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Do Fiscal Drivers Matter for Sovereign Risk Spread in EU15?

Author(s): Irena Szarowská / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The price of government bonds reflects among other market confidence in governments' commitment towards sustainable fiscal policies. The aim of the paper is to examine the importance of fiscal fundamentals for sovereign risk spread in selected European Union member states in a period 1990-2012 and test if stronger fiscal discipline reduces sovereign risk premium. The empirical evidence is performed on unbalanced panel containing 15 EU countries and panel regression is a basic method of research.

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Jihoslovanské jazyky na Filozofické fakultě Masarykovy univerzity. Tradice a současnost

Author(s): Pavel Krejčí / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

V úvodu k přehledu studia jihoslovanských jazyků a odborného bádání o nich na FF MU nebude jistě od věci, provedeme-li stručný faktografický úvod do oblasti, v níž se těmito jazyky hovoří. Teritorium osídlené jižními Slovany je v rámci slovanského světa nejpočetnější co do množství států i oficiálních (úředních) jazyků, třebaže svou rozlohou i počtem slovanských mluvčích je v porovnání s východoslovanským a západoslovanským prostorem nejmenší (rozloha cca 356 tis. km2 je srovnatelná s rozlohou Spolkové republiky Německo, přibližně 27 mil. jeho slovanských obyvatel představuje jednu třetinu obyvatel Německa). Od svých severoslovanských sousedů je navíc odděleno rumunsko-maďarsko-rakouskou „hrází“. Na prostoru jihovýchodní Evropy se dnes nachází sedm slovanských států (seřazených v našem výčtu podle velikosti), jejichž obyvatelé hovoří oficiálně sedmi jihoslovanskými jazyky: Bulharsko (110,9 tis. km2 , 7 mil. obyv., hl. m. Sofija – č. Sofie; úř. jazyk bulharština), Srbsko (77,5 tis. km2 , 7 mil. obyv., hl. m. Beograd – č. Bělehrad; úř. jazyk srbština), Chorvatsko (56,5 tis. km2 , 4,5 mil. obyv., hl. m. Zagreb – č. Záhřeb; úř. jazyk chorvatština), Bosna a Hercegovina (51,1 tis. km2 , 4 mil. obyv., hl. m. Sarajevo; úř. jazyky bosenština, srbština, chorvatština), Makedonie (od r. 2019 Severní Makedonie, 25,7 tis. km2 , 2,2 mil. obyv., hl. m. Skopje; úř. jazyk makedonština), Slovinsko (20,2 tis. km2 , 2 mil. obyv., hl. m. Ljubljana – č. Lublaň; úř. jazyk slovinština) a Černá Hora (13,8 tis. km2 , 0,7 mil. obyv., hl. m. Podgorica; úř. jazyky černohorština, srbština, bosenština, chorvatština).

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Zašto i kako smo istraživali?

Author(s): Belinda Milanović / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

Koliko se poznajemo je istraživački projekt koji je realiziran u okviru Odjeljenja društvenih nauka Akademije nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine. Ovaj istraživački projekt je sociološko istraživanje međusobnog poznavanja studenata katolika, pravoslavnih i muslimana u BiH kao preduvjet za dijalog i izgradnju kulture mira. Rat vođen u Bosni i Hercegovini (1991—1995) u nekim periodima poprimio je i religijsko/konfesionalne karakteristike. Dovelo je to do još veće međusobne udaljenosti između katolika, pravoslavnih i muslimana (a u popisu 1991. godine 96,6 % stanovništva se tako samoidentificiralo).

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PARALELE IZMEĐU ZAVNOBIHOVSKOG I VREMENA KOJE ŽIVIMO

Author(s): Slavo Kukić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

ZAVNOBiH is an expression of the desire of the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina to live in freedom, as their own, in a community in which decisions about their lives will not be made by other but by themselves only. And that is exactly why ZAVNOBiH could have been the instigator of both the nationwide gathering under the same flag and the nationwide enthusiasm, both in the whirlwinds of the National Liberation War and after it. Actually, with the third session, ZAVNOBiH ended its life by transferring its competencies to peacetime government institutions. However, the spirit of enthusiasm it produced did not diminish in these institutions either, at least for the first twenty or so post-war years. In support of this, after all, there are the statistics - the achieved rates of economic growth, according to which Yugoslavia, and with it Bosnia and Herzegovina, of course, was at the very top of the world, then the achieved rates of employment, trends in gross domestic product, achievements in education and health and many other indicators. Have the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina forgotten the values on the wings of which the war-torn country of the 1940s and 1950s was rebuilt, from which youth work actions were fed, which radiated love instead of hatred? On an emotional level, I’m not ready to believe that. In reality, however, it is possible to mark the details that most seriously warn - not only today but all the years of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s social and political transition.

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Czech Historiography on Bosnia and Herzegovina (2000–2018)

Author(s): Ladislav Hladký / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This paper provides a synopsis and characterization of the most important historiographically, politologically, and ethnologically oriented works published in the Czech Republic between 2000 and 2018 on the history and current evolution of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Czech works on the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina can be divided into two main groups. The first group includes monographs by historians who were familiar with the reality of Bosnian multiethnicity in the period before the breakup of Yugoslavia and in that context, therefore, continue in their books to support the idea of preserving Bosnia within its existing borders and in the form of a multinational state. The second group comprises books by Czech authors who primarily focus on analysing political events in the contemporary, so-called post-Dayton Bosnia, of which they are highly critical and as a result also highly skeptical when it comes to the prospect of continued coexistence between the nations of Bosnia. During the period in question, several works were published in the Czech Republic dedicated to the history of Czech-Bosnian relations and the synthetical treatment of the history of the Czech national minority living in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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Društveno-istorijski kontekst opstojnosti i razvoja države Bosne i Hercegovine u postdejtonskom vremenu

Author(s): Mirko Pejanović / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

In the approach to constitutional reforms it is necessary to assure their gradual nature. In this context, in the framework of constitutional reform, the position of the institutions of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina would be changed in the first phase, as proposed by the 2006 “April package” of amendments. This phase of constitutional reform can be implemented within the framework of negotiations on Bosnia and Herzegovina’s membership in the European Union, during the opening of the negotiation chapters. However, certainty of the process of constitutional change depends mostly on the geopolitical circumstances and geopolitical influence of the International Community, and in this context, especially the countries that are members of the Steering Board for the Peace Implementation Council responsible for the implementation of the Dayton Peace Agreement. A geopolitical framework established through the agreement of the world’s leading peace-building powers in Bosnia and Herzegovina on the basis of the Dayton Peace Agreement is necessary for change of the internal territorial organization, based on a two-entity structure. It is quite certain that a change in the internal territorial organization of Bosnia and Herzegovina will be possible at a time when Bosnia and Herzegovina finalizes the process of integration into Euro-Atlantic institutions. In its gradual nature, the second phase of constitutional change will encompass the change in the territorial internal organization of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This change will aim to abolish the ethnic territorialization derived from the two-entity model. The Republika Srpska entity is ethnically homogenized because 85% of the population is Serb. The Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina is ethnically homogenized in five cantons with a majority of Bosniak people and three cantons with a majority of Croat people. This second phase of constitutional change will await for the time when Bosnia and Herzegovina is a member of the European Union and NATO. No more than three levels of government will then be able to be funded. Currently, the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina are financing: local government, cantonal government, entity and state government.

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Historiografija o Bosni i Hercegovini u bosanskohercegovačkim udžbenicima historije (2000–2017)

Author(s): Melisa Forić Plasto / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

This paper presents an analysis of the history textbooks published and used in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period 2000–2017 in order to answer how the results of historiographic research on Bosnia and Herzegovina have been incorporated into textbooks content. Considering that the textbook in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as in most European countries, continues to serve as a basic teaching tool in history teaching, and in some ways represents a canonized knowledge, an official version of the past that is recommended or better created by national authorities an attempt was made to look at what historiographical reflections on Bosnia and Herzegovina were given in them. The specificity of textbook and educational policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina is reflected in the deep division on the ethnonational principle and the additional fragmentation caused by the administrative organization of Bosnia and Herzegovina after the Dayton Agreement. Instead of a unique historiography on Bosnia and Herzegovina, we come across different approaches in the textbooks. In some of them, information on the past of Bosnia and Herzegovina is rather modest or almost omitted, and emphasis is given to the history of the neighboring countries of Serbia or Croatia or of the Serbian or Croat people. The paper seeks to see what kind of message the past has sent to textbook generations through their education and the role it plays in the future of this country. In examining how the historiography of Bosnia and Herzegovina is contained in the textbooks, based on the analyzed 32 history textbook, we find only a partial answer, which is primarily caused by the different interpretation of national history by the three curricula for which the textbooks were designed. Thus, in Serbian language textbooks, national history is primarily presented as the history of Serbia and Serbs, and partly of Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Similar is the practice in Croatian textbooks, dominated by the history of Croatia and Croats, while there is very little mention of Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Teaching units related to Bosnia and Herzegovina are represented by 10–20% of the total material and presented with only a few lessons.

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Obrazovanje učitelja u vrijeme Austro-Ugarske i današnji vid obrazovanja za učiteljsko zvanje

Author(s): Snježana Šušnjara / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

Education of teachers in the Austrian-Hungarian period was starting point of this research. Namely, during the Austrian-Hungarian Monarchy education in Bosnia and Herzegovina was institutionalized for the first time in its history. Education became a moving force which effected life and society of that time. Teacher training schools were founded in this period of time and accumulated intellectuals who participated in social and cultural life of the country bringing important decisions in relation to education. School’s buildings that were constructed during the Austrian-Hungarian Monarchy are at the same service even today. Therefore, the attempt of this work is to compare teacher education in the past and today. It is important to detect how many changes were made regarding quality and practical implementation of teaching subject matters. The question is has quality kept its level of importance or has it exposed to some other influences or formal attempts? The intention of this paper is to research those facts and present them with regard to their specificity.

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PROMJENA ETNIČKE STRUKTURE OPŠTINA U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI PREMA POPISU STANOVNIŠTVA 2013. GODINE

Author(s): Mirko Pejanović / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

U istraživačkoj studiji o etničkoj strukturi opština u Bosni i Hercegovini prema Popisu stanovništva 1991. i 2013. godine elaboriraju se promjene u demografskoj strukturi stanovništva koje su nastale od 1991. do 2013. godine. Posebna pažnja daje se promjeni etničke strukture stanovništva po Popisu stanovništva 2013. godine. Jedinica posmatranja promjene etničke strukture stanovništva jeste opština kao osnovna teritorijalna – samoupravna jedinica u kojoj žive stanovnici jedne zemlje. Komparacija etničke strukture opština po Popisu stanovništva 1991. sa etničkom strukturom po Popisu stanovništva 2013. je pokazala da je došlo do radikalne promjene etničke strukture u opštinama Bosne i Hercegovine. Prema Popisu stanovništva Bosne i Hercegovine 2013. godine dvije trećine opština imaju jednonacionalnu strukturu u postotku od 70% do 99%. Ovakve promjene etničke strukture uslovljene su politikom nasilnog etničkog čišćenja u vremenu rata i preovladavajućim uticajem etničkih stranaka u vršenju vlasti u postdejtonskom periodu. Etnička homogenizacija stanovništva ostvarena u vremenu rata 1992–1995. odvija se i u miru kao etnička teritorijalizacija. Etnička teritorijalizacija prostora ima svoju osnovu u etno-politikama jednonacionalnih stranaka. Usljed takvog društvenog kretanja na prostoru Bosne i Hercegovine oblikovana su područja s dovršenom etničkom teritorijalizacijom. Ona se javljaju u vidu Republike Srpske za Srbe, zatim u vidu pet kantona za Bošnjake: Tuzlanski, Unsko-sanski, Sarajevski, Zeničko-dobojski i Bosansko-podrinjski. Za hrvatski narod kao etnički teritorijalizirani prostor iskazuje se u: Zapadno-hercegovačkom, Hercegbosanskom i Posavskom kantonu. Višenacionalna struktura stanovništva održana je u gradu Mostaru, Distriktu Brčko i opštinama: Jajcu, Bosanskom Petrovcu, Vukosavlju, Jezeru, Donjem Žabaru, Gornjem Vakufu, Pelagićevu, Žepču i Busovači.

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Izborni sistem BiH i etnicizacija bosanskohercegovačkog političkog prostora

Author(s): Elma Huruz Memović / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

The concept of “constituent peoples” has passed through a fundamental transformation and over time has become a goal rather than a means. It has become “the very essence of the state and society in Bosnia and Herzegovina” and its significance is such that it obscures its obvious “contradiction with the principle of non-discrimination in the exercise of human rights ...” (Nadaždin Defterdarević, 2014: 84). Since the ethnic declaration is insisted on, a large space is open for manipulating this category. Although the European Court of Human Rights emphasized in its judgments that in the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as in the Election Law there is discrimination against members of national minorities, ie those who do not declare themselves as citizens, these judgments have never been implemented. It is still impossible for the above categories of the population to run for certain political positions, and it can even be said that new tendencies are emerging in the public space to further disintegrate and ethnicize the Bosnian political space.

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Izborni zakon Bosne i Hercegovine i limiti etnonacionalne paradigme

Author(s): Pavle Mijović / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

The Election Law of Bosnia and Herzegovina is, in its specific legal form, a faithful reflection of the general principles defined by the Dayton Constitution that calcified the ethnic division of the country. The interdisciplinary approach to the constitutional determinants present in the election law also shows clear features of the political consciousness that brought it about. The first part of the article tries to reconstruct the dominant political and social idea behind the election law. The Election Law of Bosnia and Herzegovina is an example of unfinished constitutional and state architecture, especially in the form of unfinished ethno-national fixism and related human rights issues. The ethno-national paradigm, evident since the first multi-party elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina, emphasized ethnic grouping more than the electoral process itself. The concept of “statistical nationalization” will be analyzed as well. The second part of the article confronts the dominant idea of the election law of Bosnia and Herzegovina with certain aspects of political theory. The constitutional category of constituents is privileged over the category of “Others”, which is a brutal example of discriminatory practice, which, as expected, is not in line with any normative document related to human rights. Even from an ethno-national perspective, the said Election Law is incomplete. Furthermore, the inherent limits of the consociational framework were analyzed. The third part of the article analyzes the limitations of ethno-partitocracy, showing that in one such system, the individual perspective is almost non-existent. The outlines of critical theory indicate the necessity of the alteration of certain social realities and the creation of a social model sensitive to diversity but directed towards the developed democratic achievements.

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Kratka istorija konstitutivnosti u BiH

Author(s): Žarko Papić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

The equality of Bosniaks, Croats and Serbs and citizens is the basis of Bosnia and Herzegovina, their common and indivisible homeland. National equality is the realization of collective human rights. Constitutivity is the constitutional mechanism by which it is realized. There is no majority and minority nor re-vote but an agreement is needed. Constitutional mechanisms to ensure constitutivity must be modified. This will prevent the blockage of institutions. Abolition of constitutivity and so-called civic principle of „one man one vote“ destabilizes the country.

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Školstvo na albanskom jeziku na Kosovu i jugu Srbije (1945-2015)

Author(s): Naile Mala-Imami / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Purpose of this paper is to provide historical overview of the development of school system in Albanian language from 1945 to 2015 in Kosovo and South of Serbia, in municipalities of Presheva, Bujanovac and Medvedja. After the Second World War and establishment of socialist socio-economic relations, historical injustice against the Albanian people who did not have the right for education in their mother tongue during the Kingdom of Serbs Croats and Slovenians has been corrected. Year after year, despite numerous problems, education in Albanian language was spread systematically in primary and secondary education system while in 1960 foundations for university studies were laid down. Development in school system in Albanian language in Kosovo at all levels by 1990, despite ideological and political constraints, has had tangible results in the education of many generations of Albanians. After 1999 Kosovo has developed an independent education system while Albanians from South of Serbia partially exercise the right to treat some of topics that relate to their nation.

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Simbolika nemoći: intelektualci i srpsko-albanski odnosi u postjugoslovenskom kontekstu

Author(s): Gazela Pudar Draško / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

This article explores the attitudes of Serbian intellectuals in relation to Kosovo as a geographic area that gain special status and importance by being infused by symbolic meanings. The article aims at identifying and operationalizing discursive strategies through which the intellectuals use the notion of Kosovo and/or the metaphor "enemy/ the “Other“ figure“. The analysis of statements and writings of the intellectuals focuses on three seminal events of the post-Yugoslav, i.e. post-Milosević’s period, which marked the process of Kosovo independence. The events in question have are the “Kosovo pogrom“ from 2004, Kosovo declaration of independence in 2008 and the signing of the Brussels Agreement in 2013. The article should testify about the dilemmas (or the lack of thereof) among the intellectuals “by fate“ interested or provoked to publicly express their views on “the Kosovo question“ – does by being intellectual one is indebted above all to be loyal to his/her nation and to fight for its “rights“ through intellectual means, or actually to protest against the national and other euphoria and to promote universal values?

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Parlament EU, savjet ministara eu, evropski savjet

Author(s): Dušan Lopandić / Language(s): Montenegrine Publication Year: 0

Evropski savjet (ES) je nastao 1974. godine na inicijativu tadašnjeg francuskog predsjednika Pompindua. On je dugo funkcionisao kao jedno ad hoc tijelo političkog karaktera, kao međuvladina konferencija koja se sastajala svaki semestar, da bi tek kasnije prerasla u nešto što je uključeno u sistem institucija EU.

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ODG politike u Evropi. Sinteza

Author(s): César Bîrzéa / Language(s): Montenegrine Publication Year: 0

Tokom kasnih 90-tih, jedan od rezultata aktivnosti Savjeta Evrope u polju obrazovanja je bilo Obrazovanje za demokratsko građanstvo (ODG), koje je postalo zajednički cilj obrazovnih politika u Evropi. Dva glavna dokumenta politike rada su označile taj trend: • Rezolucija usvojena na Konferenciji ministara obrazovanja (Krakov, 15.-17. oktobar 2000. godine); • Preporuka (2002)12 Komiteta ministara državama članicama o Obrazovanju za demokratsko građanstvo (usvojena od strane Komiteta Ministara Savjeta Evrope 16. oktobra 2002. godine). Oba dokumenta naglašavaju centralnu ulogu ODG-a u obrazovnim politikama i reformama. U tom smislu, Preporuka Komiteta ministara je prilično jasna: u zavisnosti od specifičnog konteksta svakog obrazovnog sistema, preporučljivo je načiniti ODG «prioritetnim ciljem u kreiranju obrazovnih politika i reformi».

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Regionalna studija za zapadnu Evropu

Author(s): David Kerr / Language(s): Montenegrine Publication Year: 0

Ovo je sinteza detaljnog izvještaja o kreiranju politika ODG-o (Obrazovanje za demokratsko građanstvo) za region zapadne Evrope. Sinteza i izvještaj su dio Sveevropske studije o ODG politikama Savjeta Evrope. Sinteza pruža kratak pregled: • ključnih karakteristika razvoja ODG politike u regionu zapadne Evrope; • glavnih izazova sa kojima se mora suočiti ako se želi postići djelotvornija implementacija ODG-o u regionu. Region zapadne Evrope se sastoji od deset država članica, grupisanih na ovaj način zbog same studije. Države članice su: Austrija, Belgija (zajednice koje govore francuski i flamanski), Francuska, Njemačka (obuhvata 16 odvojenih država ili Länder), Irska, Lihtenštajn, Luksemburg, Holandija, Švajcarska (obuhvata 26 odvojenih kantona) i Ujedinjeno Kraljevstvo (UK obuhvata četiri odvojene nacije u Velikoj Britaniji – Engleska, Škotska, Vels i Sjeverna Irska).

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Regionalna sinteza za Istočnu Evropu

Author(s): Isak Froumin / Language(s): Montenegrine Publication Year: 0

Sedam zemalja čine istočnoevropsku sekciju u Sveevropskoj studiji o ODG-u. To su: Jermenija, Azerbejdžen, Bjelorusija, Gruzija, Moldavija, Ruska Federacija, i Ukrajina. Ove zemlje imaju mnoge zajedničke političke, socijalne i kulturne karakteristike, zbog njihovog nasljeđa kao bivših republika Sovjetskog Saveza. Ipak, nakon dvanaest godina samostalnog razvitka, karakteristike njihovih političkih sistema su postale vrlo različite. Svaka od ovih zemalja tvrdi da izgrađuje demokratsko društvo i tržišnu ekonomiju. Sve ove zemlje, ipak, još uvijek prolaze kroz proces dramatičnih socijalnih i ekonomskih promjena. Ovaj proces stvara dinamično i nestabilno okruženje za uvođenje struktura i sadržaja građanskog obrazovanja.

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RAZVOJ PROSVJETE, NAUKE I KULTURE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI 1945-2003. GODINE

Author(s): Senija Milišić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Autor prikazuje razvoj institucija obrazovanja i nauke, tj. naučno-istraživačkih institucija i zavoda koji su nastali nakon II svjetskog rata u BiH. Konstatira da je od značajnih institucija radio samo Zemaljski muzej a da su sve ostale istraživačke i analitičke institucije formirane nakon rata u periodu od 1945-1990. godine.

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MEDIJSKA PREZENTACIJA ZAVNOBIH-a U PERIODU 1995.-2017.

Author(s): Željka Poloni / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

This essay comparatively examines explanations of ZAVNOBIH subject in between 1995 – 2017. From the end of War in Bosnia and Herzegovina until today the policy of media in Bosnia has dual and politically coordinated reporting. The powerful interference of international community into media field, was heading more towards establishment of free media and the prevention of hateful speech, rather than to preclude the creation of ethnonational “free” media that were used to empower ethnic separations. Consequently, reporting on this topic is often divided into media outlets, according to which ethnic group the media belongs to. The result is a sharply divided public discourse, in general, about the ZAVNOBIH in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This article critically analyzes the ways in which ZAVNOBIH is written in the daily news papers. The analysis generaly is divided into two parts, in the first, examples of a neutral and / or objective speech on the ZAVNOBIH are shown, and the other ones are the clauses containing negative context of open attempt and shameless falsification of history, without objective approach. Here, the great estattentionis dedicated to propaganda against ZAVNOBIH, because in one part of local media, it is politically created and is the most common form of writing about this topic.

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