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Karabakh’s Twenty Years Crisis: The EU Should Do More

Author(s): Ondřej Ditrych / Language(s): English

Twenty years have passed since an armistice in the Nagorno Karabakh conflict was concluded. EU can and should do more to facilitate its resolution. The Union’s security interests are at stake (energy), and it can use the hitherto neglected conflict to boost credibility of its foreign and security policy (CFSP) in the context of the Ukraine crisis which additionally makes the conflict parties (Armenia, Azerbaijan) uneasy of Russia’s intentions, a fact that the EU can use to its advantage. The EU can notably mobilize its comprehensive approach to address the conflict, promote a conciliatory narrative of history and future of peaceful coexistence, and declare readiness to assume peacekeeping tasks under the CSDP. Twenty years ago, on 12 May 1994, a ceasefire came into effect that ended the war in Nagorno Karabakh. Ever since, uneasy truce exists between parties Azerbaijan and Armenia, parties to the conflict. Inflammatory rhetoric has proliferated; and periodical skirmishes along the line of contact have cost more than 3,000 lives. The EU, while designing an ambitious agenda to create a ring of peaceful and prosperous states in its neighbourhood, has so far eschewed more direct engagement. This policy paper argues that it should eschew it no longer, and outlines how it can do so without excessive commitment on its part.

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What’s next for Turkey? Lessons of the 2014 presidential elections

Author(s): Zoltán Egeresi / Language(s): English

The 2014 Turkish presidential elections have demonstrated that Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and the AKP were able to overcome their previous political crises during the last, one-year-long eventful period, and they were successful in continuing to mobilize their electorate. Erdoğan’s victory at the presidential elections of 10 August 2014 may lead to the introduction of a presidential system and further centralization of power in Turkey. However, it can also be an overture for changes in the opposition. The EU has to keep being involved in Turkish domestic politics, especially in the democratization process, and support the emergence of a more plural Turkish political community.

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Ensuring the Stability of Central Asia after the 2014 Withdrawal from Afghanistan

Author(s): Nikita Odintsov / Language(s): English

The prospects of stability in Central Asia after the 2014 withdrawal will be influenced by the developments in Afghanistan. Yet the overall fragility of the states in the region necessitates taking preventive measures. The previous strategies of the terrorist groups in the region allow us to identify a few focal points of strategic importance which must be protected. To achieve this, it is necessary to use private military companies and return Russian border guards to Tajikistan. Also, the Collective Security Treaty Organization must prepare for possible massive security and refugee crises. The implementation of state social policies can be outsourced to NGOs, which shall refrain from any political activity.

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Turmoil in Egypt: a Proxy Cold War among the Gulf States?

Author(s): Máté Szalai / Language(s): English

The Arab states of the Persian Gulf have played a huge role in the unfolding developments of the Arab Spring, especially in Egypt. Based on many pieces of evidence, we can set up an analytical framework for investigating the transformations of Egyptian politics between 2011 and 2013, according to which the turmoil was basically a proxy cold war fought by Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Kuwait on one hand, and Qatar on the other. Although the Gulf agreement signed in April 2014 clearly shows the inevitability of the defeat of Qatar, Doha will remain an important player in the region, while the rebound of the Muslim Brotherhood is now unimaginable without the support of the tiny country.

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The Derogation from the European Convention on Human Rights by Turkey after the Attempted Coup

Author(s): Tamás Lattmann / Language(s): English

After the unsuccessful coup attempt in Turkey, its high-level officials, including the president, have constantly talked about the necessity of the introduction of a state of emergency, and it has actually been declared on 20 July. At the same time, the president has also mentioned the “suspension” of the European Convention on Human Rights. What does this exactly mean? What are the effects and consequences of this step?

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Vítěz bere vše. Volba generálního tajemníka OSN 2016

Author(s): Veronika Bílková / Language(s): Czech

The next UN Secretary-General will be António Guterres of Portugal. On Thursday 13 October, on a recommendation by the Security Council, the UN General Assembly decided to oppose the nomination of a Portuguese candidate. Despite this consensus, the outcome of the elections is a great surprise for many. Since Guterres has had strong support from the beginning, it has long been expected to elect a candidate with a different profile and from another geographic area. So why did he become the winner? What can be expected of it? And what is the role of the Secretary-General within the World Organization?

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Natural Disasters as Detonators of Sociopolitical Change: Bosnia-Herzegovina 2014-2020

Author(s): Nedžad Korajlić,Amer Smailbegović / Language(s): English

The report ifs briefly summarizing the potential of natural disaster to initiate a required social and political change in a divided society, when other methods of integration and resolution have proven ineffective. By comparing the Balkan floods of 2014 with the current COVID-19 pandemic, it is possible to observe certain changes in the posture of the former-Yugoslavian countries and their collaboration by using the last vestiges of once-robust civil-defense (and general national defense / protection) of the former Yugoslavia. The current response is adequate, but the lengthy period of stagnation, decentralization and unresolved issues stemming from the Yugoslav conflict have left considerable present-day challenges. Similarly there were missed opportunities for improving collaboration and crisis management in the aftermath of the 2014 flooding event. The current crisis presents new management opportunities to overcome the problems and evolve the legacy solutions in the time of crisis. The reader is cautioned that this is an evolving situation, and some of the events described within, are bound to change rapidly, hence this communiqué should be considered as a snapshot in time during the pandemic-response in the Western Balkans in the second half of March, 2020.

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Vladimir Putin’s politics in harmony with the Orthodox Church - The Rebirth of the Patriarch of Moscow

Author(s): Filippo Romeo / Language(s): English

The Orthodox Church and the Christian tradition have always assumed a role of primary importance in Russian history and tradition. The origins of Christianity in Russia go back to 988 and coincide with the baptism of Prince Vladimir the Great. He had come to Constantinople, following which the evangelization of the Principality Kievan Rus’ started. The latter included the space currently occupied by the areas of Russia, the Ukraine and Belarus, considered the predecessor of the Russian Empire. Formed by Igor in 882, the Principality Kievan Rus’ is the first political form organised by the Oriental Slav tribes placed on those territories. This gave rise to the common orthodox faith and the Russian people’s sense of national belonging. Retracing the path of the Principality one can indeed observe that the Orthodox Christian Faith was immediately embraced by those populations. It also succeeded in asserting itself in the Eastern zones, where there was strong pagan influence. This barely digested the advent of the new creed and accompanied their evolution, acting as a stalwart for the Country’s national and cultural identity. Orthodoxy is even granted with Scripture, which is surely a culture’s fundamental principle. It was introduced via the spread of Christianity among the Slav tribes through the creation of the Cyrillic characters due to two great saints, Cyril and Methodius. It also constituted the prerequisite for the political and cultural development of the Principality of Kiev, leaving a heritage that would last even after its disintegration.

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The genocide in Srebrenica (and in Rwanda) and its impact on the development of international law

Author(s): Ernest Petrič / Language(s): English

In Srebrenica the crime of genocide was committed, and elsewhere in Bosnia and Herzegovina crimes against humanity and war crimes were also committed. This is the conclusion, which was drawn by the ICJ in the Bosnia and Herzegovina versus Serbia/Montenegro case. I, as a lawyer and as a person, share the criticism of the ICJ judgement in this case. The mass murders in Bosnia and Herzegovina of Muslims/Boshniacs went on for three years from the summer of 1992 until the Srebrenica massacre in the summer of 1995. Mass graves are still being discovered. It is no doubt that there were several ten thousands murdered in an organised way because they were Muslims/Boshniacs, in Srebrenica, in Prijedor, in Bijelina, Višegrad etc., with a clearly defined purpose (dolus specialis) to cleanse parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina of its Muslim population. Indeed, like "holocaust", which was also committed over several years, from 1939 to 1945 at different places, with the same purpose (dolus specialis) – to exterminate Jews from Germany and parts of Europe controlled by the Nazis. Surprisingly too many, the majority in the ICJ opted for a narrow interpretation of the Convention on Prevention and Punishment of Genocide drafted in special historic circumstances in the early years after 1945. There are thus good reasons to claim that the crime of genocide was not limited only to Srebrenica but occurred all over Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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What does a second Obama term mean for Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Balkan region?

Author(s): Heidi Hullinger / Language(s): English

The 2012 US presidential elections had Europe on its toes, hoping that US citizens chose a candidate that would surely win if the rest of the world had a vote. But Bosnians had little to go on, they’ve only known Obama to be the hands off sort, leaving the region to the expertise of Biden and Clinton and their deputies. It is hard for Bosnians to know what the election results would mean if Romney were elected. The European Union was largely absent from presidential discussions, so why would the Balkan region and enlargement countries be a topic of discussion? Regional policy has been an exercise in cooperation with the European Union, taking a backseat to the Accession process and contributing with aid and missions that focus on assisting Bosnia and Herzegovina in fulfilling NATO accession conditions. As a result, the US gets to play good cop, while the EU works, so far fruitlessly, to tackle corruption, constitutional reform and other hot button topics that cast the EU as bad cop. The appointment of the next US Secretary of State is the latest topic of conversation making headlines in the US. However, US-Bosnian relations and their engagement in the region is unlikely to see any major changes. Either way, the US may decide that it better serve Bosnians and its constituents at home by losing the good cop act and put tangible pressure on politicians.

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Godišnji izvještaj 2023.

Author(s): / Language(s): Bosnian

Fondacija CURE (CURE) je feminističko-aktivistička organizacija koja djeluje za ravnopravnost spolova i rodova zalažući se za pozitivne društvene promjene putem obrazovnih, umjetničkokulturnih, istraživačkih i zalagačkih programa. Fondacija je počela sa radom 7. 11. 2005. godine. Fondacija CURE je antimilitaristička i antifašistička organizacija koja nastoji doprinijeti razvoju rodne ravnopravnosti u društvu i osnaživanju marginalizovanih skupina žena, uključujući Romkinje, žene s poteškoćama u razvoju, lezbejke, biseksualne i trans* žene, samostalne roditeljike, žene treće dobi, te žene koje su preživjele nasilje. Zagovaramo za njihovo ravnopravno uključivanje u sve društvene tokove i protivimo se svakoj formi isključenosti žena i djevojčica. Naša organizacija predvodi brojne inicijative unutar ženskog pokreta u BiH, te se zalaže za detabuizaciju određenih tema i širi fokus na ključna pitanja unutar društva. Kroz direktan rad s ženama i djevojčicama te promociju kulture nenasilja i antidiskriminacije, nastojimo stvoriti sigurno i pozitivno okruženje za feminizam i aktivizam. Potičemo vidljivost žena u javnosti, potičemo ulični aktivizam i umjetnost te promoviramo žensku perspektivu na društveno-politička pitanja. Naša snaga leži u raznolikim pristupima i saradnji s institucijama, kako u Bosni i Hercegovini, tako i u regiji. Želimo biti još snažnije i odgovoriti na sve izazove u društvu. Doprinoseći kreiranju i razvoju solidarnog i inkluzivnog ženskog/ feminističkog pokreta u Bosni i Hercegovini i svijetu, Fondacija CURE se vidi kao nositeljica društvenih promjena kojim se poboljšava status žena i djevojčica, te marginalizovanih društvenih skupina, čime žene postaju ravnopravne i aktivno učestvuju u donošenju i provođenju odluka.

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Godišnji izvještaj 2022.

Author(s): / Language(s): Bosnian

Fondacija CURE (CURE) je feminističko-aktivistička organizacija koja djeluje za ravnopravnost spolova i rodova zalažući se za pozitivne društvene promjene putem obrazovnih, umjetničko-kulturnih, istraživačkih i zalagačkih programa. Fondacija je počela sa radom 7. 11. 2005. godine. Organizujući afirmativne akcije, Fondacija CURE slavi snagu i moć žena, te radi na osnaživanju žena i djevojčica i drugih rodno senzitivnih osoba kako bi postali/e pokretači/ce društvenih promjena u BiH i svijetu. Feministički aktivizam omogućio je siguran prostor u kojem su žene jake, neustrašive, sposobne i ujedinjene u svim svojim različitostima. Fondacija CURE je organizacija aktivistkinja, profesionalki i volonterki koje izlaze na ulice u znak javnog protesta protiv nasilja, diskriminacije, kršenja zakona, ženskih prava i osnovnih ljudskih prava, organizuju performanse protiv nasilja, pozivaju umjetnice/ke, naučnice/ke, edukatorice/e, aktivistkinje/e, građanke/e, predstavnice/ke marginalizovanih i ranjivih skupina na akciju i konkretan lični doprinos za kreiranje boljeg i zdravijeg bosanskohercegovačkog društva, te kroz različite zagovaračke mehanizme utiču na stvaranje javnih politika socijalne pravde i najviših standarda poštovanja ljudskih prava.

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Godišnji izvještaj 2021.

Author(s): / Language(s): Bosnian

Fondacija CURE (CURE) je feminističko-aktivistička organizacija koja djeluje za ravnopravnost spolova i rodova zalažući se za pozitivne društvene promjene putem obrazovnih, umjetničko-kulturnih, istraživačkih i zalagačkih programa. Fondacija je počela sa radom 07.11.2005.godine. Organizujući afirmativne akcije, Fondacija CURE slavi snagu i moć žena, te radi na osnaživanju žena i djevojčica i drugih rodno senzitivnih osoba kako bi postali/e pokretači/ce društvenih promjena u BiH i svijetu. Feministički aktivizam omogućio je siguran prostor u kojem su žene jake, neustrašive, sposobne i ujedinjene u svim svojim različitostima. Fondacija CURE je organizacija aktivistkinja/ta, profesionalki/ aca i volonterki/a koje/i izlaze na ulice u znak javnog protesta protiv nasilja, diskriminacije, kršenja zakona, ženskih prava i osnovnih ljudskih prava, organizuju performanse protiv nasilja, pozivaju umjetnice/ke, naučnice/ke, edukatorice/e, aktivistkinje/e, građanke/e, predstavnice/ke marginalizovanih i ranjivih skupina na akciju i konkretan lični doprinos za kreiranje boljeg i zdravijeg bosanskohercegovačkog društva, te kroz različite zagovaračke mehanizme utiču na stvaranje javnih politika socijalne pravde i najviših standarda poštivanja ljudskih prava.

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Godišnji izvještaj 2020.

Author(s): Medina Mujić / Language(s): Bosnian

Osnovana 2005. godine, Fondacija CURE (CURE) je feminističko-aktivistička organizacija koja djeluje za jednakost spolova i rodova zalažući se za pozitivne društvene promjene putem obrazovnih, umjetničko-kulturnih, istraživačkih i zalagačkih programa. Organizujući afirmativne akcije, CURE slave snagu i moć žena, te rade na osnaživanju žena i djevojčica i drugih rodno senzitivnih osoba kako bi postali/e pokretači/ce društvenih promjena u BiH i svijetu. Feministički aktivizam je omogućio siguran prostor u kojem su žene jake, neustrašive, sposobne i ujedinjene u svim svojim različitostima. CURE je organizacija aktivistkinja/a, profesionalki/aca i volonterki/a koje/i izlaze na ulice u znak javnog protesta protiv nasilja, diskriminacije, kršenja zakona, ženskih prava i osnovnih ljudskih prava, organizuju performanse protiv nasilja, pozivaju umjetnice/ke, naučnice/ke, edukatorice/re, aktivistkinje/te, građanke/e, predstavnice/ke marginalizovanih i ranjivih skupina na akciju i konkretan lični doprinos za kreiranje boljeg i zdravijeg bosanskohercegovačkog društva, te kroz različite zagovaračke mehanizme utiču na kreiranje javnih politika socijalne pravde i najviših standarda poštivanja ljudskih prava.

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Godišnji izvještaj 2019.

Author(s): / Language(s): Bosnian

Osnovana 2005. godine, Fondacija CURE (CURE) je feminističko-aktivistička organizacija koja djeluje za jednakost spolova i rodova zalažući se za pozitivne društvene promjene putem obrazovnih, umjetničko-kulturnih, istraživačkih i zalagačkih programa. Organizujući afirmativne akcije, CURE slave snagu i moć žena, te rade na osnaživanju žena i djevojčica i drugih rodno senzitivnih osoba kako bi postali/e pokretači/ce društvenih promjena u BiH i svijetu. Feministički aktivizam je omogućio siguran prostor u kojem su žene jake, neustrašive, sposobne i ujedinjene u svim svojim različitostima. CURE je organizacija aktivistkinja/a, profesionalki/aca i volonterki/a koje/i izlaze na ulice u znak javnog protesta protiv nasilja, diskriminacije, kršenja zakona, ženskih prava i osnovnih ljudskih prava, organizuju performanse protiv nasilja, pozivaju umjetnice/ke, naučnice/ke, edukatorice/re, aktivistkinje/te, građanke/e, predstavnice/ke marginalizovanih i ranjivih skupina na akciju i konkretan lični doprinos za kreiranje boljeg i zdravijeg bosanskohercegovačkog društva, te kroz različite zagovaračke mehanizme utiču na kreiranje javnih politika socijalne pravde i najviših standarda poštivanja ljudskih prava.

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Godišnji izvještaj 2018.

Author(s): / Language(s): Bosnian

Osnovana 2005. godine, Fondacija CURE (CURE) je feminističko-aktivistička organizacija koja djeluje za jednakost spolova i rodova zalažući se za pozitivne društvene promjene putem obrazovnih, umjetničko-kulturnih, istraživačkih i zalagačkih programa. Organizujući afirmativne akcije, CURE slave snagu i moć žena, te rade na osnaživanju žena i djevojčica i drugih rodno senzitivnih osoba kako bi postali/e pokretači/ce društvenih promjena u BiH i svijetu. Feministički aktivizam je omogućio siguran prostor u kojem su žene jake, neustrašive, sposobne i ujedinjene u svim svojim različitostima. CURE je organizacija aktivistkinja/a, profesionalki/aca i volonterki/a koje/i izlaze na ulice u znak javnog protesta protiv nasilja, diskriminacije, kršenja zakona, ženskih prava i osnovnih ljudskih prava, organizuju performanse protiv nasilja, pozivaju umjetnice/ke, naučnice/ke, edukator(e)ice, aktivist(e)kinje, građan(e)ke, predstavnice/ke marginalizovanih i ranjivih grupa na akciju i konkretan lični doprinos radi kreiranja boljeg i zdravijeg bosanskohercegovačkog društva, te kroz različite zagovaračke mehanizme utiču na stvaranje javnih politika socijalne pravde i najviših standarda poštivanja ljudskih prava. Doprinoseći kreiranju i razvoju solidarnog i inkluzivnog ženskog pokreta u Bosni i Hercegovini i svijetu, CURE su nositeljice društvenih promjena kojima se poboljšava status žena i djevojčica, te marginalizovanih društvenih grupa, čime žene postaju ravnopravne i aktivno učestvuju u donošenju i provođenju odluka.

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Godišnji izvještaj 2015.

Author(s): / Language(s): Bosnian

Fondacija CURE (CURE) je feministiĉko-aktivistiĉka organizacija koja djeluje za jednakost spolova i rodova zalaţući se za pozitivne društvene promjene putem obrazovnih, umjetniĉko-kulturnih i istraţivaĉkih programa. Organizujući afirmativne akcije, Fondacija CURE slavi snagu i moć ţena te radi na osnaţivanju osoba kako bi postali/e pokretaĉi/ce društvenih promjena u BiH i svijetu. Feministiĉki aktivizam je omogućio siguran prostor u kojem su ţene jake, neustrašive, sposobne i ujedinjene sa svim svojim razliĉitostima. Fondacija CURE je organizacija profesionalaca/ki i volontera/ki koji/e izlaze na ulice u znak javnog protesta protiv nasilja, diskriminacije, kršenja zakona i osnovnih ljudskih prava, organizuju performanse protiv nasilja, pozivaju umjetnike/ce, nauĉnike/ce, edukatore/ice, aktiviste/kinje, graĊane/ke na akciju i konkretan liĉni doprinos za kreiranje boljeg i zdravijeg bosanskohercegovaĉkog društva.

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Annual Report 2023

Author(s): / Language(s): English

The CURE Foundation (CURE) is a feminist-activist organization that works towards gender equality and advocates for positive social change through educational, artistic-cultural, research, and advocacy programs. The Foundation began its work on November 7, 2005. The CURE Foundation is an anti-militarist and anti-fascist organization striving to contribute to the development of gender equality in society and the empowerment of marginalized groups of women, including Roma women, women with developmental difficulties, lesbian, bisexual, and trans* women, single parents, elderly women, and women survivors of violence. We advocate for their equal inclusion in all social spheres and oppose any form of exclusion of women and girls. Our organization leads numerous initiatives within the women’s movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina and strives to destigmatize certain topics, expanding the focus on key societal issues. Through direct work with women and girls and the promotion of a culture of non-violence and anti-discrimination, we aim to create a safe and positive environment for feminism and activism. We encourage the visibility of women in public, street activism, and art, and promote women’s perspectives on socio-political issues. Our strength lies in diverse approaches and collaboration with institutions, both in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the region. We aim to become even stronger and address all societal challenges. By contributing to the creation and development of a solidarity and inclusive women’s movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina and around the world, CURE is a leader in social change that improves the status of women and girls, as well as marginalized social groups, thus making women equal and actively participating in decision-making and implementation.

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Annual Report 2022

Author(s): / Language(s): English

The CURE Foundation (CURE) is a feminist-activist organization that promotes gender and sex equality and works for positive social change through educational, artistic, cultural, research and advocacy programs. The Foundation started working on November 7, 2005. By organizing affirmative collective actions, CURE celebrates the strength and power of women, and helps to empower women, girls and other gender-sensitive individuals to become initiators of social change in BiH and the world. The feminist activism has created a safe space where women are strong, fearless, competent, and united in all their differences. CURE is an organization of activists, professionals and volunteers who take to the streets to protest against violence, discrimination, violation of laws, women’s rights and basic human rights. Furthermore, CURE organizes art performances against violence, inviting artists, scholars, lecturers, activists, citizens and representatives of marginalized and vulnerable groups to act, participate, and contribute to the creation of a better, sounder Bosnian-Herzegovinian society and through various advocacy mechanisms influence the creation of public policies for social justice and the highest human rights standards.

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Političarka u BiH: Politički objekt ili aktivan politički subjekt u 2012. godini?

Author(s): Bojan Pavlović / Language(s): Bosnian

Prevazilaženje rodnih stereotipa, uspješnije korištenje rodno senzibilnog jezika, smanjenje seksističkih razmišljanja, izvještavanja, smanjenje diskriminacije žena u medijima, prezentiranje političarke kao subjekta a ne kao objekta političkih kampanja, lekcije su koje će, čini se, bosanskohercegovačko društvo morati učiti još dugo. Mediji korigiraju pristup navedenoj problematici, ali je to i dalje daleko od željenog i potrebnog kako bi se političarke afirmirale na adekvatan način u Bosni i Hercegovini. Nastavlja se promoviranje poznatih političkih lica naslovnica, dok se istovremeno ostavlja malo ili nimalo prostora za promoviranje kandidatkinja. O tome svjedoči podatak u ovom istraživanju, tijekom kojega je u periodu monitoringa na naslovnicama dnevnih novina i magazina/časopisa identificirano sedam fotografija kandidata, a niti jedna kandidatkinje. Jednostavno i formalno poštivanje kvota na izbornim listama, pristup medija pri traženju stručnih političkih mišljenja ostavlja dubok trag kroz očito prisutan patrijarhalni stav o podijeljenim ulogama muškarca i žene, što se i dalje odražava na političku scenu u BiH. Takav pristup najbolje je vidljiv ako se analiziraju kanali kojima se političke stranke obraćaju glasačkom tijelu, a to su upravo političari (u kategoriji "izbori" citirane osobe u 74% slučajeva) dajući ženi sekundarnu ulogu osobe koja postaje samo broj na glasačkoj listi (u kategoriji "izbori" političarke su citirane osobe u 14% slučajeva). Da političari vode glavnu riječ na više načina potvrđuje i podatak o fotografijama na kojima se pojavljuju tijekom predizborne kampanje u rubrici Izbori. Fotografije političara zauzimaju ukupno 57% prostora predviđenog za fotografije u rubrici Izbori, političarkama pripada 10% fotografija, a stranačke kolege i kolegice pojavljuju se zajedno u 33% slučajeva. Ovi lokalni izbori u bosanskohercegovačkoj javnosti ostat će zapamćeni i po specifičnom načinu naglašavanja i isticanja fizičkog izgleda na fotografijama političarki kroz inicijativu medija da se organizira "Miss Lokalnih izbora 2012" te na taj način postali "... samo dio političkog cirkusa u kojem trebamo birati...". Međutim, ohrabruje činjenica da analiza fotografija koje su pratile kandidate/ kandidatkinje u rubrikama koje se tiču Lokalnih izbora 2012. nije zabilježila postojanje fotografija koje eksplicitno naglašavaju fizički izgled političarki. Stereotipne priče dio su svakodnevnice i gotovo je nemoguće otvoriti dnevne novine, sedmične ili mjesečne časopise i ne pronaći jednu takvu. Obećavajući podatak je da su u rubrici Izbori istraživači identificirali samo jednu priču o stereotipu (manje od 1%) te 259 priča (99%) za koje je utvrđeno da ne sadrže nikakvu priču o stereotipu. U "ostalim političkim" rubrikama pronađeno je 4.565 tekstova koji nisu ni na koji način u vezi sa stereotipima te 17 tekstova koji su priča o stereotipu/ima. Dok političke stranke u prvi plan nastavljaju postavljati političare (u kategoriji "izbori" muškarci su citirani u 74% slučajeva) mediji, svjesno ili nesvjesno, korigiraju tako nešto kroz korištenje rodno senzibilnog jezika tijekom izvještavanja (u kategoriji "izbori" zabilježena su 33 rodno senzibilno napisana teksta). Stvaranje začaranog kruga nastavlja se promoviranjem većeg broja političkih kandidata nego političkih kandidatkinja. Opća situacija u bosanskohercegovačkoj politici i medijskom prostoru tijekom predizborne kampanje potvrđuje zabrinjavajuću činjenicu da smo i dalje većim dijelom patrijarhalno društvo koje ne može ili ne želi priznati da političarka vrijedi jednako kao i političar, a da država može i mora pokušati ženu uključiti u aktivne političke tokove, a ne kao političku marionetu.

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