"Continuities and discontinuities. Educational program of The Planned Parenthood Association in Krakow (1957 – 1993)"

Author(s): Barbara Klich-Kluczewska / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2014

The article presents the program of sexual education prepared and offered by Krakow Branch of the Planned Parenthood Association in the wider context of socio-political situation in Krakow (1956 – 1989). Since the beginning of the Association’s existence, the special attention was paid to the development of educational program, which concerned the different aspects of „family life“. The article is going to answer the questions about its goals, the educational tools used to achieve them and its social targets. To accurately determine the position of the Association in the city‘s community I will analyse its foundation and activities in wider context of the pre-war traditions of the organisation and the activities regarding premarital counselling undertaken by the Krakow Catholic Church.

"Demokratizačná akcia"

Študentské čistky na slovenských vysokých školách na prelome rokov 1948 a 1949

Author(s): Marta Glossová / Language(s): Slovak / Issue: 2-3/2019

In her study, the authoress examines one of the ways the newly established Communist regime in Czechoslovakia was using since February 1948 in an attempt to build new loyal elites and to prevent the formation of non-conformist ones. The topic is the screening of study results and political reliability of Slovak university students, which took place at the turn of 1948 and 1949 under the euphemistic name “democratization campaign” or simply “democratization”. The authoress sets the campaign into a broader political framework and into the context of the ideological discourse of those days. In doing so, she compares it to a parallel, so-called “study screening” in the Czech Lands, and also sets it in the context of multiple waves of the “purging” of Slovak universities between 1948 and 1960, showing its connection with a subsequent purge launched in 1950 as part of a campaign against the so-called Slovak bourgeois nationalism. Using results of her research in Slovak archives, she describes and summarizes the organization, course, and outcome of the “democratization campaign”. The screening used both criteria related to study results (employed primarily to justify the screening) and political criteria (reflecting the true objective of the screening process); a combination of these two groups of criteria ultimately produced several categories of students. Every student was either cleared and allowed to study on, or expelled – either temporarily, for two to three semesters during which he or she was expected to work in production, or permanently. It should be noted that there existed substantial differences in numbers of expelled students among various universities and faculties, and the authoress is trying to find an explanation. Compared to the outcome of the “study screening” in the Czech Lands, that of the “democratization campaign” in Slovakia was generally more lenient, often falling short of radical expectations of its organizers. The authoress claims that Slovakia’s outcome reflects three factors: lack of and need for skilled experts in various fields compared to the Czech Lands, the weak position of the Communist Party among students and teachers at some Slovak universities, and the existence of an Appeal Commission at the Slovak Ministry of Education, Sciences and Arts which reversed or changed many expulsion rulings. The Appeal Commission’s chairman Ernest Otto and the Commissioner of Education, Communist writer Ladislav Novomeský (1904–1976), thus found themselves in a conflict with leaders of the University Committee of the Communist Party of Slovakia, their more liberal approach to the “democratization campaign” contributing to their political and criminal persecution in the 1950s.

"Hele, lufťáci přijeli..."

Proč je stále v oblibě chalupářství v českých zemích

Author(s): Irena Cejpová / Language(s): Czech / Issue: 3-4/2020

Petra Schindler-Wisten's monograph titled "About holiday homes and people: Holiday homes in the Czech Lands in the period of so-called normalization and transformation" (Prague: Univerzita Karlova and Karolinum, 2017) maps the phenomenon of holiday cottages in the Czech Lands since its very beginnings in the 19th century almost until today. In this respect, she focuses on the post-war period of the Communist regime, in particular the 1970s and 1980s, the years of the so-called normalization, when this type of spending one’s free time, and partly also a lifestyle consisting in spending weekends and holidays in own houses and cottages, indeed became a mass phenomenon in Czechoslovakia. Using results of oral history research, she is looking for reasons why the so-called “second housing” became so popular among various groups of the Czech society, social and economic differences notwithstanding. The reviewer appreciates the publication as the first attempt to deal with the topic in question in a clear and comprehensive manner and from a historical point of view rather than from sociological or socio-geographic ones, which represents a significant factual enrichment of the current state of knowledge. However, she also formulates some methodological reservations with respect to the research project whose results are presented in reviewed work, claiming that not enough clear reasons have been given to justify its starting points and outlining untapped opportunities in this respect.

"Křičel jsem: – Mrdat, mrdat!"

Vítězslav Nezval a jeho poetika Moskvy

Author(s): Tomáš Glanc / Language(s): Czech / Issue: 3-4/2020

In August 1934, poet and writer Vítězslav Nezval (1900–1958), a leading personality of the Czechoslovak inter-war art avant-garde and also a member of the Communist party, visited Moscow as one of the Western guests invited to the founding congress of the Union of Soviet Writers; one year later, he published a prosaic-essayistic reflection of his visit under the title "The Invisible Moscow" (Neviditelná Moskva. Praha: F. Borový, 1935). The purpose of the present study approached from a semiotic angle is to obtain access to the intentional meaning of this specific testimony concealed behind a factual description of events and environments. The author first outlines a broader socio-political context consisting in an intensive interest of Western left-wing intellectuals in the Soviet Union between the world wars and, on the other hand, in systematic efforts of the Soviet leadership to make use of this potential for their own benefit. Nezval ranked among artists who felt a priori sympathies toward the Soviet social experiment, and they are clearly seen in his text, although he himself declared that his intention was not to provide a testimony about the Soviet “objective reality” which is what media reports or articles do. To understand Nezval’s work, the author believes it must be kept in mind that Nezval, while in the Soviet Union, was looking for, first and foremost, inspiration and connections with poetic and ideological principles he professed. Nezval’s cognitive method is intuition, free of any rational and critical reflections, and his creative principle is imagination, whose incarnation Nezval founds in surrealism. The reality around him serves as a matter for a distillation of experiences occurring in a dream mode. This allows him to overlook or willfully interpret various phenomena related, for example, to the repressive aspect of Stalin’s regime or the onerous everydayness of the Soviet Union’s citizens. The author sees the dominant feature of this dreamlike experience and the line connecting seemingly incompatible segments of reality into all-embracing lyrical intoxication in an erotic principle. Nezval is excited by Moscow as an object of bliss, as a source of sexual arousal. This principle is offered to him as a key enabling an individual to cross the boundary of individualism and blend into the society as a bridge between the eternity of sexual ecstasy and the eternity of the classless Communist society, thus promising the fulfillment of human utopias. The author provides an analysis of the text of "The Invisible Moscow" in support of his conclusions, and links them to some period esthetic and philosophical concepts.

"Naš odnos do Italijanov naj bo miren in dostojen, toda nič več". Nekateri vidiki razpetosti med nacionalnim in internacionalnim med slovenskimi komunisti na Primorskem

Author(s): Bojan Godeša / Language(s): Slovenian / Issue: 1/2000

The paper deals with the activities of the Slovene communists in Primorska during the Second World War, where the Communist Party of Slovenia often faced the dilemma of how to reconcile the national interests of its struggle with international ones. The most burning issues for the Slovene communists concerned their relations with the Italian population, the status of Trieste and their cooperation with the Communist Party of Italy in Primorska.

"RUSKA IDEJA" KAO ELEMENT POLITIČKE KULTURE RUSIJE

Author(s): Milan Subotić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/1996

Starting from the widespread opinion that the reason and explanation for the failure of a rapid democratic transformation of post-communist Russia should be sought in the characteristics of the Russian political culture, the author interprets current discussions on the concept of the "Russian political culture" as a renewal and extension of the traditional philosophical-political debate about the meaning of the "Russian idea". In the first part of the paper Almond’s classical definition of "political culture" is presented. The fruitfulness of applying this concept in understanding communism is subsequently analyzed, stressing the importance of thematicizing Russian tradition in explaining the emergence and functioning of Bolshevism.

"Ubi Lenin, ibi Jerusalem". Illusioni e sconfitte dei comunisti ebrei nella letteratura ebraico-polacca del dopoguerra

Author(s): Laura Quercioli Mincer / Language(s): Italian / Issue: 2/2008

La dicotomia fra particolarismo e universalismo è centrale nel pensiero ebraico. La prospettiva messianica, che alcuni autori e correnti di pensiero profetizzano come salvezza per i giusti della terra indipendentemente dal loro credo', è stata spesso vista alla base della partecipazione ebraica ai movimenti che propugnavano il riscatto sociale.

"Ulbricht-Doktrin" oder "Gomułka-Doktrin"? Das Bemühen der Volksrepublik Polen um eine geschlossene Politik des kommunistischen Blocks gegenüber der westdeutschen Ostpolitik 1966/67

Author(s): Wanda Jarząbek / Language(s): German / Issue: 1/2006

When it became apparent with the so-called peace note of March 1966, Władysław Gomułka and the Polish leadership regarded the new orientation of the West German Ostpolitik as a threat to their policy towards Germany pursued up to then. Among the main aims of this German policy, which had been drafted after his obtaining the post of First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party (P.Z.P.R.) in October 1956, and which the author defines as “Gomułka Doctrine”, were the international recognition of the final character of the Oder-Neisse line (also by the Federal Republic) and the weakening of Bonn’s position in international politics, not least motivated by the desire to prolong, if not prevent at all, a reunification of Germany. Like the GDR, Poland strove to take advantage of the Federal Republic’s interest in relations with the countries of the Eastern bloc in order to realize its own goals. Both states considered Moscow’s policy, which was highly interested in settling relations with the Federal Republic and in establishing broader economic contacts, and therefore did not want to confront Bonn with unpleasant demands, to be unsatisfactory. The other bloc countries, too, were in a better starting position for talks with the West German government, since their bilateral relations with the Federal Republic were far less burdened by history. In this situation, Gomułka endeavoured to work out a joint policy for the bloc countries, which was to be based on a catalogue of conditions to be fulfilled by the Federal Republic when taking up diplomatic relations with any of the bloc countries. One of Poland’s possible allies was the GDR, even though the leaders of the two states did not have a liking for each other and the bilateral cooperation did not work very well. In early April, both states set their conditions and tried to have them included into the joint programmes of the bloc countries. Likewise, they attempted to move Moscow to support their plan to coordinate the German policy of the Eastern bloc. A lot has been written about the role Walter Ulbricht played in this context around 1966/67, while Gomulka’s significance has remained underestimated. The present paper intends to illuminate the activities of Polish politics at that time. Among other things, it describes the activities of the P.Z.P.R. leadership and Polish diplomacy concerning the other Eastern bloc countries, which were to be urged into solidarity with Poland at the cost of realizing their own interests. While historians have usually restricted themselves to relations within the triangle Federal Republic - Poland - GDR, this broader perspective allows the author to integrate the conflicting interests of the individual states within the Warsaw Pact, which, from the outside, has often been perceived as a monolithic bloc.

"Ковачница за мъже" или ... задължителната наборна казарма в представите на българина през Социализма

Author(s): Iliya Valev / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 2/2014

One widespread proverb in Bulgaria, knowing some different versions, says that “Man, who did not passed conscription is not a man”, “A boy, who failed to enter military service is second-hand man”, “A man, who has not walked as a soldier knows nothing”. What exactly is conscription according to public understanding of Bulgarians? What attitudes have the society to compulsory conscription? Frontier of what is the portal on the military unit? These and other issues related to conscription during socialism will be explored.

"Свешената книга" в романовата структура на "Хайка за вълци" от Ивайло Петров - релации и трансформации

Author(s): Zapryan Kozludzhov / Language(s): English,Bulgarian / Publication Year: 0

Ivailo Petrov's novel 'Wolf Hunt' is a dramatic saga with a story covering a long and contradictory period of Bulgarian history, from the first years after World War II to 1965. The fates of Ivan Shibilev, Mona Zhendo, Kalcho, Nikolin, Stoyan Kralev and their sons and daoughters intertwine and grow apart in passions and conflicts. This book is the story of people who are born during a totalitarian regime or die, frequently because of what they love. The hunt is the symbol of their thirst for revenge, the Old Testament 'an eye for an eye', with the outcome/redemption being presented as a pain of the soul caused by the loss of human happiness. The study discusses the presence of biblical motifs and images and the manner in which the author of the novel works with them. The moral categories through which each individual considers his/her life are skilfully woven in the book by the careful use of biblical symbols and messages. The characters in 'Wolf Hunt' fully experience the passions and sufferings of the Old Testament characters, thereby redeeming the original human sin.

"Социалистический реализм" и драма болгарского творца (середина 40-х - середина 50-х годов)

Author(s): Nataliya Hristova / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 1-2/1998

(Auto)demascările nomenclaturii comuniste

Author(s): Mircea Stănescu / Language(s): Romanian / Issue: 1/2019

Andrei Șiperco (editor), Confesiunile elitei comuniste. România 1944–1965:Rivalități. represiuni. Crime… Arhiva Alexandru Șiperco, București, INST, 2015–2016, vol. I–II, 452 + 448 p.

(De)formovanie vidieka v procese kolektivizácie

Author(s): Martina Fiamová / Language(s): Slovak / Issue: 1/2016

(Dokumentární příloha) O některých chybách v činnosti Komunistické strany Československa

Author(s): / Language(s): Czech / Issue: 1-2/2016

The whole article is a translation from Russian of a top secret reoprt, which has been sent to M. A. Suslov. M. A. Suslov was a soviet politican of the late stalinistic and Brezhnev era.

(Historische) Geografie des Schwarzmarktes in der Volksrepublik Polen

Author(s): Jerzy Kochanowski / Language(s): German / Issue: 3/2011

A similar process occurred in all communist countries: a top-down revolution – in many cases an imported one – that extinguished the free market and replaced it with a centrally planned economy, a step that inevitably led to shortages. The socialist black markets which arose as a result, display many common, and some individual features. These depended, for example, on the level of shortage, historical experience (traditional attitudes towards respecting or not respecting the law), social structure, the prevailing political and international situation, as well as the size of the country. The present article analyses the way in which geographical and historical circumstances affected the various forms taken by the black market in post-war Poland (1944-1989), for there is no doubt that, for instance, the borders fixed during the partitions of the country, or the Second World War, with its border changes and concomitant mass emigration, are still affecting political, economic, and cultural life in Poland down to the present day. The distribution of poverty and prosperity, the extent of modernisation (in its widest sense), and patterns of political behaviour, still correspond to a great extent with these historical borders. During the lifetime of communist Poland, the hilly and mountainous South and the Northern regions on the Baltic both represented what one might describe as booming regions for black market trading. The pivotal reason for this were geographical and historical factors, which, in this case, exercised an enormous influence on local social, economic, and even political conditions. This can be most clearly seen in Zakopane (and Podhale inthe Carpathian foothills) in the south, and in the coastal region (particularly around Danzig) in the north. Apart from the north-south divide, with Zakopane and the Baltic coast, the article also compares the eastern and western border areas. Both on the river Oder and on the river Bug the borders showed that two neighbouring communities, regardless of the stereotypes, prejudices or historical background, always function like two interconnected tubes. A very slight difference of level in one is enough to set off a corresponding movement of people, ideas, or, in the case of the black market, goods, to the other. The article also shows the difference between the way black markets in the middle of cities and those on the outskirts functioned. The big city centers provided an excellent basis for developing black market trading strategies. The way business was done in the city markets was a world away from the traditional, often downright pre-industrial, forms of barter which largely characterised the provincial markets of the countryside. In cities, black market traders were not limited to groups known to each other, often for generations, but used “modern” business methods. On the outskirts of the cities, on the other hand, where the state sanctioned a higher level of private commerce, the attitude of state officials to spontaneous commercial activity was more liberal. Outlying areas of cities, especially in comparison to the industrial centers, often suffered supply shortages. As a result, the local authorities were often forced to deliberately turn a blind eye to the unofficial trading activities of their citizens.

(Ne)istorinis istorinio Atgimimo laikotarpio tyrimas

Author(s): Tomas Vaitelė / Language(s): Lithuanian / Issue: 46/2020

Review of: Tomas Vaitelė - Rec.: Anna Mikonis-Railienė, Renata Šukaitytė, Mantas Martišius, Renata Stonytė, Politinis lūžis ekrane: (po)komunistinė transformacija Lietuvos dokumentiniame kine, videokronikoje ir televizijoje, Vilnius: Vilniaus universiteto leidykla, 2020.

(Ne)legitimni revizionizam: pravo i (pseudo)istoriografske revizije na zapadu i istoku

Author(s): Vladimir P. Petrović / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 0

The contribution is analyzing the legal aspects of historiographical revisionism, in an attempt to highlight the role of the courts in delineating between legitimate historical reevaluation of the past and the denial of essential historical facts, the latter being referred to as negationsim. The experience of Western countries in combating negationism through criminalisation of various forms of denial of mass crimes or through the civil litigation is juxtaposed to the confused postotalitarian dynamics in Eastern Europe and its anarchic reception in the region of the former Yugoslavia.

(Ne)oficiální kulturní aktivity mládeže v Československu v období tzv. normalizace

Author(s): Miroslav Vaněk / Language(s): Czech / Publication Year: 0

The fall of the regime in 1989 was of course caused by many factors - external (western pressure, M. S. Gorbachev in the role of the General Secretary of the USSR) and internal (economics, environment, opposition). The coming of the new youth generation in the 1980s was also an important internal factor. After many years it was a generation not afflicted and traumatized by living through the events of 1968 (but also 1938 or 1948). The term “youth” did not acquire its new meaning, it was comprehended as a specific entity, but also something that is advisable to keep under control. Democratic, authoritative and totalitarian regimes boasted about their best intentions and care not only for children, but also for young people. Politicians accepted their existence, but at the same time drew the lines for their activities, strictly watched and organized by real adults. The Czechoslovak communist regime was perfectly aware of the potential “threat” of the free time. Till its fall and depending on the situation it tried in the name of so called “battle for juvenils” to hold back and fight the activities of youths. During the 1980s the regime was short-winded in its campaign and was forced to relieve the pressure somewhere. The youth took the opportunity and their new activities could be pointed out as the seeds of the new civil society. They themselves understood them as “freedom islands” that helped them survive the pre-revolution regime. Young environmentalists, punk fans, new wave fans (and rock fans in general), peace activists, young Christians in various groups and slowly forming student activities created a platform ready to support changes coming with the year 1989 and some of them really acted on it. The old regime was not dissolved by the juveniles, but they surely did contribute to the changes not only before 1989 but also after it.

(Post)socialističtí ekonomové jako objekt historického zkoumání

Současný stav bádání a perspektivy

Author(s): Václav Rameš / Language(s): Czech / Issue: 3/2017

The article examines the current state of research in the field of the history of economic sciences and activities of Czechoslovak economists in the era of socialism. It provides an overview of basic contributions, both domestic and foreign, on this topic since the 1990s, examining works of Johanna Bockman, Jiří Suk and Gil Eyal in a greater detail. It also mentions the latest research projects concerning this topic. In the end, the author offers a list of available sources (archival documents and published memoirs) which can be used in future research.

(Proto)underground. Několik poznámek k vývoji podzemního hnutí

Author(s): František (Čuňas) Stárek,Ladislav Kudrna / Language(s): Czech / Issue: 04/2016

In this study the authors explore the development of the movement later dubbed the underground, a group of people who had retreated into society’s undergrowth to get away from the regime but whose harsh punishment by the latter inspired and kick-started the Charter 77 movement.