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Dokumentumok a csehszlovákiai magyarság történetéből 1918-1992
In the year 2020, the Hungarian nation throughout the world commemorates the 100th anniversary of the Treaty of Trianon. As a result of the diktat designed with reference to the right of nations to self-determination, but at the same time defying this principle, not only the borders of Hungary were changed, but—against their will—one third of the Hungarian nation was driven into minority position, including the Hungarian population of Upper Hungary. The Treaty of Trianon, signed on 4th June 1920, thus provided a decisive contribution to the birth of the Hungarian minority community in the former Czechoslovakia, the present Slovakia.To date, no comprehensive monograph or collection of documents on the history of the Hungarian nation´s segment falling under Czechoslovakia has been published. This prompted the Forum Minority Research Institute to gather and present to readers in one volume the most important sources on the history of the Hungarian minority community now living in southern Slovakia, from the founding of the Czechoslovak state in 1918 until its dissolution in 1992.The size constraints did not, of course, allow the publication of all the documents considered important, so documents consisting of only a few lines on the one hand and the too voluminous ones on the other hand were left out of the volume. The published documents were selected in such a way that they provide a comprehensive picture of the history of the Hungarian minority community and present the most important issues of its seventy-five years existence within the Czechoslovak state. Some of the omitted documents are presented in the form of illustrations.The vast majority of the documents included in the collection come from the archives of Slovakia, the Czech Republic and Hungary, and partly from the contemporary Hungarian press in Czechoslovakia. Some of them have already been published in various collections of documents, but there are some among them which have been unknown not only to a wider readership, but also to historians. Most of the documents come from the most dramatic and hectic periods in the history of the Hungarian minority, i.e. the years following the formation of the Czechoslovak state, the period of the first Vienna Award, the years of post-World War II disenfranchisement, the Prague Spring and the regime change.The volume consists of five chapters, adapted to the general historical eras of Czechoslovakia. The first chapter contains documents on the First Republic, the second on the Slovak autonomy and the Slovak State, the third on the years after the Second World War, the fourth on the decades of the communist dictatorship, and the fifth on the years between the regime change and the dissolution of Czechoslovakia. Each document is preceded by the place and time of its origin, followed by a brief introduction to interpret and place the document in historical context. The documents are followed by references indicating their current location. At the end of the collection, there is a selected bibliography containing the most important pieces of academic literature on the history of Hungarians in Czechoslovakia.
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The article presents the program of sexual education prepared and offered by Krakow Branch of the Planned Parenthood Association in the wider context of socio-political situation in Krakow (1956 – 1989). Since the beginning of the Association’s existence, the special attention was paid to the development of educational program, which concerned the different aspects of „family life“. The article is going to answer the questions about its goals, the educational tools used to achieve them and its social targets. To accurately determine the position of the Association in the city‘s community I will analyse its foundation and activities in wider context of the pre-war traditions of the organisation and the activities regarding premarital counselling undertaken by the Krakow Catholic Church.
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The electoral victory of French socialists and the establishment of a socialist government in France brought new hope and new expectations not only to French, but also to all European progressive and socialistically oriented forces, concerning the possibilities of more radical social and political reforms even though capitalism continues to rule beyond that country’s borders. Special interest was provoked by the ideas of French Socialists, which were also proposed in the electoral program, relating to the nationalization of the greater part of private firms and to the inclusion of members of the French Communist Party into the government. Although it fulfilled a large part of its electoral promises of 1981, the Socialist Party of France was defeated in the 1986 elections. The author points to the main reason for this failure and also indicates the main changes which have taken place in French society since the beginning of the 1980s.
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In her paper, the author deals with the interethnic relations in Yugoslavia and the phenomenon of Yugoslav integralism in the 1950's. This decade saw the resurfacing of the national question, essential for the preservation of Yugoslavia, which had been underestimated and ignored by the communists for over a decade. This attitude was partly rooted in their conviction that the question bad been definitely resolved with the revolution and the formation of a federal slate, and partly in the fear that a reopening of I be national question might provoke internal conflicts and a disintegration of Yugoslavia. Infatuation with workers' internationalism also played its part. In order to smooth over the interethnic differences they recoursed to the magic formula of "brotherhood and unity" to which was added, in the mid 1950's, the promotion of "Yugoslavism" i.e. an attempt to fashion a (super)ethnic, Yugoslav conscience.
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The article presents the opinions of the Polish society on the events of the Poznań June 1956. Despite official announcements and information blockade, news of the uprising spread across the country. Information was circulated among others by visitors to the Poznan International Trade Fair then staying in the city, by railway staff, as well as soldiers and functionaries engaged in suppressing the revolt. Voices of support dominated and were expressed at rallies and gatherings, in discussions and leaflets but also as inscriptions painted on the walls of buildings, inside factories or on railway carriages. The accounts are presented selectively and in a limited scope due to shortage of space, but are fairly representative for the attitude and reaction of Poles to the events that took place in Poznań on June 28, 1956.
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The film is one of few examples of political documentaries produced in Poland after 1989. It is not limited to merely outlining the political argument over General Jaruzelski’s decision to impose martial law. Although it concerns events in Polish history, it is not a historical documentary, as it brings forth present-day political conflicts that have arisen around historical events. Trying to reconstruct this current political argument, Zmarz-Koczanowicz reaches for a method developed in the 1970s by the so-called “Kraków School” led by Krzysztof Kieślowski. ^e “talking heads” method was meant to help documentary filmmakers in the Polish People’s Republic reach what the person in the street actually thought and avoid the distortions of propaganda. For Kieślowski, however, the overriding aim was conciliation and an attempt to understand both sides of the political barricade - the authorities and the vox populi. His attitude, according to the terminology suggested by Chantal Mouffe, was a post-political one striving for an agreement through a rational dialogue. Zmarz-Koczanowicz’s aim, however, is different: she is intent on showing a clash of different hegemonies that do not strive for consensus. Their agonistic argument, played out in the political register, rather than a moral one, is a guarantee, according to this Belgian philosopher of politics, that democracy will continue to exist.
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In this essay the concept of »new wave« is related to the concept of »crisis«, on the basis of accordance of the main topics that have emerged out of these two different kinds of cultural discourse. The very term »new wave« indicates the period of the beginning of eighties characterized by the specific cultural expressions bounded with the phenomenon of the youth subculture in Yugoslavia. Although initiated by impulses from other cultures (first of all by the phenomenon of anglo-american punk), the »new wave« expression has elaborated the considerable segment of local reality. For example, the concept of »New primitivism« on one hand, and the »Neue Slowenische Kunst« on the other, have developed their symbolic activities playing with a stereotype of the two main cultural identities that »cross« the Yugoslav space: on is »Balkan«, »oriental«, the other is »European«, »western«. Modified in numerous ways, but loosing its stylistic, ironical quality that characterized its sub-cultural elaboration, this stereotype has become the leit motiv of the later explanation, even official, of the political crisis in Yugoslavia. In a similar way, the »new wave« activity, partially leaned on the western formula in creation of music, art, images and life styles, has anticipated the destruction of the myth of originality and uniqueness of our culture. What was then considered to be an »epigone«, a »dishonest imitation of the West«, hardly a decade later has merged into the common desire for »entering Europe«, which has characterized the discourse of crisis.
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Credo si possa esser d'accordo sul fatto che i totalitarismi restano tali finché riescono a mantenere il loro appiglio, o meglio forse dire "artiglio", appunto, totale sulle società che controllano.
More...analiza preseljevanj Slovencev na ozemlje držav nekdanje Jugoslavije in njegove posledice
The following contribution analyses the history of emigration from the Slovenian ethnic space to the countries of the former Yugoslavia and its contemporary consequences. The main thesis builds on the understanding that the Slovenian emigrant community in the “Yugoslav state” was largely neglected from the viewpoint of operative politics as well as from the scientific study perspective. The analysis is divided into four historical periods, which differed significantly as far as the migration dynamics is concerned: the first migration stage (1850–1914), dominated by economic reasons; the second migration stage (1919–1941), when the political and cultural reasons also became important; the third migration stage (1945–1991), when the main reasons for migration were economic and ideological; and, finally, the article is concluded with the analysis of policy towards the Slovenian immigrants to the Yugoslav territory in the time of the independent Slovenia, together with all of its advantages and shortcomings.
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Marek Hendrykowski’s essay presents the importance of Janusz Morgenstern’s early short film Radishes made after Stalin’s death, in 1954 as a student work produced by Film School in Łódź. The main character, old worker Gruliński loses his clear hopes and human illusions. The pessimistic conclusion is closed further by the simultaneous description of the hero’s social image within a discourse of origins and the sacred which evacuates analysis of class conflict and sociological approach in the narrative of an “ordinary good man” brutally disturbed in his desires and works by the irruption and power of an omnipotent destructive Stalinist “red tape” bureaucracy. The poetics of Radishes is deeply influenced by the style of an Italian neorealism, first of all by its famous masterpiece, Vittorio De Sica’s Umberto D. (1952).
More...spomin na prosti čas in delo žensk v obdobju socialistične Slovenije
In her contribution the author focuses on understanding the interconnection of work and leisure time in the period of the socialist Slovenia/Yugoslavia (1945-1991). She is interested in the meaning that women ascribed to their leisure time (understood as a reward for the workers during socialism) in comparison with gainful employment. She also pays special attention to the issue of how women experienced their leisure time in comparison with unpaid housekeeping and through the perspective of the so-called »double burden« in socialism, and how they experience it today, in the context of the capitalist market economy. The contribution is based on the fieldwork analysis, focused on the interviews with retired women, revealing their everyday life on the micro level. The goal of the »oral history« approach, used in the contribution, is not to reconstruct the socialist past and record it chronologically, but to present the perspective based on the women’s experience and their everyday practices, contributing an additional perspective to the existing official political and economic history descriptions.
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The most persistent theme in Bulgarian public life during the 1980s has been the attempt to remodel and improve the national economy in accordance with the New Economic Mechanism, the NEM, which itself has been inseparable from "the scientific-technological revolution. " Economic innovation and experimentation are not new to Bulgaria. Previous attempts, however, have generally failed to live up to expectations, often degenerating into confusing and sometimes contradictory administrative changes before being abandoned in favor of a return to the comforts and certainties of a centralized, Soviet-style, command economy. [...]
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Al tempo del comunismo, sopratutto nel primo periodo, dopo i processi artificiosi contro educatori, sacerdoti e chierici, sono stati chiusi alcuni Seminari maggiori in Croazia. Nell’anno 1959 sono stati arrestati sei sacerdoti e due chierici del Seminario maggiore di Đakovo. II capo del gruppo "proustascia" era ii direttore spirituale del tempo, ii Rev. Ćiril Kos, attuale vescovo diocesano di Đakovo e di Srijem.
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La dicotomia fra particolarismo e universalismo è centrale nel pensiero ebraico. La prospettiva messianica, che alcuni autori e correnti di pensiero profetizzano come salvezza per i giusti della terra indipendentemente dal loro credo', è stata spesso vista alla base della partecipazione ebraica ai movimenti che propugnavano il riscatto sociale.
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When it became apparent with the so-called peace note of March 1966, Władysław Gomułka and the Polish leadership regarded the new orientation of the West German Ostpolitik as a threat to their policy towards Germany pursued up to then. Among the main aims of this German policy, which had been drafted after his obtaining the post of First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party (P.Z.P.R.) in October 1956, and which the author defines as “Gomułka Doctrine”, were the international recognition of the final character of the Oder-Neisse line (also by the Federal Republic) and the weakening of Bonn’s position in international politics, not least motivated by the desire to prolong, if not prevent at all, a reunification of Germany. Like the GDR, Poland strove to take advantage of the Federal Republic’s interest in relations with the countries of the Eastern bloc in order to realize its own goals. Both states considered Moscow’s policy, which was highly interested in settling relations with the Federal Republic and in establishing broader economic contacts, and therefore did not want to confront Bonn with unpleasant demands, to be unsatisfactory. The other bloc countries, too, were in a better starting position for talks with the West German government, since their bilateral relations with the Federal Republic were far less burdened by history. In this situation, Gomułka endeavoured to work out a joint policy for the bloc countries, which was to be based on a catalogue of conditions to be fulfilled by the Federal Republic when taking up diplomatic relations with any of the bloc countries. One of Poland’s possible allies was the GDR, even though the leaders of the two states did not have a liking for each other and the bilateral cooperation did not work very well. In early April, both states set their conditions and tried to have them included into the joint programmes of the bloc countries. Likewise, they attempted to move Moscow to support their plan to coordinate the German policy of the Eastern bloc. A lot has been written about the role Walter Ulbricht played in this context around 1966/67, while Gomulka’s significance has remained underestimated. The present paper intends to illuminate the activities of Polish politics at that time. Among other things, it describes the activities of the P.Z.P.R. leadership and Polish diplomacy concerning the other Eastern bloc countries, which were to be urged into solidarity with Poland at the cost of realizing their own interests. While historians have usually restricted themselves to relations within the triangle Federal Republic - Poland - GDR, this broader perspective allows the author to integrate the conflicting interests of the individual states within the Warsaw Pact, which, from the outside, has often been perceived as a monolithic bloc.
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Holokaust v českém samizdatu
This is a Czech translation of ‘“Vergangenheitsbewältigung” auf Tschechisch: Der Holocaust im tschechischen Samizdat’, which is published in Peter Hallama and Stephan Stach (eds), Gegengeschichte: Zweiter Weltkrieg und Holocaust im ostmitteleuropäischen Dissens (Leipzig: Leipziger Universitätsverlag 2015, pp. 237–60). The author analyses representations of the Holocaust in Czech dissident literature published as samizdat in the 1970s and 1980s. He concentrates on historical writings, but also considers journalistic contributions, memoirs, and works of belles-lettres, as well as translations of publications. In particular, the article considers two aspects that highlight the difficulties one faced and continues to face when trying to fully integrate the Holocaust into Czech national history. First, the Holocaust was often understood by the dissidents as evidence of the inhuman nature of totalitarian regimes. This interpretation, however, led to placing the persecution of the Jews by the Nazi regime on the same level as the persecution of the Czechs by the Nazi and Communist regimes. Second, if there was a reassessment or questioning of the Czech national master narrative, then topics such as home-grown antisemitism or the Holocaust were not addressed. The dissidents admitted that Czechoslovakia also had its question of guilt, but they related it to the expulsion of the German minority after the Second World War. The Holocaust, by contrast, did not generate any similar debate among the dissidents. The behaviour of Czechs during the Second World War, the attitude towards Jews, and domestic antisemitism were thus not questioned at all. The Holocaust has, according to the author, therefore tended to be overlooked or, at best, mentioned only incidentally in writing about twentieth-century Czech history – whether the authors published their texts in state-owned publishing houses or in samizdat.
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Author, drawing on scientific researches of domestic and oversea historians, materials of press, exposes essence problems of "norths territories", process of its origin and position of the USA in its decision.
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The fall of the regime in 1989 was of course caused by many factors - external (western pressure, M. S. Gorbachev in the role of the General Secretary of the USSR) and internal (economics, environment, opposition). The coming of the new youth generation in the 1980s was also an important internal factor. After many years it was a generation not afflicted and traumatized by living through the events of 1968 (but also 1938 or 1948). The term “youth” did not acquire its new meaning, it was comprehended as a specific entity, but also something that is advisable to keep under control. Democratic, authoritative and totalitarian regimes boasted about their best intentions and care not only for children, but also for young people. Politicians accepted their existence, but at the same time drew the lines for their activities, strictly watched and organized by real adults. The Czechoslovak communist regime was perfectly aware of the potential “threat” of the free time. Till its fall and depending on the situation it tried in the name of so called “battle for juvenils” to hold back and fight the activities of youths. During the 1980s the regime was short-winded in its campaign and was forced to relieve the pressure somewhere. The youth took the opportunity and their new activities could be pointed out as the seeds of the new civil society. They themselves understood them as “freedom islands” that helped them survive the pre-revolution regime. Young environmentalists, punk fans, new wave fans (and rock fans in general), peace activists, young Christians in various groups and slowly forming student activities created a platform ready to support changes coming with the year 1989 and some of them really acted on it. The old regime was not dissolved by the juveniles, but they surely did contribute to the changes not only before 1989 but also after it.
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