Kiskirályok tündöklése és bukása
Majtényi György – Szabó Csaba – Mikó Zsuzsanna (szerk.):Kommunista kiskirályok.Libri, Budapest, 2019.
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Majtényi György – Szabó Csaba – Mikó Zsuzsanna (szerk.):Kommunista kiskirályok.Libri, Budapest, 2019.
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The article examines the role of an encyclopedia and its transformation in Soviet society on the example of the Estonian Soviet encyclopedia (Eesti nõukogude entsüklopeedia, ENE). The focus is on three questions: In what contexts does ENE fit? How did the compilation of ENE begin and how did local aspirations and power ambitions take shape in that process? How did the ENE editorial board communicate with the future reader and what are the dialogue models emerging? The compilation of ENE was a process revealing the ways of knowledge presentation characteristic of Khrushchev’s Thaw and the construction of the reader as the recipient of the knowledge presented to them. The succinctness and factuality of the encyclopedia articles together with the wide range of authors and large readership managed to create a certain form of democracy to contrast the totalitarian model of knowledge. The remarkable number of subscribers to ENE can hardly have been achieved without communication with readers and due consideration for their views. Also, it can be demonstrated that dialogue, either direct or indirect, had an important role on more than one level, including communication with the authorities as well as with the expatriate community. The article is mainly based on the relevant materials in the National Archives of Estonia and in the contemporary press. Comparative observations are made on all-Union works of reference as well as on those issued in other Soviet republics.
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This article examines the history of archaeology in Latvia during the Soviet occupation (1940–1941; 1944–1991), trying to understand the consequences brought in the field of archaeology by the single-party led experiment of communism. The research is based on archival studies and uses the historical method, source criticism and historiography. Author explains the nature of the prescribed theoretical and methodological guidelines as well as actual implications of the ‘communist way’ in archaeology. The article challenges the common belief that archaeology and prehistory were ideologically freer than other branches of history during the Soviet era.
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Significantly decimated in the battles that befell it at the end of 1943 and the beginning of 1944, the 18th Croatian NOU Brigade, after a short consolidation in Semberija, went to Posavina, in order to promote the communist, anti-fascist struggle among the predominantly Croatian population there, and tried to win him over to join her ranks. At the same time, on the military front, the Brigade was supposed to assist the already existing partisan units of the 16th Muslim Brigade and the Posavina-Trebavian partisan detachment in eliminating enemy groups. At that time, there were already wellorganized village guards made up of local Ustasha and former home guards in the Croatian villages of Bosnian Posavina, while in the Serbian villages local Chetniks had already been in command for three years, and these two armed groups had a generally correct relationship with each other. The short-term stay of the 18th Croatian NOU Brigade was therefore not overly successful in either of the two mentioned plans, which is why its stay in Bosnian Posavina is reduced to just a few sentences in socialist historiography. Nevertheless, the short stay of the 18th Croatian Brigade in Posavina was not without events. First, on March 4, 1944, the brigade entered the village of Domaljevac, where its members ravaged the parish office of the local pastor, otherwise an ardent supporter of the Ustasha movement, Ante Tepeluk. Bogomir Brajković gave a speech in front of the gathered peasants, which did not bear much fruit. Brajković gave the same speech in the village of Matići a few days later, on March 13 of the same year, but he did not succeed in arousing the interest of the local population there either. The communists within the brigade tried to present themselves to the local Croatian population as a kind of continuation of the pre-war politics of the Croatian Peasant Party, of which individuals, such as the aforementioned Brajković, were indeed members. The Croatian population in Posavina, due to previous experiences fighting against the partisans, had already organized their village guards quite well, so the fighting that took place in mid-March was fierce and disastrous for the partisan brigade. At least nine partisans were killed in the military actions, while around 14 were wounded. The partisans briefly managed to occupy some villages, hold some propaganda speech, but due to the great insecurity, they retreated to the south after that. During the brigade's attack on Orašje, the partisans were joined by some local inhabitants, Bosniaks, which will be the beginning of animosity between Bosniaks and Croats in this area that will culminate in March 1945, but also the creation of connections that will be used in the coming times when a large number of members of the green cadre and members of the SS transferred to the national liberation units. In one military operation, the brigade captured five local legionnaires and sentenced them to death. The sentence was carried out on three, while two managed to escape. The brigade also had several firefights with Chetnik units in Posavina, which were of varying fortunes for them. In one attack, they managed to destroy a small Chetnik headquarters in the village of Batkuši and liquidate the local leader Ignjat Bijelić. In the second skirmish, which took place in the village of Blaževac, Pavle Gajić's Chetniks inflicted a heavy defeat on the brigade. The 18th Croatian Brigade withdrew from Posavina when the German 13th SS Division appeared in these areas. The aim of this work is, on the basis of available historical sources and historiographical and memoir literature, to show in detail the stay of this Brigade in Posavina, with special reference to its activities in the area of today's municipalities of Orašje and Domaljevac-Šamac, that is, the eastern part of Posavina County.
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Review of: Dennis DELETANT, In Search of Romania, C Hurst&Co Publishers Ltd, London, 2022, pp.294, ISBN 978–178-738–701-0
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Before adopting the Law on the Five-Year Plan for the Development of the National Economy (1947–1951), the Yugoslav political leadership was somewhat aware of the challenges associated with implementing the Soviet methodology in Yugoslav economic practice. From the beginning of the application of the Law in 1947, these problems became concrete, numerous, and diverse. A hypothetical question is: could the Yugoslav Five-Year Plan have been realised in the initially conceived way and with the foreseen dynamics? The impact of the economic blockade after the Cominform resolution of 1948 on implementing the Yugoslav Five-Year Plan and developing heavy industry are relevant questions from a historiographical perspective.This paper tries to confirm the hypothesis that the economic blockade of Yugoslavia by the Soviet Union and the countries of people’s democracy made it impossible to implement the original ideas regarding the planned industrialisation. The blockade was a catalyst for changes in Yugoslav society, so the economy was decentralised. However, the blockade also had a decisive effect on the shift in priorities, dynamics, and the direction of construction and development of Yugoslav heavy industry.In 1949, the Federal Ministry of Heavy Industry reduced investments at the level of companies that worked in its department. Appointed commissions also conducted thorough audits of capital construction projects. Due to the blockade, the construction of some factory plant and buildings was stopped, delayed, or significantly extended (for example, the company Željezara Sisak). Suspensions and obstructions of the contracted deliveries of technologies, equipment, semi-finished products, and raw materials from the countries of people’s democracy as well as goods that were supposed to have come through reparations from Hungary conditioned the replacement of imports with domestic production. Decisions on import substitution meant a shift in production programmes for some heavy industry companies. In order to achieve the new goals, it was necessary to build facilities and infrastructure that were not planned at the beginning of the implementation of the Five-Year Plan (1947).Some heavy industry companies implemented radical changes in their operations and profiled themselves towards the production of previously exclusively imported equipment (for example, the company Rade Končar) or the provision of services for industry (for example, the company Đuro Đaković).
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Wspomnienia jednego z głównych działaczy wadowickiej "Solidarności", internowanego w stanie wojennym Józefa Zemana.
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Recenzja książki autorstwa Apolonii Ptak i Macieja Korkucia "Żołnierze porucznika Wądolnego. Z dziejów niepodległościowego podziemia na ziemi wadowickiej 1945-1947" wydanej nakładem Fundacji Centrum Dokumentacji Czynu Niepodległościowego w Krakowie (Kraków 2001)
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Autor podejmuje temat inwigilacji krakowskiego kościoła przez agentów Służby Bezpieczeństwa oraz próbę wskazania na współpracowników bezpieki z najbliższego otoczenia bp. Karola Wojtyły.
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Artykuł stanowi pierwszą część przygotowanego w lipcu-sierpniu 2005 r. opracowania "Solidarne ćwierć wieku. 25 lat działalności NSZZ "Solidarność" na Ziemi Wadowickiej".
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Balzac and the Little Chinese Seamstress, the novel by the Chinese and French author Dai Sijie, is inspired by real events. The story takes place at the time when Mao makes the decision to completely change the paradigm of social values during The Cultural Revolution, close universities and “re-educate” intellectuals. But as the novelist himself says, historical events are rather the perfect framework or background of the story than the action itself, as the real subject of the book is a testimony of the effects of the act of reading and its direct consequences. In other words, the actual theme is about how books can thoroughly change one’s destiny and their power to transform lives.
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The most serious crisis in the agricultural policy of the communist authorities in Poland broke out in 1951 as a result of disclosing the brutal methods of grain purchase and village collectivi- sation in the Gryfice and Drawsko poviats. Similar methods, although not as violent, were also applied in other regions of the country. These events echoed loudly across Poland, including in Warmia and Mazury. Therefore, the Stalinist policy towards the countryside broke down for several months and collectivisation as a process was hindered. The published documents (part 1) present the reaction of the voivodeship government structures to the Gryfice incidents and describe the situation in individual poviats of the Olsztyn voivodeship. The resistance of farmers towards the new agricultural policy was so strong that force was most commonly used to enforce the imposed benefits and persuade the farmers to join production cooperatives.
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The revelation in 1951 of the brutal methods used during the purchase of grain and the collectivization of villages in the Gryfice district resulted in the most serious crisis in agricultural policy during the Stalinist period in Poland. The halting of the collectivization process did not escape the attention of the political police. It also aroused the concern of the central authorities, who, as early as the summer of 1951, recommended resuming decisive methods of collectivizing the countryside and enforcing benefits from the peasants. The instances of forceful methods of col- lectivization in the Drawsko district, revealed in September 1951, could not, in the assumption of the party authorities, prevent further reconstruction of the countryside. The published documents (part 2) concern the reaction of the provincial party apparatus to irregularities reported during the June Plenum of the PZPR Central Committee, the effects of the “Gryfice” resolution noticed by the Olsztyn security apparatus, as well as the new “attitudes” of the provincial and district structures of the PZPR towards the halting of the collectivization process.
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The problem of evil is unavoidable and largely incomprehensible, and it is exactly for that reason that it is of great importance for our being. This aspect of Tischner’s philosophy can be successfully shown using the example of Andrei Srubov, the protagonist of The Chekist. By looking at Tischner’s agathology we receive hope that we are not doomed to be defeated by evil within our lifetime. What seems to be crucial in opposing evil is the realization that there is always a decision to be made.
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The article discusses the evolution of the main official trends of dialectical materialism and historical materialism in communist Romania, and their gradual transformation in an overarching philosophy of science, and idealist humanism respectively.
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An interview with Ana Blandiana conducted by Milan Resutik.
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Review of: Daniel Vighi, Viorel Marineasa, Continentul gri. Timișoara în dosarele Securității. Scriitorii. Universitatea, Editura Ariergarda, Timișoara, 2022
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S Vladimírem Martincem o povinných družbách se sovětskými hokejisty, platech hokejových hvězd sedmdesátých let a tajemných mužích z vnitra, kteří doprovázeli mužstvo při reprezentaci v zahraničí
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Pro dějiny státem organizovaného systému dopování sportovců v komunistickém Československu a dějiny dopingu ve sportu vůbec můžeme za zlomové považovat letní olympijské hry v Mnichově v roce 1972. Teprve dva roky před jejich konáním totiž mezinárodní atletická federace IAAF uznala anabolické steroidy za doping.1 I přesto ale nebyly v Mnichově ještě organizovány dopingové kontroly, jak je známe dnes. Místo nich v dějišti her proběhla anonymní anketa mezi účastníky, v níž ze vzorku 9 886 respondentů 85 procent přiznalo užití prostředků spadajících do této kategorie.
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The story of the Kasals in the context of intelligence games for Radio Free Europe and campaigns for the return of political emigrants in the fifties
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