. Emergency narratives and state-of-siege legislation were used for carrying out deportations, for establishing and operating ghettos and concentration camps, and for the activity of the military courts. Drawing on Ernst Fraenkel’s concept of “the dual state”, this study aims at investigating the connections between the state of siege legislation and the institution of the camp in Romania under Antonescu’s regime. Because the issue of the camp under Antonescu’s regime is a complex one, which needs more space to deal with than an article could offer, this contribution will focus only on the case study of the Tȃrgu Jiu camp, as a model inspiring the development of other camps. The study is divided into two parts: (1) the former provides an overview of the state-of-siege legislation, its use in interwar Romania, and the instrumentalization of the narratives of national emergency during Antonescu’s seizure of power; (2) the latter part analyzes the role played by the state-of-siege legislation as a legal framework used to establish and operate camps during Ion Antonescu’s regime.

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Postsocialist and Postcapitalist Questions? Far-Right Historical Narratives and the Making of a New Europe
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Postsocialist and Postcapitalist Questions? Far-Right Historical Narratives and the Making of a New Europe

Author(s): Agnieszka Pasieka / Language(s): English Issue: 04/2021

Despite a growing number of novel approaches to the far right and new explanatory models, one feature appears to persist in the scholarship: namely, a tendency to discuss the developments in Western Europe and in postsocialist countries separately. Bucking this trend, this article investigates the similarities between the activism of Italian and Polish far-right movements, focusing on the field of historical politics. More specifically, it investigates the ways in which the memories of World War II and accounts of victims of communism are mobilized in the two countries, as well as the question of “censorship” and “mainstreaming” of far-right historical narratives. Apart from comparing the developments in these countries, the article discusses various forms of cooperation between Polish and Italian far-right movements, which reveal their mutual influences but also the limits of transnational networking.

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