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Piotr Zaremba (1910–1993) was the first post-war president of Szczecin, an internationally renowned urban planner and planner, and the author of fascinating memories of the first post-war years. He was also the winner of several plebiscites, a specific game crowning the end of the previous century. The verdict of the participants was recognized as “Szczecin of the century” and “Pomerania of the century”. It is therefore astonishing that there is no extensive biography of the former rector of the Szczecin University of Technology and one of the co-founders of the University of Szczecin, although it would have been a study that would have given contemporary people considerable knowledge about the important problems of 20th century history. Not only regional, but also national and European history. By discussing selected threads: family, urban and political, the author of the article tries to show, on the one hand, the richness of source material connected with Piotr Zaremba’s biography and, on the other hand, the possibility of multi-faceted lighting of its individual fragments. He tries to multiply the questions more than to give final answers. For these to appear, an extensive biographical book is necessary. In the second part of the text, therefore, the aim of the text is to analyse the reasons why serious biographical reflection on Piotr Zaremba does not exist, despite the fact that he is an emblematic figure for Szczecin and Western Pomerania. The author also follows whether the case under examination is something exceptional for the West Pomeranian biography, characterising the state of biographical writing in relation to people relevant to the post-war history of the region. This seems to me to be a particularly justified question in a situation where biography – after years of neglect in this area – has for some time become an extremely popular genre of historical writing in Poland, giving historians the opportunity to go far beyond the circle set by academic circles with their message. The article is based on a wide range of archival queries, often referring to documentation that has not been in scientific circulation so far.
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The article discusses the issues of the relations between the Sorbs and Poles after 1945, with particular emphasis on the figure of the outstanding painter Jan Buk. It presents the conditions for the creation of the pro-Sorbian movement in Poland and assesses its consequences for contemporary Sorbian-Polish relations.
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It is common for states to find theological causes for their own institutions, especially in the pre-modern period. However, in modern times, religious-based political powers establish a relationship between the establishment of the state and theological foundations and goals. One of the main pillars of theological causes is the expectation and belief in Christ. In this context, the belief of the expectation of Christ in the Jewish faith and the establishment of a Jewish state in the land promised by God is an important ideal. Political Zionism, which Teodor Herzl started with the Bazzel conference in 1897, is essentially an unreligious, racist and secular movement. Since the State of Israel was not established by God, it caused deep debates among the Jews. The aim of this article is to clarify the problem of theo-political legitimacy of Israel's establishment as a state. Established in 1948 with unreligious and secular claims, Israel has seeked to legitimize its establishment theologically since the day it was founded. The Six-Day War, which took place in 1967, was interpreted by the Zionists as a theological confirmation of Israel's foundation. In the 1950s, it clear that the Prime Minister of the Israeli Government, David Ben-Gurion, played a leading role in this interpretation as a political actor. Biblical narratives served as structure, tool, and discourse to Ben Gurion's everyday theo-political rhetoric. It is evident that the Nationalist Religious Party/Movement has managed to adopt the settlement policy in the occupied territories to a large extent, to other Israeli Jews who share neither their political stance nor their beliefs. According to them, this victory reinforced the sense of belonging of most Jews in the world, revived the optimism and hope of the Israeli people, and this was seen as a divine and miraculous intervention, a sign of approval of the Zionist enterprise. Henceforth, neither religious Jews nor non-religious secular Jews could ignore the sign of affirmation of this return “to the land of the first prophets.” The major changes brought about by the 1967 Six-Day War had profound religious-political repercussions on both clergy who saw the Jewish state transform into a Jewish state, and non-clerics traditionally linked to the secular definition of the state. The result of this was the demise of the Jewish state and the Jewish land duality. The change between the situation before the Six-Day War and the situation after it is also considered the clearest proof of this. The State of Israel is no longer seen as a gift for the Jews, but as God's revenge on non-Jewish nations. This situation, which can be seen as a theological-political project of modernity in essence, means nothing more than camouflaging the political ambitions of theo-political actors under the guise of theology and aiming to gain the support of large Jewish masses for their purposes. With the Six-Day War in 1967, political Zionism began to assume a religious identity and the State of Israel began to gain general acceptance in the Jewish community, with the exception of some Orthodox Jews. As the State of Israel, which was founded by the Jews and therefore does not have religious legitimacy, was successful in the Arab-Israeli wars, it gained widespread support and approval, considering that it was God's approval of the State of Israel. This was accepted as the purpose of God, and the thought that “we could not beat the Arabs if God did not support it” prevailed. The results of the 1967 Six-Day War gave a significant amount of legitimacy they sought. However, not all Jews agree. Besides the theo-political meaning of seeing the 1967 Six-Day War as “a divine miracle and a theological confirmation of Israel's establishment” from the Zionist perspective, there are also those who see the same event as a “devilish plan” from the anti-Zionist perspective. According to those of this view, the Six-Day War is a devilish plan carefully prepared to lure Israel into a trap. According to this understanding, what needs to be done is to wait patiently by fulfilling the requirements of Judaism. Divine affirmation does not happen with wars fought for Zionist purposes. According to this understanding, what needs to be done is to wait patiently by fulfilling the requirements of Judaism. The theological discussions of Israel's foundation are not over. On the one hand, there is the Messiah expectation of traditional Judaism, and on the other hand, a situation in which Christ is instrumentalized by the Zionists for theo-political purposes.
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Niniejszy artykuł jest próbą syntetycznego opracowania monografii radomskiego kapłana. Analiza polegała na chronologicznym odtworzeniu poszczególnych etapów życia ks. Sikorskiego zgodnie z zebranym materiałem źródłowym. W pracy przedstawiono środowisko, z którego wyrósł, oraz scharakteryzowano pierwsze miejsca jego pracy kapłańskiej na wikariatach i posługę kapelana oddziałów partyzanckich AK. Omówiono okres probostwa w Głowaczowie wraz ze specyfiką prowadzonego duszpasterstwa, odbudową kościoła parafialnego oraz kontaktami z władzą państwową. W dalszej części ukazano działalność proboszcza w radomskiej parafii św. Jana Chrzciciela, opisano duszpasterstwo, wysiłki, które ks. Sikorski podejmował na rzecz powstawania nowych obiektów sakralnych w Radomiu, oraz postawę, jaką prezentował, pełniąc funkcję dziekana radomskiego. W pracy wykorzystano kościelne i państwowe źródła archiwalne oraz dostępne opracowania.
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Ważnym elementem funkcjonowania sanktuarium jest ruch pielgrzymkowy, który świadczy o żywotności oraz specyfice danego miejsca kultu. Dotyczy to także sanktuarium maryjnego w Piekarach Śląskich, które jest ośrodkiem katolicyzmu społecznego. Centralnymi wydarzeniami związanymi z tym sanktuarium są pielgrzymki stanowe. Pod tym pojęciem rozumie się pielgrzymki mężczyzn i młodzieńców odbywające się w ostatnią niedzielę maja, które czasem są określane jako „pielgrzymki świata pracy”. Jest to fenomen na skalę światową. Drugim takim wydarzeniem są pielgrzymki kobiet, które organizuje się w niedzielę po 15 sierpnia. Obie pielgrzymki mają swoją specyfikę, hasło oraz tradycję wypracowywaną przez lata. Uważa się je za pewien barometr nastrojów społecznych, gdyż biskupi katowiccy oraz kaznodzieje pielgrzymkowi w swoich wystąpieniach odnoszą się do aktualnych problemów społecznych. Dzięki tym pielgrzymkom Matka Boża Piekarska jest czczona jako Matka Sprawiedliwości i Miłości Społecznej.
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In March 1990, the National Union Provisional Council’s leadership, the first institution acting as a Parliament in postcommunist Romania, discussed the law of compensations for the persons repressed by the Communist regime after March 6, 1945. Radu Ciuceanu, who was present at the discussions, recalls the moment the members of the anti-communist movement and former political prisoners after 1945, some former members of the Legionary movement, were included among the beneficiaries of the law.
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This is a review of Vasile Mălureanu's book Cultura și elitele române sub comunism, din perspectiva Securității (1964-1989), Editura RAO, Bucureşti, 2019, 522 p.
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To reach the reader of 2018, Contemporary Albanian literature has overcome many obstacles and politics ideology. She felt violated by a certain, imposing and savage ideology. The method of socialist realism by some writers was embraced with delight and conviction, and from some others it was used for compromise to bring to light their works, which, in case of incompatibility with the relevant ideology, was banned from publishing. However, given that literature is the creation of the human spirit, it is unnatural to think that all this literature of this period has not expressed their feelings, sorrows, dreams and their love. Perhaps we can argue with conviction, which has been a memory for the past and also a dream for the future. This literature overwhelmed the content imposed in 1945 and continued to be the most rebellious. The national liberation war was not the subject of the 1960s literature, which was more stubborn than what was written fifteen years ago, even by the same authors. Here, summed up as a great deal in the history of contemporary literature, find the first and the foremost authors of this literature, their best works, publishers, and their echoes in the language of translation.
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Based on the original archives, the paper explores one aspect of the cultural policy of Yugoslavia and Croatia towards emigration—guest appearances by music artists and cultural and artistic societies in the countries of emigration in the 1960s and 1970s. The policy towards emigrants, especially ‘temporary workers abroad’, has been particularly important since the early 1960s, as emigration began to be perceived as a vital force, for both political and economic reasons. Therefore, the emigration service in the 1960s expanded and operated through several working bodies at the federal and republican levels, and played an essential role in the formation and implementation as well as the supervision of cultural policy towards emigrants. The idea was to maintain and strengthen the influence of self-managing socialist Yugoslavia in the ‘Seventh Republic’, and to neutralise the impact of political émigrés averse to the communist regime as much as possible. Music, as a segment of cultural policy, was a trump card that was known to have good reception with the audience, and guest appearances by musicians—singers and cultural and artistic societies—became very popular and frequent in Western Europe and overseas. Visits thus became a medium of ideological and promotional activities towards emigrants; organisers, performers, programs, and performances were regularly monitored by the state and Party bodies, diplomatic missions, and the State Security Service. Among the implementers of cultural policy towards emigrants, a significant role was played by the Heritage Foundation of Croatia, which operated according to the instructions of state and Party bodies, but had the best insight into the situation among immigrants and maintained continuous relations with them. Yugoslavia’s efforts to gain organisational and ideological control over musical guest appearances are further illustrated through the examples of two Croatian popular singers—Ivo Robić and Vice Vukov.
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This paper discusses two films by Harun Farocki – Ein Bild (1983) and Nicht löschbares Feuer (1969) – and relates them to the theoretical arguments of Mirzoeff’s counterhistory of visuality and Rancière’s emancipated spectator. The main thesis is that experimental, semantically unclear or incomplete image can be of purpose to the spectator in an epistemological sense. The paper suggests the use of notions capital image and capillary image for the purpose of understanding similarities and differences between historically divergent forms of image production. The research concludes by reiterating the possibility of spectatorial emancipation from the dominant image in strategies of showing the structure of production of the image on the screen. The work seen in the image becomes the work of the spectator in trying to demystify the homogeneity of its semantic codes.
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In April 1954, reports of the Chairman of the Committee for State Security of the Latvian SSR to the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the LSSR mentioned for the first time information about anti-Soviet leaflets found in the territory of the LSSR. Up to the end of 1954, there were another ten reports of found leaflets sent here by balloon. The peculiarity of these leaflets was that most often their text was in Czech, Hungarian and German languages, which most people of the LSSR did not know. It was evident that leaflets found had entered Latvian territory as a result of erroneous forecasting of climatic conditions. However this mistake also made the LSSR territory an arena for a “Balloon campaign” implemented by Western countries. It provides a good opportunity to compare content of leaflets prepared for different countries. The most relevant difference between the leaflets was that those in Hungarian, Czech and German detailed practical requirements, while those in Russian consisted of general theoretical reflections. In turn, what almost all leaflets had in common was an emphasis on so-called feedback, or in other words, on a desire for proof that the leaflets found their target addressees.
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The article examines the situation of Polish education in Eastern and South- Eastern Lithuania (Vilnius region) in the late Soviet era, seeks to answer the fundamental question – why most schools adopted Polish as the language of instruction and what dynamised this process.
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The dismissal of V. Holjevac from the political life of Croatia, confirmed by his resignation of the membership in the Central Committee of the Association of Communists of Croatia at the end of 1967 had not been a subject of historiographical research. The article analyses, on the basis of original Party documents from that period, the circumstances of this event. Already in spring 1966, Holjevac was subject to political criticism as president of the Committee of the Fund for nominating the Scientific Awards "Božidar Adžija". At that time two philosophers, members of the Praxis Circle (which had been for several years subjected to Party condemnations), were also given the award. Contrary to political pressures and public criticism, Holjevac persisted in defending those awards. ln the political campaign of the Party forums after the appearance of the "Declaration on the name and position of the Croatian language" in March 1967 the Matica iseljenika Hrvatske, whose president was Holjevac, had been recognized as one of the "focal points of nationalism". The Party Commission that had undertaken a considerable investigation in this institution attached to Holjevac a "nationalistic deviation" and responsibility for nationalistic manifestations in the Association (visible in the "Croatization" of the term "our emigration" (naše iseljeništvo), singing of "nationalistic" songs, national ''counting" and generally a lack of alert towards "nationalistic" events and, especially, an inadequate reaction regarding the "Declaration''), as well as his relationship towards particular Croatian emigrant organizations in America (qualification of the Croatian Academy of America and American-Croatian Academic Club as neutral and politically undecided" was contrary to the political marking of that time about them as "hostile" organizations).
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In the context of current discussions about changes in the political systems of new democracies in Central Europe and the strengthening of nationalist or authoritarian tendencies in present Hungary, the issue of shaping new political systems after the end of Second World War is also being updated. It is at least useful to rethink the reasons why the vision of a new, so called “popular democracy”, originally positively perceived by both the domestic and foreign public, eventually ended not only unsuccessfully , but even by building a new, non democratic, or even totalitarian regime.This study analyzes the process of forming a new political and economic system in Czechoslovakia and Hungary after the Second World War. The contribution will be, on the one hand, a historical analysis that respects the contemporary internal political and international political contexts that existed in both countries in 1945. At the same time, the contribution will be a political analysis comparing the similarities and differences of development in both countries. It will focus on the transformation of political elites in both countries as a result of the Second World War, as well as the fundamental transformation of the institutional framework in which the events took place. At the theoretical level, the study is based on the use of the concept of so called hybrid democracy by L. Gilbert and P. Mohseni, where we will verify the presence and role of the so called "guardianship institutions" in both post war regimes. At the same time, t he study is also based on the theoretical concept of the typology of political change by A. Stepan. The results show how he played a negative experience with the pre-war political economic order and the transformation of the mentality of both national societies during Second World War as a significant argument in the radical changes in the political and economic system in both countries. Attention will also be paid to factors that have failed in both countries to attempt to build a "new type" of post war democracy in these countries.
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The origins of the Lithuanian press as an especially important means of communication among the members of the Lithuanian diaspora date back to the 19th century. Historical events related to Lithuania’s political situation, i.e., occupations and the establishment and consolidation of the country’s independence, played a significant role in the formation and development of the Lithuanian press in a foreign language. The first attempts to familiarize Americans with the situation of Lithuania and its people in the Russian Empire, and therefore to shape public opinion in order to contribute to the homeland’s national revival and liberation movement, took place in the early 20th century. The political events of the mid-20th century encouraged Lithuanian immigrants to rally their support for the restoration of the independence of the state. The English-language cultural press, most of which was published in the USA, constitute the majority of the second half of the 20th century Lithuanian diaspora press body. These include the publications by the publishing houses, “Manyland Books” and “Lithuanian Library Press”, and a quarterly journal, “Lituanus”. The initiatives by the “Lithuanian Research and Studies Center”, “Lithuanian Encyclopedia” and other publishers are also worth of mentioning. National identity based on the state, community and its members, and common values and traditions, was the unifying feature of the English-language Lithuanian cultural press. The historical narrative, as one of the most important and decisive representations of national identity, stood out in all publications. This article examines how different publishers, using genre diversity of texts and a broad spectrum of historic topics, were able to create an identity construct of the individual and the country. The article also looks into the general features of content dissemination in the USA, Western Europe and Australia.
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Esu gimęs Buenos Airių mieste, Argentinoje. Ten augau, mokiausi ir nuo mažens spaustuvėse dirbau įvairius darbus – lankstymo, kortelių, vokų spausdinimo, taip pat rinkau raides tipografijos skyriuje, mat mažos spaustuvėlės tada spausdino tik rankiniu būdu.
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The erection of the Victory Monument at Sutjeska, the central and most prestigious war memorial in Yugoslavia, took almost a decade 1962-1971. Victory Monument at Sutjeska once was a commemorative monument of the antifascist struggle in World War II and a masterpiece by a prominent author, Miodrag Živković, professor of sculpture at the Faculty of Applied Arts in Belgrade. “The past decade has seen the emergence of the entire new photographic genre that focuses on the mesmerizing forms of late socialist architecture, of which Yugoslav monuments are just one small segment,” said Vladimir Kulić, historian of architecture. The abstract vocabulary of the memorial sculpture allows the appropriation of meaning that avoids some original ideological and political messages. Victory Monument at Sutjeska erected by Miodrag Živković has lost the propaganda shape of the political power of Tito’s Yugoslavia but can participate in constructing a new popular culture of photography and video music production.
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One of the factors for the intensification of the Bulgarian cultural policy in India in the 1970s and the beginning of the 1980s is the turned into a myth perception about the ancient relations between Bul-garia and India and their development in time. The current study focuses on the efforts to justify, based on science, and to impose the idea of long-term and consistent contacts between Bulgaria and India, as part of the bilateral relations with India, for the purposes of the Bugarian politics as a whole. It is also an attempt at a historical example to showcase the relationship between myth, science and politics during said period.
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