Recenzija: Izza parlamenta: zakulisje jugoslovanske skupščine 1919–1941
The review of: Jure Gašparič, Iza parlamenta: zakulisje jugoslovanske skupščine 1919–1941. Ljubljana: Založba Modrijan, 2015, 222 str.
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The review of: Jure Gašparič, Iza parlamenta: zakulisje jugoslovanske skupščine 1919–1941. Ljubljana: Založba Modrijan, 2015, 222 str.
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In the aftermath of the Great War, the birth of new independent small states in East-Central Europe was closely followed in Irish nationalist circles due to the possibility of Partition in Ireland. Newspaper editorials, journal articles and diplomatic accounts illustrate that post-war Ireland had an open attitude toward the settlement of borders on the Continent as the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire was similarly controversial. This paper aims to investigate how contemporary Irish commentators perceived the question of boundary settlements in Central Europe in order to provide an insight into the transformation of political space in both Ireland and Central Europe. After providing a brief background to the Irish boundary question, this paper touches upon the most important points in historiography with regard to border settlements in the post-World War I era.. It also discusses Irish Partition history in detail, concentrating on the North-Eastern Boundary Bureau (NEBB) and the Boundary Commission, and the importance of Central European precedents in their work. Moreover, this paper also proposes to provide an insight into the Irish interest in the minority problem in European borderland regions after 1925 in order to illustrate the outward-looking attitude to Irish nationalists, even in relation to borders and minorities.
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In the following discussion the author focuses on the issue of cohabitation, which he defines as democratic political coexistence and finding the basic democratic compromise between the political subjects, in the viewpoints and actions of the strongest Slovenian political party, Slovenian People's Party. Initially the author analyses the circumstances of the formation and functioning of political parties in the Habsburg and the Slovenian context, exploring them from the theoretical point of view. In the main part of the article the author defines the »cohabitation character« of the Slovenian People's Party, specifically in the Austrian period, in the parliamentary period of the Kingdom of SHS in the 1920s and in the 1930s.
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Between both World Wars, the Slovenian People's Party retained its distinctive political position in the Yugoslav political reality, also (and especially) by establishing political links with the largest Serbian party – the National Radical Party. In the 1920s the peak of their political cooperation was reached with the signature of the Bled Agreement of 1927, which enabled Anton Korošec, the leader of the Slovenian People's Party, to take over the Ministry of the Interior and the post of the President of the Government in 1928. However, the relations between the National Radical Party and Slovenian People's Party acquired a new dynamics already after the descent from power and then death of the head of the radicals Nikola Pašić in 1926. In the following discussion the author will focus mostly on the latter period and on certain aspects of the complicated political relations between Nikola Pašić and Anton Korošec.
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From time to time, states re-regulate the administrative organization because of the political, economic, geographical and demographic reasons. The State of the Republic of Turkey has created the new administrative units for reasons such as geographical conditions, population density, and transportation and so on. Indeed, decided in 1935, provinces including Bingöl, 9 towns ands 32 sub-distrcits were creaated in 1936.
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In the following discussion the author analyses the definition, character and significance of the deputies' immunity in the parliament of the first Yugoslav state. Besides the general legal-political outline and explanation, the author especially focuses on the actual parliamentary practice and role of immunity in the political life of the state. His analysis is based on parliamentary printed materials, interpretations of the contemporaries, shorthand notes, and the preserved, though extremely modest, materials of the Parliamentary Immunity Committee. In the first part of the discussion the author explores the immunity of deputies in the politically turbulent 1920s, and in the second part he focuses on the 1930s, the period after the restoration of the constitutional life on the basis of the Imposed Constitution, when nothing much remained of the previous immunity arrangements.
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The present study focuses on the selection process of the fellowship for the Romanian School in Rome, institute founded by the Great Romania in the early ’20. The investigation intends to present the level of the representation of all four Univer-sities of the interwar Romania: București, Iași, Cluj, and Cernăuți at the new institute founded in Rome and the main research directions sustained by the head of the School, the Academician Vasile Pârvan. Based on unpublished archive information, the study presents the background of the selection process, the difficulties of the beginnings and the status of various members of the School (full members, guests, etc.), in order to offer an accurate image of the first years of life of the Romanian Academy in Rome.
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After the Great War, the Romanian students sent to the French universities interacted with almost novel situations through which the society of a winning state passed, amid the social tensions fueled by the political current. The case of Andrei Oțetea is an exception for almost seven years in France, from 1919 to 1926, as a Transylvanian Association scholar. At the same time, he was among students that formed the first wave sent to study in Paris. The relations cultivated by Andrei Oțetea with his professors during the years of study were dominated by the determination specific to an intellectual young eager to make serious investigations into the past. On the one hand, Henri Hauvette played the role of official coordinator, directly involved in his own student project to conduct out research on Francesco Guicciardini’s life and his age. Instead, Henri Hauser marked Oțetea’s conception for a longer term, developing his interest in the new expanding historiographical currents.
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The article argues that during the interwar period the Romanian State relied on the foundation myth of the unions of Bessarabia, Bukovina and Transylvania with Romania in 1918 and that this myth had to be rekindled every year by a ritual celebration. The paper discusses the paradox that consisted in performing this rite after the boundaries of the historical provinces were officially erased in August 1938. Furthermore, it shows how Ion I. Nistor, a Bukovinian Romanian who was a staunch centralist, contributed to regionalism by celebrating the union of Bukovina with Romania and publishing on Bukovina in 1938. Finally, the article reveals how minorities which had voted for the union of Bukovina with Romania in 1918 were absent from Nistor’s celebration and publications.
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The research in this study is based on the instructions given by the Holy See to the Apostolic Nuncio in Romania Francesco Marmaggi (1920) and Angelo Maria Dolci (1923) on the situation and problems of Catholic churches in Romania, especially the Greek Catholic Church. The papers highlight the grievances of the Holy See towards the Greek Catholic bishops, both from liturgical and administrative point of view, show the existing disenchantments among them, but also highlight the distance between Roman Catholics and Greek Catholics. It is significant that if an Orthodoxy in 1920 was designed to eventually unify with the Catholic Church, in 1923 the distance between Greek Catholics and Orthodox is highlighted. The documentation also presents the idea of the establish-ment of a Greek-Catholic patriarchate in Bucharest, which was partially realized only in 2005.
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The review of: Jure Gašparič, SLS pod kraljevo diktaturo: diktatura kralja Aleksandra in politika Slovenske ljudske stranke v letih 1929-1935. Modrijan založba, Ljubljana 2007, 304 strani, ilustrirano.
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In the paper, the author presents the policy of national agreement exercised after the 1923 parliamentary elections by the Slovene People's Party and other opposition parties in the framework of the Federalist/Opposition Bloc against the government of Nikola Pasie. In Summer 1924, the said parties formed a government under the leadership of Ljubomir Davidovic, which has been labelled 'a government of the bourgeois left' by the author because of its programme orientation.
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Posvet: Problemi demokracije na Slovenskem v letih 1918-1941, Ljubljana, 7. - 8. december 2006
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The question of slovene-croatian political contacts between the two world wars is mainly a question of contacts and relations between the two main political parties – Slovene People's Party and a Croatian Republican Peasant's Party. One of the most important issues of political relations between the two nations is definitely an expansion of influence of the republican movement and Stjepan Radic's influence to Slovenia. The following articles summarizes the connected events from the beginnings of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes to the 1923 elections to National assembly.
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The author deals with the policy of the Slovene People's Party prior to the agreement concluded at Bled on 11 July 1927, which represented a climax in the Party's tactical rapprochement with the National Radical Parly ami government policies. She deals in greater detail with the significance of the visit by Anion Korošec, leader of the Slovene People's Party, to Bulgaria (Sofia), on 16 June 1927, one day after the call for the election to the National Assembly.
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The paper deals with the pre-electoral confrontation between the Slovene Liberal and Catholic camps at the 1923, 1925 and 1927 elections to the National Assembly of the Kingdom of the SCS. No elected Assembly ever reached the end of its four year term, as prescribed by the Constitution, which is indicative of the political instability in the country at the time. During the 1920s, the individual pre-electoral programmes of the Slovene parties varied in their emphasis. While the 1923 elections, at least in Slovenia, proved to be some kind of a referendum on the Vidovdan Constitution, the 1925 and 1927 pre-election campaigns were mainly about recapitulating the past and sharply discrediting political adversaries. All three elections were marked by the landslide victory of the Slovene People's Party. This was the only political party in Slovenia, which managed to preserve a homogenous structure and electoral body throughout the 1920s, whilst the Liberal camp often experienced internal rifts. The various government restrictions on the opposition parties during their pre-electoral campaign and even the exercise of physical violence by the state law-enforcement agencies, was each time a clear indication of the extremely conflicting relations in the country.
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In 1928 Elena Fortún began to publish some collaborations in the children’s Sunday magazine Gente Menuda (Little People) in which Celia, an inquisitive and always wondering seven year-old girl, had the leading role. Those stories were the origin of one of Spanish children’s literature most famous sagas. They were published later in book format by Aguilar publishing house, but the series was stopped when Spanish Civil War broke out in 1936. At the beginning of 1939 Fortún published the first book of the saga not previously serialized in newspapers: Celia, madrecita (Celia, Little Mother). In her exile in Buenos Aires she finished writing the next one: Celia en la revolución (Celia at the Revolution). However, this last book would not be published until 1987. In this paper we will focus specially in Celia at the Revolution given that the book provides us with a different vision about the Civil War. In the book Celia is a teenager who goes through different cities following her family and running from war. There are too the author’s own experiences and real facts.
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In the paper, the author deals with Slovenian banking - savings banks, credit cooperatives and joint-stock companies - between the two World Wars. In particular, he exposes their situation during the prosperous 1920s and the critical 1930s, also outlining the reform of the banking system and means of stimulating saving. This is followed by an analysis of the banking market structure and the effectiveness of monetary operations by the Slovenian banks during that period.
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The article describes the role of the Polish Army in the economic life of the city of Lodz in the years 1918–1939. In the city were stationed many military units and institutions at that time, thanks to which the Lodz garrison belonged to one of the largest in Poland in the years of the Second Polish Republic. The army was an important factor in the economic development of the city. Military units were shopping on the local market many different products necessary for their normal functioning. For example, the army was buying: items of equipment, food, draft animals, building materials, furniture and other elements of barracks equipment. Orders placed by the army and private purchases of soldiers ensured work for a large group of workers and craftsmen. Economic benefits from the presence of the army in the garrison in Lodz were also had by the shoemakers, tailors, hairdressers, restaurateurs, and owners of cinemas and theaters. The owners of private tenements had also large profits for renting apartments for officers. All these factors meant that the municipal authorities were interested in stationing as many military units as possible in Lodz, which had a significant impact on the city’s economic development.
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