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Les Arbëresh Et L'Insurrection De 1911
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Les Arbëresh Et L'Insurrection De 1911

Author(s): Gazmend Shpuza / Language(s): French Issue: 01/2004

La question de la contribution des Arbëresh dans l'insurrection albanaise de 1911 n'est pas éclairée autant qu'il faut, parce qu'elle n'a pas été traitée comme une question à part. Elle a été considérée surtout dans le cadre des études sur l'insurrection de 19111 ou bien des études sur le mouvement aribaldien en Italie, dans le cadre de l'histoire diplomatique concernant la rivalité austro-italienne en Adriatique et à l'Ouest des Balkans et dans le cadre e la politique orientale de l'Italie dans les Balkans et en Afrique.

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Wybuch
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Wybuch

Author(s): Łucja Hornowska / Language(s): Polish Issue: 17/1995

Wypowiedzenie wojny Serbii przez Austrię zastaje mnie na Ukrainie. Ze Skibiniec w taraszczańskim powiecie pojechałam 27 lipca [1914] do Tyszkiewiczów (Szapijówka w skwirskim) i tam doszły gazety z tą wiadomością. Przez cały wieczór toczą się zatem o wojnie rozmowy, przerywane grą Zosi na organach, po czym całe towarzystwo rozchodzi się do swych pokoi na spoczynek — uspokojone, iż zatarg prawdopodobnie się zlokalizuje.

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Wojna nad dworem
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Wojna nad dworem

Author(s): Janina Konarska / Language(s): Polish Issue: 19/1996

Po czterech latach przerwy biorę znów za pióro, ale bo też nadzwyczajne wypadki stały się w tych dniach; a zdaje się, że będziemy przeżywać jeszcze nadzwyczajniejsze. Od tygodnia blisko toczy się zatarg pomiędzy Austrią i Serbią z powodu zamordowania w Sarajewie następcy tronu austriackiego z żoną. Wreszcie — 28 lipca, tj. we wtorek, Austria wypowiedziała wojnę Serbii. Teraz fakta pędzą za sobą z błyskawiczną szybkością. Grozi nam wojna europejska, gdyż jeżeli Rosja serio wmiesza się do sprawy austro-serbskiej, to Niemcy też spokojnie siedzieć nie będą.

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Научни скуп „Генерал Живко Г. Павловић“

Научни скуп „Генерал Живко Г. Павловић“

Author(s): Slobodan Đukić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2009

Научни скуп „Генерал Живко Г. Павловић“, Смедеревска Паланка 30. октобар 2009.године / Conference “General Živko G. Pavlović”, Smederevska Palanka 30 October, 2009

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Didysis karas (1914–1918) lietuvių memuarinėje literatūroje: atminties diskursų spektras, nepriklausomybės „byla“ ir užmaršties kontekstas

Author(s): Eugenijus Žmuida / Language(s): Lithuanian Issue: 2/2018

The article analyses memoirs by Lithuanians dealing with the Great War (1914-1918). The events of the early 20th century led to the emergence of Lithuanian independent state. They affected the lives of every Lithuanian, and shaped the most important part of individual and collective memory. Many famous political and cultural figures of that time left behind their memoirs. A variety of memoir literature opens a broad panorama of historical events and personal experiences, expressed in a wide diversity of forms. The article presents examples of the most notable memoirs from different fields. Aleksandras Uspenskis served in the Russian Army, Teodoras Reingardas in the Russian Navy, and Jurgis F. Jonaitis fought on the side of the Entente. The situation in occupied Lithuania is told by such authors as Gabrielė Petkevičaitė-Bitė (from North-Eastern Lithuania), priest Pranciškus Žadeikis (from North-West Lithuania) and Antanas Gintneris (from Southern Lithuania). Priest Pranas Bieliauskas writes about life during the war in Vilnius in his Diary of Vilnius. Memoirs by Martynas Yčas, who was the deputy of the Russian State Duma and a chairman of the Lithuanian War Relief Society, provides a detailed account about lives and affairs of Lithuanians who evacuated to Russia and views of Lithuanian intellectuals on the future of their homeland. The article, using methodological concepts of memory discourses (Maurice Halbwachs, Jan Assmann, Aleida Assmann, and etc.), aims to return this significant part of literature to the horizons of historical and cultural memory, and to analyse the interplay of memory vs. forgetfulness as political and social constructs in the context of historical cataclysms of the 20th century.

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Recenzija: Slovenska ljudska stranka v dunajskem parlamentu: slovenska parlamentarna politika v habsburški monarhiji 1897-1914

Author(s): Jure Gašparič / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 1/2002

The review of: Andrej Rahten, Slovenska ljudska stranka v dunajskem parlamentu: slovenska parlamentarna politika v habsburški monarhiji 1897-1914. Slovensko panevropsko gibanje - Založba Panevropa, Celje 2001, 156 strani.

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ヨーゼフ・レートリヒのみた ボスニア・ヘルツェゴヴィナ併合問題 ― 二重制における自治をめぐって ―

Author(s): Ryo Murakami / Language(s): Japanese Issue: 66/2019

Article 25 of the Berlin Treaty of 1878 recognized the Austro-Hungarian (Habsburg) Empire’s occupation of Bosnia-Herzegovina. This provisional status of the two provinces ended with their annexation in October 1908. The rationale behind the decision by Alois Lexa Aehrenthal, common foreign minister of the Habsburg Empire (1906-1912), was concern about possible repercussions of the Young Turk Revolution in July 1908 including the subsequent end of Austro-Hungarian rule in Bosnia-Herzegovina. He was also alert to the Serbian nationalistic ambition towards this territory. As these provinces were a common administrative district under a dual system (Ausgleich), the parliaments of both Austria and Hungary had to enact the Annexation Law (Annexionsgesetz) that would legitimize the new status of the provinces. Moreover, the Habsburg leadership had to tackle predicaments arising from the Bosnia-Herzegovina Constitution (February 1910) and from the provincial diet. They were forced to concede to local demands for self-government with a view toward reducing public discontent with the central government as well as the current state structure. In other words, the annexed Bosnia-Herzegovina triggered disputes around the sustainability of the dual system and national questions, the South Slav Question in particular. The relevant scholarship, however, has not paid sufficient attention to either the legal procedure of incorporating the annexed territory into the empire or the implications of the Bosnia-Herzegovina Constitution for the Ausgleich. To fill the lacuna of historiography, I find it useful to address the views of Josef Redlich (1869-1936), professor of public law and constitution at Vienna Technical University and a member of the Austrian Parliament. Well-informed about questions of autonomy, he recognized the importance of autonomy for stability of the Habsburg Empire. As such, he was Aehrenthal’s private adviser concerning domestic and diplomatic affairs. With his understanding of the specific ethno-religious circumstances in the territory, Redlich prepared several reports concerning the Annexation Law and memoranda to a draft of the Bosnia-Herzegovina Constitution, which were submitted to Aehrenthal and Richard von Bienerth-Schmerling, prime minister of Austria (1908-1911). Yet many scholars have dismissed Redlich’s role in the discussions around the annexed Bosnia-Herzegovina and its self-government. Using Redlich’s standpoint, I explore the impacts of disputes over the Annexation Law and the Bosnia-Herzegovina Constitution upon Habsburg’s dual system. Redlich had diplomatic and domestic contexts in mind. Out of diplomatic consideration, Redlich was completely in tune with Aehrenthal’s active diplomacy, namely the expansion of the Donau Monarchy to Bosnia-Herzegovina. Like Aehrenthal, Redlich was so wary of the Serbian national movement in Bosnia-Herzegovina that he determinedly rebuffed Serbia’s protest against the annexation. As concerns his domestic consideration, Redlich saw the annexation as an opportunity to reinforce the empire’s unity. His reasoning is clearly visible in his criticism of Hungarian centrifugal policies in the early twentieth century. According to him, it was Hungary that gradually undermined the solidarity of the Habsburg’s dual system. In the case of the annexed Bosnia-Herzegovina, legal argumentation diverged between Austria and Hungary. The Hungarian Annexation Law argued for Hungary’s historic right to the territory, based on the Habsburg’s law of succession (Pragmatische Sanktion) for recovery of former provinces. The Austrian Annexation Law, meanwhile, basically aimed at maintaining the status quo. Naturally, Redlich opposed Hungary’s assertion. The Annexation Law was never passed in the Austrian Parliament. Redlich also proposed amendments to a draft of the Bosnia-Herzegovina Constitution prepared by István Burián, common finance minister of the Habsburg Empire (1903-1912). Redlich’s main points were 1) the political status of Bosnia-Herzegovina in the dual system; 2) fundamental human rights of the inhabitants in the annexed lands; and 3) competence of Bosnia-Herzegovina’s Diet. Redlich agreed with Burián regarding the relationship between the Habsburg Empire and Bosnia-Herzegovina overall. According to their understanding, the Diet of Bosnia-Herzegovina would be involved in decision-making on local affairs, but it would not be allowed to encroach upon imperial issues, such as military and foreign policies. There are some discrepancies between them, however. We should take seriously Redlich’s view of the strict separation of the three branches of government, the recognition of the fundamental human rights of Bosnian inhabitants, and the rejection of the Bosnian Diet’s interference in the local administrative authority. Moreover, Redlich proposed diminishing the Hungarian influence on railway policy, which had been a long-pending question for Austria. To sum up, he aimed at reinforcing the local administrative power rather than expanding the provincial diet. The motivation behind his ideas was a certain distrust of Bosnian-Herzegovinian political power and caution against Serbian nationalism. What Redlich wanted to achieve was to maintain the status quo of legal basis of the annexed Bosnia-Herzegovina. While Redlich attempted to give political leeway to the annexed provinces, he intended to reconcile the empire’s dual system and the existing political status of the annexed territory. Yet he was forced to place Bosnia-Herzegovina as a third unit under the dual system in terms of railway, post, and telegraph affairs. In short, Redlich’s scheme deviated from his basic aim. From Redlich’s arguments, we can conclude that the Habsburg’s political system was incompatible with the concept of Bosnia-Herzegovina’s full self-government.

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新渡戸稲造のバルカン観 ―「慕斯尼亞の農政」の生政治的読解 ―

Author(s): Mitsutoshi Inaba / Language(s): Japanese Issue: 66/2019

1898 年 3 月から台湾総督府民政局長(6 月から民政長官)を務めていた後藤新平の伝記 によれば、1902 年の外遊に際して台湾統治に役立つとの理由から「新植民地」ボスニア・ ヘルツェゴヴィナ(以下ボスニア)の巡視が計画された(1) 。これには、台湾総督府に奉職し ていた大内丑之助と新渡戸稲造も同行しているが、伝記はウィーンまでの出来事を述べるに とどまる。松田吉郎と新福大健は、具体的に分析していないが、1903 年に『臺灣協會會報』 に新渡戸が「慕斯尼亞の農政(以下慕斯尼亞)」と題する一文を発表していた事実を挙げて いる(2) 。故に、彼らが、バルカンあるいはボスニアをどのように見たのかに関して、新渡戸 だけが手がかりを与えてくれる。この「慕斯尼亞」は台湾協会で同年 2 月に発表された講演 に基づいている。他方でユーゴスラヴィア地域と日本との交流に関しては、少数の史的研究 が存在するが、新渡戸にも「慕斯尼亞」にも触れていない(3) 。

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BRIGA ZA NAROD U DIJASPORI DO LATENTNOG SUKOBA SA DOMICILNIM NARODOM – AKTUALIZACIJA PROŠLOSTI NA SADAŠNJOST U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI

BRIGA ZA NAROD U DIJASPORI DO LATENTNOG SUKOBA SA DOMICILNIM NARODOM – AKTUALIZACIJA PROŠLOSTI NA SADAŠNJOST U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI

Author(s): Ivan Balta / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Issue: 2/2019

The beginning of the 19th and the 20th century marked the period of nations’ constitution in southeastern Europe and greater care for nations’ oases living out of their parent nations. Sometimes that care turned into intended or unintended hegemony over other nations. This phenomenon is actual even today in various nations, especially in the Balkans, so it is interesting how "the care of the people out of their home country" (nowadays people would say "diaspora"), implemented various "actions" that were sometimes politically conducted from the Austro-Hungarian centres of power to the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Slavonia, especially in the case of the Hungarian government's pro-government project "Julian Action".So-called Julian Action was not unique at that time, neither it was the only, nor the first or special, but it can be somewhat comparable to the same work methodology in the same regions, for example, with the similar German project Schulvereine, the Italian action by Dante Alighieri, and even to not so significant Slavic action of the Cyril and Methodius societies, as well as to some other less-known "actions" that operated abroad, i.e. mainly outside the home countries, on the territory of Austria-Hungary. The opposite views were mostly manifested in the interpretation of justification, e. g. of Julian Action (which got the prosaic name). For instance, the Hungarian side (similar to German, Italian ... through their associations), justified the action of the association "Julian" by the care of its own people outside the borders of the home state (in order to preserve identity, culture and language). On the contrary, the Croatian (and also Bosnian-Herzegovinian,…) side in the activity of the "Julian" organization recognized a sort of political alienation and Hungarization (or Germanization, Italianization, ...) of the majority of domicile population. The Hungarian Julian campaign was conducted on the basis of: A) Statute of the Julian Society, (voted in 1903), and B) Hungarian, Bosnian-Herzegovinian and Croatian-Slavonic-Dalmatian laws. For example, the Hungarian Julian Schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Slavonia could be founded, organized and act not only on the basis of the applicable Hungarian laws, but also on the basis of the school laws of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia, which allowed and even encouraged the organization of public and private schools, rural and wilderness schools (e. g. through Hungarian Julian schools), factory schools (e. g. Hungarian state railway schools), confessional schools (e. g. Hungarian reformatory schools), which opened a wide area of the Hungarian Julian Action operation from 1904 in Croatia and Slavonia, and from the 1908 occupation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. A vast majority of pupils were of non-German nationality, and they were enrolled there because of better conditions, employment opportunities in enterprises, state and public services, as well as because of future education. Hungarian schools and Hungarian railways, as well as Hungarian churches and societies in Croatia and Slavonia, existed in the second half of the 19th century. They had the purpose of implementing the so-called Hungarian State Thought (Magyar Állami eszme), which had been politically instrumentalized. Since 1904 until the end of the First World War they put the so-called Julian action into their systems and programmes. Almost identical relationship had existed in Bosnia and Herzegovina since 1908. There were constant conflicts between the state of Hungary and Julian campaign with the majority of Slavic population outside of Hungary, for example, in Bosnia and Herzegovina. When the Julian campaign was politically instrumentalized because of “taking care of its people in diaspora", and in some parts crossed the boundaries of "preserving" them, it began with "unintentional" assimilation through schools, railways and cultural societies. So it necessarily had to come into conflict with other nations. From the Hungarian point of view, the so-called "Bosnian Action" and "Slavonic Action" of the Hungarian Government were directed towards the care of Hungarians in the so-called "affiliated" and annexed province, as well as to strengthening and expansion of Hungarian influence in the countries where the majority of population were Muslims-Bosnians, Serbs and Croats. The same action ranged from the accusation of "Hungarianization” to the theory of the Hungarians threatened by assimilation; however, the action did not achieve a long-term goal and did not prove permanent because, after the end of the First World War, a small group of Hungarians in the newly established countries did not have any legal guarantees, and new authorities did not ensure its survival.

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AGRARNE PRILIKE U SEMBERIJI U PRVOM DESETLJEĆU 20. STOLJEĆA (na osnovu Memoranduma-molbe veleposjednika Osman-bega Pašića iz 1912. godine, upućenog zajedničkom ministru finansija Belinskom)

AGRARNE PRILIKE U SEMBERIJI U PRVOM DESETLJEĆU 20. STOLJEĆA (na osnovu Memoranduma-molbe veleposjednika Osman-bega Pašića iz 1912. godine, upućenog zajedničkom ministru finansija Belinskom)

Author(s): Izet Šabotić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Issue: 2/2019

The paper presents the Memorandum-Request from 1912 by Osman-bey Pašić, a landowner from Bijeljina, addressed to the Minister of Finance of Bilinski. The Memorandum highlighted numerous irregularities and difficulties encountered by Bosniak landowners and Bosniaks in Semberia. Particularly pointed out was the problem of the relationship between serfs (čifčije) and landowners, where the expression of disregard for obligations by serfs, as well as the usurpation of property occurred. In this way, the economic status of landowners has largely diminished. In addition, the security, religious, political and social rights of Bosniaks in this area were significantly compromised. So, the relation of the agas - landowners and serfs was not only of a commercial nature, but also of a national-political one. In such procedures, the authorities of Bijeljina did not function adequately, and in the memorandum minister Bilinski was asked to intervene, in order for the government to start acting. This document is only one of documents confirming all the complexity and stratification of agrarian relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina during this period, which were particularly complex in the area of Semberija.

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ПРАВИЛА СРПСКОГ НАРОДНОГ ЖЕНСКОГ САВЕЗА ИЗ 1909. ГОДИНЕ

ПРАВИЛА СРПСКОГ НАРОДНОГ ЖЕНСКОГ САВЕЗА ИЗ 1909. ГОДИНЕ

Author(s): Ana Stolić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 40/2019

The paper critically presents and analyses the Rules of the Serbian National Women’s Union, the first national organisation of women in the Kingdom of Serbia which put forward political requests for the achievement of private-legal, economic and political equality of women. The largest humanitarian and patriotic women’s associations in the country became part of the Union. Their activity implied the institutionalisation of female gender roles (care, motherhood) and the reproduction of social statuses of its members (most of them from the recently created citizen class). Although the Union was established upon the initiative of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance in 1906, its activities intensified only after the Austro Hungarian annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1908, which marked the start of mass politisation of women in Serbia. Serious discussions about the objectives of the Union’s work began and the first Rules were drafted at the time. Their analysis has enabled an insight into the attitudes and convictions of the leading female representatives concerning the topical issues of the emancipation of women and feminism of the time. Intensive national work was defined as the first and foremost objective. Another objective was the membership in strong organisations of the international female movement (the International Council of Women, International Woman Suffrage Alliance). Although the Rules do not define as an objective the achievement of political rights for women (a supplement was made later), the Serbian National Women’s Union became a member of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance in 1909 at the congress of London, and the International Council of Women at the congress of this organisation in Stockholm in 1911.

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THE CREATION OF THE MONTENEGRIN MONETARY SYSTEM

THE CREATION OF THE MONTENEGRIN MONETARY SYSTEM

Author(s): Jovan Muhadinović / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2019

The article explains the process of creation of the Montenegrin monetary systemthrough the introduction of the first Montenegrin monetary coin silver Perper. The reason why Montenegro decided to introduce its own monetary system was in order to free itself from the influence of neighbouring countries whose money circulated in Montenegro at the beginning of the 20th century. The authentic archival sources from that period were used in the research, located in the State Archives of Montenegro, in the Fund of the Ministry of Finance of the Principality of Montenegro, for the period 1908 - 1909, as well as the relevant literature.

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THE PRESSURE OF THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN EMPIRE ON MONTENEGRO TO RENOUNCE ITS NATIONAL POLICY IN HERZEGOVINA

THE PRESSURE OF THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN EMPIRE ON MONTENEGRO TO RENOUNCE ITS NATIONAL POLICY IN HERZEGOVINA

Author(s): Nada Tomović / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2019

Montenegro had to renounce its national policy in Herzegovina after the Berlin Congress (1878) at the request of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. It had to stay neutral no matter what was happening in Herzegovina. It was a difficult situation for the official Cetinje but the unwanted political and economic moves of a powerful neighbor had to be taken into consideration. Therefore, Prince Nikola conducted very cautious policy especially during the occupation (1878) and the Uprising in 1882. However, no matter to what extent Montenegro expressed its neutrality, it secretly followed and helped the Uprising in Herzegovina and Krivošije.

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KRALJ PETAR

KRALJ PETAR

Author(s): Milan Šćekić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2019

Prikaz knjige: Čedomir Antić, Kralj Petar Prvi, oslobodilac u doba srpske odiseje, „Nedeljnik”, Beograd, 2018.

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Bosanskohercegovačko izaslanstvo gradske i crkvene uprave posljednjem austrougarskom caru Karlu IV i carici Ziti 1917. godine

Bosanskohercegovačko izaslanstvo gradske i crkvene uprave posljednjem austrougarskom caru Karlu IV i carici Ziti 1917. godine

Author(s): Sandra Biletić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 18/2019

Throughout the occupation, Bosnia and Herzegovina found itself in an exceptional position, specific in its state-legal status as well as in militarystrategic importance for the Austro-Hungarian war plans. Shortly after the Sarajevo assassination, the declaration of war and the offensive against Serbia, gave the Austro-Hungarian authorities a justification to dissmis all social organizations, to ban the press and prevent any sociopolitical activity in the occupied areas, soon followed by abolition of the Bosnian Parliament. Obviously, the aim was to achieve complete isolation of Bosnia and Herzegovina from the events that affected the Balkans and Europe and especially from the revolutionary ideas, which were already sprouting, captivating the moods of the masses. All efforts to suppress any spreading of revolutionary, socialist, Bolshevik and communist ideas have failed, but precisely these ideas have found fertile ground thus making Bosnia and Herzegovina the initial point of the wider Yugoslav movement. A little over a year after the audience with the emperor, the “South Slav question” was resolved by the creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes under the rule of the Karadjordjevic dynasty.

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ПРОЦЕСС ЛИШЕНИЯ ШЛЯХЕТСКИХ ПРАВ В КИЕВСКОМ ГЕНЕРАЛ-ГУБЕРНАТОРСТВЕ ВО 2 ЧЕТВЕРТИ ХІХ В.: НОВЫЕ ПАРАДИГМЫ И СОЦИАЛЬНЫЕ ТРАНСФОРМАЦИИ

ПРОЦЕСС ЛИШЕНИЯ ШЛЯХЕТСКИХ ПРАВ В КИЕВСКОМ ГЕНЕРАЛ-ГУБЕРНАТОРСТВЕ ВО 2 ЧЕТВЕРТИ ХІХ В.: НОВЫЕ ПАРАДИГМЫ И СОЦИАЛЬНЫЕ ТРАНСФОРМАЦИИ

Author(s): Victoria GRUKACH,Olesya TKACHENKO,Tatiana SOLOVYOVA / Language(s): Russian Issue: 18/2019

Based on documents preserved in the Central State Historical Archives of Ukraine (Kyiv), this paper details the process of integration and assimilation of the Polish gentry of Right-Bank Ukraine into the socio-political system of the Russian Empire. The authors further analyse the policies of the Kyiv general governors on depriving Poles of their noble rights during the second quarter of the 19th century.

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FIN DE SIÈCLE У РУСИЈИ: ПОЛИТИКА И УМЕТНОСТ

FIN DE SIÈCLE У РУСИЈИ: ПОЛИТИКА И УМЕТНОСТ

Author(s): Branislava Trifunović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 174/2020

In this research paper, author discusses artistic responses to political turmoil from 1850 to 1917. This period in the Russian Empire was marked by a gradual striving for a radical and total social transformation initiated by, sometimes even violent, social reactions to the existing autocratic form of government in the mid-19th century, and completed by the Great Russian Revolution of 1917. The article dwells upon historical problems of social and cultural transformations of the Russian society and highlights artistic contribution in strive for modernization. In exploring the mode of adaptation of Russian society to the challenges of modernity, the possibility arose for the setting of three chronologically conditioned, but complex, cause-effect correlations of art and socio-political change: national-imperial, then (paradoxically named) larpurlartist-democratic and avant-garde-socialist correlation. These political and, at the same time, cultural platforms, are recognized as suitable for creating and strengthening a revolutionary climate in imperial Russia. Referring to the revolutionary nature of the artistic movements that preceded the Russian avant-garde, we insist that pluralism of styles and aesthetics in the socio-cultural sphere, as well as social engagement of artists, are factors that are of utmost importance in the preparation of the October Revolution in 1917.

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Yugoslav Unification in the Work of Hamdija Kapidžić: Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Austro-Hungarian Period (Articles and Discussions): between Historical Facts and Ideological Revisionism

Yugoslav Unification in the Work of Hamdija Kapidžić: Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Austro-Hungarian Period (Articles and Discussions): between Historical Facts and Ideological Revisionism

Author(s): Minela Radušić / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2020

This paper uses Hamdija Kapidžić’s study Bosna i Hercegovina u vrijeme austrougarske vladavine (članci i rasprave) [hereinafter: Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Austro-Hungarian period (Articles and Discussions)] in order to question the way in which the socialist historiography of Bosnia and Herzegovina observed the Yugoslav unification in 1918, and the extent to which historical revisionism was present in that approach. The analysis focuses on the scientific profile of researchers, relevance of sources, the connection between the source and the conclusion for the purpose of determining the extent to which Kapidžić’s theses are scientifically founded and the extent to which they were a product of historical revisionism

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HENNLICHOVÁ, Marcela, Entente Cordiale: Development of Anglo-French Relations on the Way to the entente, 1898–1904.

HENNLICHOVÁ, Marcela, Entente Cordiale: Development of Anglo-French Relations on the Way to the entente, 1898–1904.

Author(s): Alena Tíkalová / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2017

HENNLICHOVÁ, Marcela, Entente Cordiale: Development of Anglo-French Relations on the Way to the entente, 1898–1904. Prague, 2020, 282 s. ISBN 978-80-7308-976-4.

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Representations of Bosnia and Herzegovina in Hungarian Political and Popular Writings between 1878 and 1908: A Selected and Annotated Bibliography

Representations of Bosnia and Herzegovina in Hungarian Political and Popular Writings between 1878 and 1908: A Selected and Annotated Bibliography

Author(s): Esztella Csiszár / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2014

This selective annotated bibliography presents Hungarian texts published between 1878 and 1908 covering Bosnia and Herzegovina under the Austro-Hungarian occupation and annexation. It includes 100 entries of books, articles and pamphlets out of which 60 are annotated. The author categorizes the literature by broad themes such as political analyses and pamphlets, travel accounts, ethnographic/geographic studies and memoires of the occupation campaign, historiographies, and country profiles, information booklets, and provide descriptive annotations of representative articles in each category.

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