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This paper analyses the critically well-known thesis of Prof. Peter Moutafchiev about the raises and falls in Bulgaria's development. We know that, counting the studies of the Russian scholar Alexander Hilferding, Prof. Moutafchiev came to the conclusion that Bulgaria's development was erratic and did not have periods of "peace" - everything featured rapid progress and equally rapid decline and crises. The Bulgarian scholar cited Serbia as an example of slower for more regular progrss. The author attempts to question the general validity of this opinion. First of all, it was dedicated by the historical period in which Prof. Moutafchiev lived and worked. Then Bulgarian history itself was transmitted under the influence of the notion that it consisted of a series of successes and failures. Serbia could hardly be a comparison factor as the main sources about its development are the vitas of its rulers written by their sons and close relatives. Third, there are hardly societies and countries on a European or world scale that have not been subject to the "historical sine" of which Moutafchiev speaks. The author of the article appeals for abandoning the romantic approach in reconstructing the Bulgarian past, which demands rapid events with a fatal outcome. Instead, he offers a narration based on Fernand Braudel's idea of continuity and longue duree.
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On this study we will try to prove the role of Price of Wied: 1) Why a German Prince was selected? First attempt to bring the European model of governance after the creation of Albanian state; 2) Why Durrës is chosen for a capital? Brief economic and political overview of capital Durrës; 3) Dilemma: Did Prince of Wied really fail? This study is based on archival sources as: Albanian National Archives (Funds of period 1913-1914, etc.), and the Archive of Historical Institute, Center of Albanological Studies (Fund of Austro-Hungary); documentary sources edited till today; the data of Albanian press; etc. Also, there have been used the famous memories of much known personalities of the time, Prince of Wied, Eqrem Bej Vlora, etc. All of these describe difficulties that Price of Wied had to face in order to accept the decision of Great Powers. It also emerges the character of his determination to carry out to the end the mission and the goal that he has set to himself, despite of many difficulties towards political stability of Albania.
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The year 2016 is the 225th anniversary of the birth of István Széchenyi, named in Hungarian history “the greatest Hungarian”, and considered as the founder of modern Hungary. István Széchenyi has a particular place and a special significance in Hungarian history, for his ideas, his works, his efforts for the development and progression of Hungary.His works to put Hungary at the same level than modern contemporary European states (the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Nemzeti Casino, shipyard, Lánchíd, ...) and the reflection system based on rational values he brought to Hungary allowed the Hungarian people to watch, interpret and evaluate the events through a broad perspective, and not be discouraged by the difficulties and face the future optimistically. The ideas and stance deal of István Széchenyi with events in one of the most difficult periods of Hungarian history were a guide for the Hungarian people.It will be useful to study the ideas, works of the Count István Széchenyi and the values he brought to Hungary, on the occasion of the 225th anniversary of his birth, to dedicate again its place in Hungarian history and Hungarian national consciousness.
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Our article analyses different perspectives on railway construction on the Balkans among Serbian and Bulgarian intellectuals, politicians, economists, leaders of national liberation movements. Our main thesis is that different discourses on economic development and railway construction were largely determined by the different dynamics of social development in Serbia and among Bulgarians, and their process of national liberation and that various authors approached the issue of economic development, concept of free trade or protectionism and other issues through the prism of their own formal education and/or experience gained by the analysis of their community within the Ottoman Empire, faced with the rising pressure from foreign factors due to the slow incorporation of the Balkans into the modern capitalist world system.
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The society of Physical sciences (phisycs, chemistry and mineralogy) has been an important Romanian scientific society since its establishment, in 1890 until the middle of the twentieth century. This paper seeks to provide an analysis of its activity in the first two decades of existence, a less studied period, namely how its enterprises contributed to the dissemination and spread of the latest scientifi c ideas within Romania’s culture. The society was founded at the initiative of some of the most proeminent Romanian scientists of that period and, until the end of the nineteenth century, it expanded its sphere of activity by including sections on mathemathics and natural history. Therefore, its activity, exemplifi ed by public conferences, presentation of members’ personal scientific endeavors, intellectual debates or scientific missions, reflected the general development of physical sciences in Romania in that epoch. This research is based mostly on a close scrutiny of society’s scientifi c journal.
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Stefan Berger – Chris Lorenz (eds.): The Contested Nation: Ethnicity, Class, Religion and Gender in National Histories. Palgrave Macmillan, CPI, Chippenham and Eastbourne, 2011. 552 oldal
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A modern európai történelemben a nemzetek két alaptípusát különbözteti meg a szakirodalom, és egyben a mindennapi nyelvhasználat. Az egyikre a közös terület és az ugyanazon jogi-politikai keretekhez, tehát államhoz való tartozás a meghatározóan jellemzõ, a másikra pedig a nyelv és a kultúra azonossága, valamint a közös származás mí- tosza vagy valósága. Friedrich Meinecke, a 19. és a 20. század nagy német történésze 1907-ban Fichte és Herder megfigyeléseit elfogadva az elõzõ típust politikai vagy államnemzetként (Staatsnation), az utóbbit pedig kultúrnemzetként (Kulturnation) definiálta. E két típus földrajzi elterjedését alapul véve Anthony D. Smith, a nemzettel kapcsolatos kutatások egyik legjobb mai brit szakértõje legutóbbi könyveiben a nemzet Nyugat-Európára és az Egyesült Államokra jellemzõ nyugati, és a világ több más részé- re, így Európa keleti felére is jellemzõ keleti vagy etnikai modelljérõl ír.
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The principal research question pursued by this work is as follows: How do the Republic of Moldova, Romania, and Ukraine present one another in their history curricula and textbooks? How do the history textbooks of each of these three countries present the relationship between majorities and minorities?This book is thus focused on two main objectives: first, to generate improved understanding of the state of the discipline of history in these countries via discussion of reforms to and debates around history curricula in each country, and second, to shed light on the ways in which history textbooks in each of the three countries represent the other two and their peoples.Curriculum development and textbook production in all three countries still remain centralised. Textbooks are produced by state and private publishing houses. Most textbooks are curriculum-based and developed according to the guidelines issued by the Ministries of Education. Through their textbook publishing policy, these ministries control the content and quality of textbooks. History curricula and textbooks in all three countries have progressed, but we still encounter many problems. Among them are the following:• the content of curricula and history textbooks continues to place too much emphasis on national aspects to the detriment of the world, regional, and local dimensions of history;• it reflects the history of wars and violence instead of giving more space to periods of peaceful coexistence, cooperation and cultural communication, or of mutual enrichment between various social groups as well as between nations;• it neglects regional history and cultural and historical links with neighbouring countries;• as it stands, it causes problems in history education and the development of ethnic identity, as well as the relationship between “Us” and “Others”;• it leads to or accepts poor textbook design.The relationship between national and European history remains a closely debated topic in all three societies. Their shared reality, as evidenced by this study, is that all three countries are currently not presenting one another in any meaningful way in their history textbooks at all educational levels. In all three countries, history education and textbooks are dominated by political history and narratives of victimisation. National histories do not pay attention to their neighbours.History textbooks play an important part in the process of collective identity formation, building a relationship with the past and creating an image of the “other”. The content of textbooks determines, in many cases, students' attitudes to their neighbours. Therefore, in order to improve the situation in history education and to develop a tolerant approach to “others” in history textbooks, there is a great need for joint efforts by politicians, professionals and members of civil society in Moldova, Romania and Ukraine.
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In the second half of the 19th century in Hungary there was an enormous increase in the number of associations. While in 1862 there were 579 registered associations, in 1878 it was already 3995. The associations had no duty to keep administration paperwork and agenda. They were acting as independent communes and as a result of this were autonomous written records and administration paperwork. Public authorities had no right to interfere in their own administration records, they just might have consulted them. The way how the written records of each association were kept and preserved for the future generations depended on its individual "conscientious" members. This has resulted in a fact that the researchers who are dealing with the issues of administration record keeping have access mainly to incomplete and fragmentary archive documents. The aim of the article is to present the conditions of the archival historical sources that are related to the research of community life and life in associations in the city of Kosice in 1867 – 1914. The research was conducted in archives and libraries located in the investigated city of Košice, as well as in the same type of institutions in Budapest. Available historical sources particularly include the articles of associations, reports to the police headquarters and own documents and records of associations themselves. These include documents such as speeches, annual reports, reports on general meetings, almanacs, journals, publications published by associations and issues of memorial books published on the occasion of special anniversaries to commemorate the founding of association.
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Nemzeti stílustörekvések a magyar, lengyel, cseh (és osztrák) építészetben 1925 előtt
Architecture, just like literature and music, was involved in the nation-building processes, architects also sought ways of expressing their national identities and characteristics. The most composite displays of this patriotic approach to architecture were the attempts at distinct national styles which aimed the comprehensive nationalization of the art of designing buildings. In my article I compare these often movement-like strivings and divide them into twin groups by sociohistorical factors. According to my multiscopic and comparative research, three macro dichotomies shaped the relationship between architecture and nationalism in (post-)Habsburg Central Europe.First and foremost, these would-be styles emerged in Hungarian, Czech, and Polish architecture, while no peculiar Austrian (style) endeavour was elaborated. Due to an almost complete lack of Austrian (ethnic/national) identity, the issue was considered marginal or even dismissed among the Austro-Germans. Secondly, Hungarian, Czech, and Polish architects strove for comprehensive acknowledgement as national styles, whereas only some of them achieved this aim. It is striking that all successful efforts became fully-fledged under the aegis of an independent nation-state. Accordingly, the nationalist stirrings of the Hungarian architects, whose nation enjoyed a semi-independent status within the empire since 1867, reached this fully-fledged condition prior to the collapse of Austria-Hungary. During the very same decades, Czech and Polish attempts had to wait for this achievement until the foundation of the Czechoslovakian and Polish nation-states in 1918. Thirdly, the sources of inspiration for these would-be nationalist styles varied. The Czechs rather stood under the influence of urban culture while the Hungarians and Poles were mainly influenced by vernacular building and folk art. I could trace back this dichotomy to another socio-historical phenomenon: the unevenness of urbanisation and industrialisation within the empire’s distinct regions. (For the English version of the article see: Shelekpayev, Nari et al. [eds.] [2016]: Empires, Nations and Private Lives. Essays on the Social and Cultural History of the Great War. Newcastle upon Tyne, Cambridge Scholars.)
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Zur Inszenierung eines umstrittenen historischen Stoffes im 19. Jahrhundert
This article presents three dramatics adaptations of the same historic material: the medieval Hungarian aristocrat Bánk (ger. Bancbanus, cro. Benko Bot) appears as the hero in historical plays by the Hungarian author József Katona, German-Austrian Franz Grillparzer and Croatian Franjo Marković. Although these three authors differ greatly in their aesthetic and political positions, they nevertheless share a joint goal: to prompt reflection on the joint (super)national state design against the backdrop of nation building in the Danube Monarchy and the related strengthening of centripetal tendencies.
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Are Bulgarians barbarians or civilized? Answering this question consumed a considerable part of the intellectual energy of the Bulgarian elite in the 19th century. The dilemma was first put up for discussion at the beginning of the century and ever since then, each new generation has been joining a fresh round of the debate. Interest in the topic has been sufficiently lively to lend legitimacy to the "barbarism-civilization" taxonomy as the main framework within which the nation builds its identity. This research aims to explore the origins of this process. The analysis covers the period from the 1830s to the rise of the independent Bulgarian state in 1878. This is the chronological framework in which the intellectual elite imported and promoted the ideological grammar of modernity and the taxonomies of progress. The objective is to shed light on the history, mechanisms and results of their transfer.
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This article presents in brief several rather unusual sources of Balkan social history, placing them into macro-historic context. It refers to three Greek itineraries produced for the needs of itinerant traders, which contain records that could contribute to our better understanding of Balkan national identities formation at the end of 18th and the beginning of 19th century. On the micro level of history these itineraries give us direct information, but viewed from the perspective of macrohistory they become really interesting. The first one of them is a MS written during 1769 and 1773, now at the Elenka and Cyril Avramovi Library Club, Svishtov, Bulgaria. It follows the route Trieste – Brasov via Graz and Vienna. The other two itineraries are printed publications from 1824 and 1829. All these three itineraries together eventually mirror the formation of national identities, the national programs in the Balkans at the time, and all those changes of mentalities that occur during the period.
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The process of attaining the independence of Slovenia was based upon the plebiscitary determination of the Slovenian citizens to establish an autonomous and independent state. Civil defence performed successfully in this process and it was fully complementary to military defence. It allowed the authorities to function in a legal and continuous manner, enabled a more or less stable supply of defence forces and the population, and made it possible for the »will to resist« to be strengthened among the citizens before and during the war. The non-violent resistance of the civil society and political institutions against the federal forces contributed significantly to the attainment of the Slovenian independence. The rescue and protection system ensured the notification, evacuation and protection of the civilian population as well as the detection and designation of dangerous zones.
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This article is based on reassessment of the contemporary results of counterinsurgency and nation-building in Afghanistan. Nation-building initiatives have been started in the country since the Bonn agreement in December 2001. This agreement brought into reality the current governing system of Afghanistan. Counterinsurgency in Afghanistan has been initiated in full mode since 2009 after a sound success on Iraqi frontier. However, each operational area is bringing its own specifics into play. The same was with Afghanistan. The newly established constitutional presidential republic has faced with inheritance of unresolved sensitive ethnical identity issues, confrontation between different groups for self-governing authority and security of essential resources. These preconditions have brought a diversified and even confrontational social environment into reality. Prolonged military operations in Afghanistan could show that diversified social environment and misevaluated cultural heritage has led to misleading assumptions that centralized presidential governing system could become an effective ruling model for post-Taliban country. One of the key notions of this article is that historical lessons taught by long years of colonialist rule in Afghanistan has not been learned and misevaluation of diversified and confrontational local entities has brought another historical lesson of Afghan tribal resistance. More than that, diversified and confrontational entities of Afghanistan have not been a favorable subject for possible social contract. The term social contract was introduced as explanatory method of national political behavior and systemic structure by Jean Jacques Rousseau in 18th century Europe. Afghan society has become the subject to this model of political philosophy only as counterinsurgency campaign gained full capabilities around 2009. Reassessment of long term nation building efforts in this article is based on evaluation of Afghan social contract’s progress.
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