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The article presents the program of sexual education prepared and offered by Krakow Branch of the Planned Parenthood Association in the wider context of socio-political situation in Krakow (1956 – 1989). Since the beginning of the Association’s existence, the special attention was paid to the development of educational program, which concerned the different aspects of „family life“. The article is going to answer the questions about its goals, the educational tools used to achieve them and its social targets. To accurately determine the position of the Association in the city‘s community I will analyse its foundation and activities in wider context of the pre-war traditions of the organisation and the activities regarding premarital counselling undertaken by the Krakow Catholic Church.
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The electoral victory of French socialists and the establishment of a socialist government in France brought new hope and new expectations not only to French, but also to all European progressive and socialistically oriented forces, concerning the possibilities of more radical social and political reforms even though capitalism continues to rule beyond that country’s borders. Special interest was provoked by the ideas of French Socialists, which were also proposed in the electoral program, relating to the nationalization of the greater part of private firms and to the inclusion of members of the French Communist Party into the government. Although it fulfilled a large part of its electoral promises of 1981, the Socialist Party of France was defeated in the 1986 elections. The author points to the main reason for this failure and also indicates the main changes which have taken place in French society since the beginning of the 1980s.
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In her paper, the author deals with the interethnic relations in Yugoslavia and the phenomenon of Yugoslav integralism in the 1950's. This decade saw the resurfacing of the national question, essential for the preservation of Yugoslavia, which had been underestimated and ignored by the communists for over a decade. This attitude was partly rooted in their conviction that the question bad been definitely resolved with the revolution and the formation of a federal slate, and partly in the fear that a reopening of I be national question might provoke internal conflicts and a disintegration of Yugoslavia. Infatuation with workers' internationalism also played its part. In order to smooth over the interethnic differences they recoursed to the magic formula of "brotherhood and unity" to which was added, in the mid 1950's, the promotion of "Yugoslavism" i.e. an attempt to fashion a (super)ethnic, Yugoslav conscience.
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The article presents the opinions of the Polish society on the events of the Poznań June 1956. Despite official announcements and information blockade, news of the uprising spread across the country. Information was circulated among others by visitors to the Poznan International Trade Fair then staying in the city, by railway staff, as well as soldiers and functionaries engaged in suppressing the revolt. Voices of support dominated and were expressed at rallies and gatherings, in discussions and leaflets but also as inscriptions painted on the walls of buildings, inside factories or on railway carriages. The accounts are presented selectively and in a limited scope due to shortage of space, but are fairly representative for the attitude and reaction of Poles to the events that took place in Poznań on June 28, 1956.
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The film is one of few examples of political documentaries produced in Poland after 1989. It is not limited to merely outlining the political argument over General Jaruzelski’s decision to impose martial law. Although it concerns events in Polish history, it is not a historical documentary, as it brings forth present-day political conflicts that have arisen around historical events. Trying to reconstruct this current political argument, Zmarz-Koczanowicz reaches for a method developed in the 1970s by the so-called “Kraków School” led by Krzysztof Kieślowski. ^e “talking heads” method was meant to help documentary filmmakers in the Polish People’s Republic reach what the person in the street actually thought and avoid the distortions of propaganda. For Kieślowski, however, the overriding aim was conciliation and an attempt to understand both sides of the political barricade - the authorities and the vox populi. His attitude, according to the terminology suggested by Chantal Mouffe, was a post-political one striving for an agreement through a rational dialogue. Zmarz-Koczanowicz’s aim, however, is different: she is intent on showing a clash of different hegemonies that do not strive for consensus. Their agonistic argument, played out in the political register, rather than a moral one, is a guarantee, according to this Belgian philosopher of politics, that democracy will continue to exist.
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In this essay the concept of »new wave« is related to the concept of »crisis«, on the basis of accordance of the main topics that have emerged out of these two different kinds of cultural discourse. The very term »new wave« indicates the period of the beginning of eighties characterized by the specific cultural expressions bounded with the phenomenon of the youth subculture in Yugoslavia. Although initiated by impulses from other cultures (first of all by the phenomenon of anglo-american punk), the »new wave« expression has elaborated the considerable segment of local reality. For example, the concept of »New primitivism« on one hand, and the »Neue Slowenische Kunst« on the other, have developed their symbolic activities playing with a stereotype of the two main cultural identities that »cross« the Yugoslav space: on is »Balkan«, »oriental«, the other is »European«, »western«. Modified in numerous ways, but loosing its stylistic, ironical quality that characterized its sub-cultural elaboration, this stereotype has become the leit motiv of the later explanation, even official, of the political crisis in Yugoslavia. In a similar way, the »new wave« activity, partially leaned on the western formula in creation of music, art, images and life styles, has anticipated the destruction of the myth of originality and uniqueness of our culture. What was then considered to be an »epigone«, a »dishonest imitation of the West«, hardly a decade later has merged into the common desire for »entering Europe«, which has characterized the discourse of crisis.
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Credo si possa esser d'accordo sul fatto che i totalitarismi restano tali finché riescono a mantenere il loro appiglio, o meglio forse dire "artiglio", appunto, totale sulle società che controllano.
More...analiza preseljevanj Slovencev na ozemlje držav nekdanje Jugoslavije in njegove posledice
The following contribution analyses the history of emigration from the Slovenian ethnic space to the countries of the former Yugoslavia and its contemporary consequences. The main thesis builds on the understanding that the Slovenian emigrant community in the “Yugoslav state” was largely neglected from the viewpoint of operative politics as well as from the scientific study perspective. The analysis is divided into four historical periods, which differed significantly as far as the migration dynamics is concerned: the first migration stage (1850–1914), dominated by economic reasons; the second migration stage (1919–1941), when the political and cultural reasons also became important; the third migration stage (1945–1991), when the main reasons for migration were economic and ideological; and, finally, the article is concluded with the analysis of policy towards the Slovenian immigrants to the Yugoslav territory in the time of the independent Slovenia, together with all of its advantages and shortcomings.
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Marek Hendrykowski’s essay presents the importance of Janusz Morgenstern’s early short film Radishes made after Stalin’s death, in 1954 as a student work produced by Film School in Łódź. The main character, old worker Gruliński loses his clear hopes and human illusions. The pessimistic conclusion is closed further by the simultaneous description of the hero’s social image within a discourse of origins and the sacred which evacuates analysis of class conflict and sociological approach in the narrative of an “ordinary good man” brutally disturbed in his desires and works by the irruption and power of an omnipotent destructive Stalinist “red tape” bureaucracy. The poetics of Radishes is deeply influenced by the style of an Italian neorealism, first of all by its famous masterpiece, Vittorio De Sica’s Umberto D. (1952).
More...spomin na prosti čas in delo žensk v obdobju socialistične Slovenije
In her contribution the author focuses on understanding the interconnection of work and leisure time in the period of the socialist Slovenia/Yugoslavia (1945-1991). She is interested in the meaning that women ascribed to their leisure time (understood as a reward for the workers during socialism) in comparison with gainful employment. She also pays special attention to the issue of how women experienced their leisure time in comparison with unpaid housekeeping and through the perspective of the so-called »double burden« in socialism, and how they experience it today, in the context of the capitalist market economy. The contribution is based on the fieldwork analysis, focused on the interviews with retired women, revealing their everyday life on the micro level. The goal of the »oral history« approach, used in the contribution, is not to reconstruct the socialist past and record it chronologically, but to present the perspective based on the women’s experience and their everyday practices, contributing an additional perspective to the existing official political and economic history descriptions.
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Al tempo del comunismo, sopratutto nel primo periodo, dopo i processi artificiosi contro educatori, sacerdoti e chierici, sono stati chiusi alcuni Seminari maggiori in Croazia. Nell’anno 1959 sono stati arrestati sei sacerdoti e due chierici del Seminario maggiore di Đakovo. II capo del gruppo "proustascia" era ii direttore spirituale del tempo, ii Rev. Ćiril Kos, attuale vescovo diocesano di Đakovo e di Srijem.
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La dicotomia fra particolarismo e universalismo è centrale nel pensiero ebraico. La prospettiva messianica, che alcuni autori e correnti di pensiero profetizzano come salvezza per i giusti della terra indipendentemente dal loro credo', è stata spesso vista alla base della partecipazione ebraica ai movimenti che propugnavano il riscatto sociale.
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Holokaust v českém samizdatu
This is a Czech translation of ‘“Vergangenheitsbewältigung” auf Tschechisch: Der Holocaust im tschechischen Samizdat’, which is published in Peter Hallama and Stephan Stach (eds), Gegengeschichte: Zweiter Weltkrieg und Holocaust im ostmitteleuropäischen Dissens (Leipzig: Leipziger Universitätsverlag 2015, pp. 237–60). The author analyses representations of the Holocaust in Czech dissident literature published as samizdat in the 1970s and 1980s. He concentrates on historical writings, but also considers journalistic contributions, memoirs, and works of belles-lettres, as well as translations of publications. In particular, the article considers two aspects that highlight the difficulties one faced and continues to face when trying to fully integrate the Holocaust into Czech national history. First, the Holocaust was often understood by the dissidents as evidence of the inhuman nature of totalitarian regimes. This interpretation, however, led to placing the persecution of the Jews by the Nazi regime on the same level as the persecution of the Czechs by the Nazi and Communist regimes. Second, if there was a reassessment or questioning of the Czech national master narrative, then topics such as home-grown antisemitism or the Holocaust were not addressed. The dissidents admitted that Czechoslovakia also had its question of guilt, but they related it to the expulsion of the German minority after the Second World War. The Holocaust, by contrast, did not generate any similar debate among the dissidents. The behaviour of Czechs during the Second World War, the attitude towards Jews, and domestic antisemitism were thus not questioned at all. The Holocaust has, according to the author, therefore tended to be overlooked or, at best, mentioned only incidentally in writing about twentieth-century Czech history – whether the authors published their texts in state-owned publishing houses or in samizdat.
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Author, drawing on scientific researches of domestic and oversea historians, materials of press, exposes essence problems of "norths territories", process of its origin and position of the USA in its decision.
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The fall of the regime in 1989 was of course caused by many factors - external (western pressure, M. S. Gorbachev in the role of the General Secretary of the USSR) and internal (economics, environment, opposition). The coming of the new youth generation in the 1980s was also an important internal factor. After many years it was a generation not afflicted and traumatized by living through the events of 1968 (but also 1938 or 1948). The term “youth” did not acquire its new meaning, it was comprehended as a specific entity, but also something that is advisable to keep under control. Democratic, authoritative and totalitarian regimes boasted about their best intentions and care not only for children, but also for young people. Politicians accepted their existence, but at the same time drew the lines for their activities, strictly watched and organized by real adults. The Czechoslovak communist regime was perfectly aware of the potential “threat” of the free time. Till its fall and depending on the situation it tried in the name of so called “battle for juvenils” to hold back and fight the activities of youths. During the 1980s the regime was short-winded in its campaign and was forced to relieve the pressure somewhere. The youth took the opportunity and their new activities could be pointed out as the seeds of the new civil society. They themselves understood them as “freedom islands” that helped them survive the pre-revolution regime. Young environmentalists, punk fans, new wave fans (and rock fans in general), peace activists, young Christians in various groups and slowly forming student activities created a platform ready to support changes coming with the year 1989 and some of them really acted on it. The old regime was not dissolved by the juveniles, but they surely did contribute to the changes not only before 1989 but also after it.
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Cercetarea comemorărilor lui 1 Decembrie în Clujul postrevoluționar este realizată pe două paliere: unul etnologic, folosind metoda anchetei participative, și un al doilea istoric, constând în analiza discursului presei și a celui istoriografic. Cu alte cuvinte, într-o primă parte studiul trece în revistă modul cum după 1989 a fost comemorat 1 Decembrie la Cluj-Napoca, face un istoric al evoluției sărbătorilor comemorative, iar într-o parte secundă se reconstituie destinul semnificației Unirii în perioada 1948-1989. În intervalul 1948-1968 nu există comemorări oficiale ale evenimentelor din 1918, iar discursul istoriografic recuperează timid după 1960 o semnificație națională a evenimentelor de la 1 Decembrie. Comemorarea explodează fastuos în 1968 cu ocazia semicentenarului și va căpăta tot mai multă importanță, direct proporțional cu poziția tot mai independentă a regimului Ceaușescu față de URSS. Comemorarea este un eveniment simbolic direct subordonat discursului politic. Dar și discursul istoriografic este supus celui politic; anul 1968 reprezintă și relansarea temei Marii Uniri în istoriografia română, temă care de acum și până în 1989 are un destin asigurat. De fapt, destinul postrevoluționar al lui 1 Decembrie nu poate fi nici măcar imaginat în absența recuperării sale în ultimele trei decenii ale perioadei comuniste. Din acest punct de vedere avem de-a face cu o continuitate.
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Two acts of mass violence that occurred during World War II have strained relations between Hungarians and Serbs for decades: the murder of several thousand civilians in Novi Sad (Újvidék) and the surrounding villages in January 1942, committed by the Hungarian army and gendarmerie, and Tito’s partisan army’s mass killings and incarceration of tens of thousands civilians, most of them Hungarians, at the end of the war. Remembering these atrocities has always been difficult and strongly politicized, but this was particularly the case when the Communist regimes in Hungary and Yugoslavia based the legitimation of their authority on anti-Fascist narratives and interpretations of the war. The conflict between Stalin and Tito, and the anti-Stalinist revolution of 1956 made it even more difficult to propagate the original Stalinist narrative about the war, which stood in ever starker contrast to everyday realities. When Kádár began to revise the political justification of his regime with a narrative that was both anti-Fascist and (moderately) critical of Stalinism in the 1960s, the remembrance of the 1942 massacre changed. In Yugoslavia, the weakening of the central government in the 1960s contributed to a local re-appropriation of the memory of 1942, while the 1944 killings remained a strict taboo until 1989.
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Gli avvenimenti polacchi dell'ottobre 1956 hanno costituito la prima profonda crisi del sistema comunista nel periodo della desta!inizzazione. Hanno anche fatto da detonatore alla rivoluzione ungherese, e questa con il suo portato e drammaticità li ha sovrastati nella riflessione storica.
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