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The article deals with the education of Bulgarian specialists in higher and vocational Romanian schools in the period 1878–1912. The author specifies their total number, the schools they were trained at and the courses and subjects they studied. The research is based on abundant and diverse sources (unused so far archival documents of Bulgarian repositories, originals of diplomas, certificates, official correspondence; ministerial orders providing grants and one-off cash benefits for Bulgarian students in Romania; Bulgarian and Romania studies on the topic, reference books, etc.). These sources make it possible to compile a list with the names and the most important personal data of 143 Bulgarians who studied at the University of Bucharest and other higher education and vocational education institutions in Romania during the survey period
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published by the Bulgarian Association of Researchers, Literates and Artists printed by the Press of the Royal Court, Sofia 1918 author's name in the French edition is written: "Radeff"
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Published in 1906 by Librairie Plon in Paris. // Authors preface: "This is the full story of Macedonia and the reforms over the past ten years: on the one hand, the suffering and heroic struggles of the Macedonian people; on the other hand, the desperate efforts of the Sultan to keep under the knife this people which his brothers of Bulgaria, Serbia, Rumania and Greece civilized by the schools, but which they are unable to deliver by arms, less for lack of a military power, which would induce the end of the Ottoman rule, than for lack of a diplomatic agreement, which would combine all the interests and all the efforts in the service of civilization and liberty."
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The paper reveals the formation of the concept in Bulgaria’s laws in the period 1878–1912, related to the stimulating the settlements in the country. Starting with the Constitution, the author examines some basic laws connected with the implementation of this aim such as the Law on Population of Uninhabited Lands in Bulgaria (1880), the several versions of the Law of Acquisition of Bulgarian Citizenship as well as the legislation connected with the settling of the refugees. Particular groups of laws were targeted to different categories of population abroad with regard to attracting them to the Bulgarian Principality. For the realization of this policy the legislators set out mainly encouraging measures of economic and political nature, with the dominance of those of economic character. The main tendency in reflecting this political concept in the envisaged laws was to gradually expand the opportunities for attracting potential settlers to the country. Nevertheless, there was a marked inconsistency in the implementation of this trend by the government. This was mainly due to the lack of convenience among the ruling circles about the necessity of this type of policy and its enforcement through the existing legislation in the country at that time.
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The lack of interest is one of the causes of the most serious mistakes made by the Triple Entente in recent years. Its leading men, civilians and soldiers alike, realized neither the material and moral value of the forces moving in the eastern Adriatic, nor how they should be used. They took into consideration neither the warnings, nor the designs, nor the protests of the representatives of the peoples commonly known as the Balkan, although many of them had nothing in common with the Balkans. Even in a democracy, our ministers preserved the old customs of the great courts; they preferably discussed with the ambassadors of the great consecrated powers and, while showing the other heads of mission outward respect or cordiality, attached little importance to their conversation. As a result, they lost valuable opportunities to learn about things they had not been taught in their youth and which they subsequently neglected to study. They relied more on second- or third-hand intelligence, transmitted by agents who wished to please them by entering into their supposed views, than direct information from qualified foreigners with a deep knowledge of the country and the affairs they came to discuss. They were warned against men whom they held to be interested in speaking in a certain sense, though that interest might match our own. Unfortunately, the concordances were poorly discerned, even in Russia. Despite their status as Slavs, Russian ministers did not understand Yugoslav affairs any better than their Western colleagues. We will be amazed later, when it is revealed what ignorance some of the most eminent of them showed on this subject. The consequences of such errors are too terrible for us not to try to enlighten the public on a question which, by the inevitable chain of circumstances, is now at the forefront of European politics.
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published by: Librarie centrale des Nationalités, Lausanne
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Lajos Thallóczy gehörte zu den Personen in der Habsburgermonarchie, die über die Verhältnisse in Bosnien-Herzegowina sehr gut informiert waren. Jahrzehntelang beschäftigte er sich mit Balkanfragen und nahm unter der Leitung Benjamin Kállays am Aufbau der Verwaltung in Bosnien-Herzegowina teil. Bis zum Attentat von Sarajevo am 28. Juni 1914 und dem Beginn des Ersten Weltkriegs beschäftigte sich Lajos Thallóczy mit einer Reihe von aktuellen Fragen in Bosnien-Herzegowina – Kmetenablösung, Eisenbahnbau, Schulwesens, etc. Nach dem Attentat traten diese Aktivitäten in den Hintergrund, Vorrang bekamen mit dem Krieg verbundene Aufgaben. Anfang September 1914 hielt sich Lajos Thallóczy, der im Amt für Kriegsaufsicht arbeitete, in Bosnien-Herzegowina auf, der Zweck seiner Mission bestand vor allem darin, einen genauen Einblick in die Situation zu gewinnen, damit die zuständigen Organe der Monarchie die geeigneten Maßnahmen ergreifen konnten.1 Bei dieser Reise versuchte Thallóczy ein möglichst vollständiges Bild der Lage im Land zu gewinnen, und in seinen Betrachtungen erörterte er die Möglichkeiten der Lösung der dringendsten Fragen. Eine der wichtigsten war die staatsrechtliche Position des Landes. Auf Grundlage neuen Archivmaterials werden im vorliegenden Aufsatz die Pläne für eine mögliche Teilung Bosnien-Herzegowinas zwischen Österreich und Ungarn behandelt, die von General Oskar Potiorek und Lajos Thallóczy am 12. und 13. Dezember 1914 in Peterwardein erörtert wurden.
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Die besetzten serbischen Gebiete bzw. die Funktionsweise der sich dort einrichtenden Militärverwaltung zeigen plastisch die gegensätzlich verstandenen Interessen der verschiedenen Grundinstitutionen der Österreichisch-Ungarischen Monarchie sowie – daraus hervorgehend – ihre verschiedenen Strategien der „Errichtung der Zukunft“ auf. Neben den beiden Staaten oder – aus österreichischer Sicht – neben den beiden Reichshälften befanden sich dort der gemeinsame Apparat und innerhalb des gemeinsamen Apparats die Armee, die während des Krieges an Macht gewonnen und eine im Grunde eigene Meinung entwickelt hatte. Lajos Thallóczy, ein erfahrender Bürokrat in den gemeinsamen Angelegenheiten und Historiker, der sich mit dem Balkan beschäftigte, sowie – seiner Meinung nach – ein ungarischer Patriot, geriet zwischen die Fronten dieser Interessen, als er Anfang 1916 zum Zivillandeskommissär des besetzten Serbiens ernannt wurde. Thallóczy, der in Ungarn als „Agent Wiens“ und in Wien als „chauvinistischer Ungar“ angesehen wurde, versuchte bis zu seinem Tod im Dezember 1916, die Politik der ungarischen Regierung praktisch umzusetzen.
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French edition published in 1913 under the pseudonym „Balkanicus“ by Augustin Challamel Editeur, Paris The booklet offers two essays of Stojan Protić who, after WW I, became the first Prime-Minister of Yugoslavia.
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Published in 1917 by Pascalew Publisher in Sofia in the series „Bibliothèque des "Questions balkaniques", printed by the Royal Printing Press. // The author: A large number of scholars, travelers, geographers, ethnographers, historians and European publicists from both opposing camps have spoken out, during the last century and before the Balkan wars, on the ethnographic character of Macedonia. Almost all come to the conclusion that Macedonia is a country inhabited mainly by Bulgarians (in addition to Turks and Jews). The Ottoman Imperial Firman which sanctioned the restoration of the Bulgarian National Church, as well as international solemn acts, such as the Conference of Ambassadors in Constantinople, the Treaty of San Stefano and that of Berlin - confirmed this great truth. // Without dwelling on this question, we had to note this fact incidentally by exposing the factual situation, as it was under the Serbian regime and during the revolutionary struggle of the population in Macedonia during the period which embraces the end of the year 1912, when the Serbs had occupied the country, until the end of 1915, when the latter, having lost their former territory, had even had to abandon Macedonia. // Indeed, what did Macedonia represent when the Serbs, albeit for a period of three years, were the masters in this country?
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La question de la contribution des Arbëresh dans l'insurrection albanaise de 1911 n'est pas éclairée autant qu'il faut, parce qu'elle n'a pas été traitée comme une question à part. Elle a été considérée surtout dans le cadre des études sur l'insurrection de 19111 ou bien des études sur le mouvement aribaldien en Italie, dans le cadre de l'histoire diplomatique concernant la rivalité austro-italienne en Adriatique et à l'Ouest des Balkans et dans le cadre e la politique orientale de l'Italie dans les Balkans et en Afrique.
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The Macedonian question arose on the day when European diplomacy at the Congress of Berlin (1878) replaced Macedonia under the authority of the Sultan, which, by the Treaty of San Stefano, was included in the Bulgarian state. Since then much has been written on this question and on the dispute between Bulgarians and Serbs, the former wanting to maintain their national unity in the cultural field and pursuing the achievement of political unity and the Serbs seeking to expand at the expense of their neighbors from the east. (introduction by the translator)
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As for the historical claims, we will certainly be happy when chance establishes an absolute or relative agreement between them and the new route, but there will be, in short, only aesthetic satisfaction. Today's world has neither the time nor the inclination to perpetuate the memory of more or less ancient spoliations, of more or less long usurpations. One of the essential conceptions which inspire the increasing efforts at the present time to organize an unprecedented international regime, is precisely that by virtue of which the so-called rights acquired by arms are held to be null. Finally and above all, whenever the reconciliation of systems based on geographical unity, the homogeneity of race, language, religion, the needs of military or naval defense, agricultural, industrial, commercial resources, has failed in the face of impossibilities or an excess of difficulties, the solution of the problem will be required from the popular will. There is one principle that dominates all others in our time. It is this, for example, much more than the principle of nationalities, which makes legitimate, sacred, in the eyes of all people of good sense and good faith, of all honest people, the aspirations of Alsace and from Lorraine, Slesvig, Transilvanie, Trentino. We propose to study, in the following chapters, what Yugoslavia can and should be for anyone who refers to the above ideas and feelings. (from author's introduction)
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The 14 volumes of Auguste Gauvain represent an 11 Years Political Diary of the very origins of Modern Europe as it evolved in early 20th century from a multitude of disintegrations (OTTOMAN EMPIRE…), competitions between colonialist powers (BERLIN-BAGDAD….), diplomatic pinpricks (AFFAIRE AGADIR….), side-theatres of war (BALKAN WARS 1912/13…) and, finally, the unique and global catastrophe of WorldWar I.
The idea of Modern Europe originated simultaneously from the efforts of thousands of individual politicians, diplomats, intellectuals to find applicable ways to prevent those European « Bloodlands » (Timothy D. Snyder ) during their own age as well as and for the future of Europe.
In 1908, when Austria-Hungary implemented the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, the French journalist and Foreign-Policy expert Auguste Gauvain considered this decision of the Habsburg Empire as the beginning of a process which, more or less unavoidably, would result in a European War. Hence, he began writing a daily column on the “Event of the Day” in European politics for the French journal « Les Debats ». With few and short interruptions during WW I he did so on each day until the end of the Versailles Peace negotiations in 1919. In early 1920s he published the full collection of all these columns in 14 volumes with the title « L’Europe au Jour le Jour ».
CEEOL has decided to re-publish all these 14 volumes and nearly 10.000 pages as a contemporary key document for understanding the very origins of Modern Europe, the historical progress it represents and the historical necessities and forces which triggered its development. Even its supra-national institution-building after WW II cannot be really understood without this historical background of a few decades before.
FOR DETAILS REGARDING THIS VOLUME PLEASE DOWNLOAD PDFs FROM THE «Contents»-TAB HERE ↓↓ BELOW
The 14 volumes of Auguste Gauvain represent an 11 Years Political Diary of the very origins of Modern Europe as it evolved in early 20th century from a multitude of disintegrations (OTTOMAN EMPIRE…), competitions between colonialist powers (BERLIN-BAGDAD….), diplomatic pinpricks (AFFAIRE AGADIR….), side-theatres of war (BALKAN WARS 1912/13…) and, finally, the unique and global catastrophe of WorldWar I.
The idea of Modern Europe originated simultaneously from the efforts of thousands of individual politicians, diplomats, intellectuals to find applicable ways to prevent those European « Bloodlands » (Timothy D. Snyder ) during their own age as well as and for the future of Europe.
In 1908, when Austria-Hungary implemented the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, the French journalist and Foreign-Policy expert Auguste Gauvain considered this decision of the Habsburg Empire as the beginning of a process which, more or less unavoidably, would result in a European War. Hence, he began writing a daily column on the “Event of the Day” in European politics for the French journal « Les Debats ». With few and short interruptions during WW I he did so on each day until the end of the Versailles Peace negotiations in 1919. In early 1920s he published the full collection of all these columns in 14 volumes with the title « L’Europe au Jour le Jour ».
CEEOL has decided to re-publish all these 14 volumes and nearly 10.000 pages as a contemporary key document for understanding the very origins of Modern Europe, the historical progress it represents and the historical necessities and forces which triggered its development. Even its supra-national institution-building after WW II cannot be really understood without this historical background of a few decades before.
FOR DETAILS REGARDING THIS VOLUME PLEASE DOWNLOAD PDFs FROM THE «Contents»-TAB HERE ↓↓ BELOW
The 14 volumes of Auguste Gauvain represent an 11 Years Political Diary of the very origins of Modern Europe as it evolved in early 20th century from a multitude of disintegrations (OTTOMAN EMPIRE…), competitions between colonialist powers (BERLIN-BAGDAD….), diplomatic pinpricks (AFFAIRE AGADIR….), side-theatres of war (BALKAN WARS 1912/13…) and, finally, the unique and global catastrophe of WorldWar I.
The idea of Modern Europe originated simultaneously from the efforts of thousands of individual politicians, diplomats, intellectuals to find applicable ways to prevent those European « Bloodlands » (Timothy D. Snyder ) during their own age as well as and for the future of Europe.
In 1908, when Austria-Hungary implemented the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, the French journalist and Foreign-Policy expert Auguste Gauvain considered this decision of the Habsburg Empire as the beginning of a process which, more or less unavoidably, would result in a European War. Hence, he began writing a daily column on the “Event of the Day” in European politics for the French journal « Les Debats ». With few and short interruptions during WW I he did so on each day until the end of the Versailles Peace negotiations in 1919. In early 1920s he published the full collection of all these columns in 14 volumes with the title « L’Europe au Jour le Jour ».
CEEOL has decided to re-publish all these 14 volumes and nearly 10.000 pages as a contemporary key document for understanding the very origins of Modern Europe, the historical progress it represents and the historical necessities and forces which triggered its development. Even its supra-national institution-building after WW II cannot be really understood without this historical background of a few decades before.
FOR DETAILS REGARDING THIS VOLUME PLEASE DOWNLOAD PDFs FROM THE «Contents»-TAB HERE ↓↓ BELOW