‘Birlik ve Beraberlik’ Oyunları: Yakın Dönem Dans Sahnesinde (Sıradan) Milliyetç i Semboller ve Temalar

Author(s): Berna Kurt / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 88/2016

Since the early years of the republican regime, the folk dance stage in Turkey has been one of the reminders and the (re)constructers of the ‘national culture’. As a result of the historical synchronicity between folklore as a scientific area and nationalism as an ideology, the construction ‘from below’ of the ‘national culture’ has been an important determinant of the presentation of traditional dances on stage. Consequently, nationalist themes and symbols have always dominated the stage presentations. Symbolic usage of the Turkish national flag, photos and pictures of Atatürk and the thematic glorification of courage, manhood and martydom have been so frequent in the performances that, those banal / cliché motifs became unnoticed an unquestioned elements for the audience. They turned out to be the “reminders of the national identity” as the foundational elements of “banal nationalism” defined by Michael Billig. In this article, six traditional dance performances -mostly performed by the leading dance groups, institutions or organisations in the early 2000’s- will be analyzed. The aesthetic presentation of the “reminders of the national identity” as common features of those performances will be explored. The manifestations of “banal nationalism” on the stage like the cliché reconstructions of the nationalist symbols and themes will be examined.

‘Gezi Spirit’: Narrative Fragments and Modes of Articulation. Ethnography of Post-Protest (Istanbul 2013–2015)

Author(s): Zornitza Draganova / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2019

This text is based on an ethnographic study on the protests and civic initiatives that initially took place in 2013 but then continued with varying intensity throughout the following years. While applying the method of participant observation during the Gazi events’ and conducting interviews with individuals who had taken part in the protests, a main goal of this study is to grasp the transformation in the identification, articulation and presentation of important and secondary topics and problems that had been brought forward throughout the public discussions. The initial motivation of this study is the idea that after the first demonstrations and clashes, the interpretation of the political projects’ turbulence, of the reinvention of urban spaces, of the success or failure of diverse protest and resistance practices, gradually modifies the way the aforementioned events and ongoing processes are being thought and talked about. The research questions the respondents’ participation in protests, the constitution and disintegration of communities, the ‘diagnosis’, ‘prognosis’ and ‘rationale’ elements in respondents’ and informants’ micro-discourses and their acts in relation to diverse initiatives. The text attempts to systematize the observation data and the collected ‘narrative fragments’ within four ‘modes of articulation’: transformative, subjective, argumentative, and topological.

‘Roma’ migration in the EU: the case of Spain between ‘new’ and ‘old’ minorities

Author(s): Tina Magazzini,Stefano Piemontese / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2016

The 2004 and 2007 EU Eastern enlargements facilitated the mobility of citizens from CEE countries, including European citizens of Roma ethnicity, which in turn contributed to the Europeanization of the ‘Roma issue’. This article examines the politics of Roma ethnicity by giving a concise, yet we hope comprehensive, overview of how recent Roma migrations from EU Member States (particularly from Romania) to Spain can be understood and analysed in relation to both pre-existing policies for the Spanish Gitano communities and to wider European dynamics and structures.

‘The International of the Conquered’– The Promethean Movement and Polish Authorities during 1926 – 1939

Author(s): Paweł Libera / Language(s): English / Issue: 6/2018

“Prometheanism” meant the political cooperation of interwar Poland with non-Russian peoples and nations in Russia directed against the tsarist, and later the Soviet empire. The Promethean movement included representatives of Ukraine (Ukrainian People’s Republic – UNR), Caucasus (Georgia, Azerbaijan, Mountaineers of the Northern Caucasus), Crimean and Volga Tatars, Turkestan and nations inhabiting Finland (Ingria, Komi, Karelia), as well as a part of the Don, Kuban and Terek Cossacks. This article focuses on the relations between the Polish side and individual nations and structures of the Promethean front, on those turning moments in its development, as well as on the political and organisational evolution of the Promethean movement.

‘The rifle has the devil inside’, Gun Culture in South Eastern Europe

Author(s): Philip Gounev,Marko Hajdinjak,Antonina Zhelyazkova,Antonija Petričušic,Viorel Cibotaru,Elton Skendaj,Toni Petkovic,Zhidas Daskalovski / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2006

This report examines how cultural beliefs and practices influence gun ownership and use in SEE, and how these might affect SALW control interventions. It was initially researched by the Center for the Study of Democracy (CSD), Bulgaria during Autumn 2005 and Spring 2006. It was compiled and drafted by Mr. Philip Gounev, Research Fellow, Centre for the Study of Democracy and Mr. Marko Hajdinjak, Researcher, International Centre for Minority Studies and Intercultural Relations, Bulgaria. An anthropological approach was taken to better understand the reasons for civilian gun ownership and use, and the ways in which society represents these behaviours, in Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Moldova, Serbia and Montenegro (including the UN Administered Territory of Kosovo). A wide variety of research tools were used including household surveys (HHS) conducted by SEESAC and UNDP, focus group transcripts, secondary literature searches, statistical data, anthropological field studies, the Internet, print and electronic media.

“Anti-fascism” According to Serbia’s Right Wing

Author(s): Srđan Milošević / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 0

“Europe in Miniature” Representations of Ethnic Diversity of Hungary in Statistics and Homeland Studies until the Revolution of 1848 – 1849

Author(s): Peter Šoltés / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 0

This study aims to analyse the construction and dissemination of ideas about the ethnic composition of Hungary in scholarly discourse of the first half of the “long” 19th century. I have concentrated primarily on the texts that originated in the discipline of statistics (in German Statistik, Staatskunde). It was established in the last third of the 18th century in German universities, where it soon spread to the Austrian and Hungarian academic environments. Then I observed how different ethnic groups were represented in statistics and homeland studies, and which concepts were used in their categorisation. Specifically, I examined, in what context and with what significance were the concepts of nation, nationality, folk, used, or, more precisely, their German forms of Nation, Volk, Völkerschaft, and other words and phrases derived from them. In the period studied, the statistics of Hungary or the Austrian state, as well as most of the homeland studies analysed, were published mostly in German, which at that period took over the role of Latin as the language of science also in Hungary. The period’s ethnonyms were recorded by different variants. For example, in the texts subjected to analysis, Serbs were referred to using the ethnonyms Serben, Ráczen, Illyrier, Slovaks were referred to as Slowaken, Schlawacken, Sclawaken as well as using ethnonyms related to all Slavic tribes such as Slawi, Slaven, Slawen. Hungarians were denoted in statistics and homeland studies as Ungarn, Ungern, wahre Ungarn, eigentliche Ungarn, Magyaren, eigentliche Magyaren, Madscharen, Madjaren and so on. Therefore, the variant names as captured by the period’s sources are provided in the present study in parentheses, following the current ethnonyms.

„Diejenigen, welche Brüder entzweien“. Über die Anfänge politischer Organisation orthodoxer Juden in der Zweiten Polnischen Republik

Author(s): Daniel Mahla / Language(s): German / Issue: 1/2017

Grappling with the social and political upheavals sweeping the continent and torn by fierce struggles over the future of Jewish communal organization, Europe’s Orthodox Jews began to mobilize politically in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Over the course of these decades, two organizations emerged that would soon become the foremost Orthodox movements in Europe and Palestine: the religious Zionist movement Mizrahi, founded 1902 in Vilna, and the non-Zionist Agudat Yisrael (Agudah), founded 1912 in the city of Kattowitz. Not long after their founding, both Mizrahi and Agudat Yisrael had established multiple branches throughout Europe and Palestine and had proven themselves influential players in the arena of Jewish politics. In the interwar period, the Second Polish Republic became the two movements’ foremost battleground. To garner the support of Orthodox Jews, both movements were active in local Jewish communities, sent delegates to the Polish Sejm and engaged in polemics and mutual struggles on the pages of their party organs. In the early post-war years, local offices and branches were set up in Warsaw as well as in numerous other cities and shtetls across Poland. Soon, both organizations had enjoyed wide support among Orthodox Jews, established their own schooling systems and rabbinical seminars, founded youth groups and separate workers’ organizations. The article investigates the significance of political and ideological competition between the two Orthodox movements during the early years of the Second Republic with a special focus on their regional development. While the influence of German-Jewish leaders on the establishment of the Polish Agudat Yisrael has received some scholarly attention, Agudat’s relations with the religious Zionists have been largely neglected. Yet, as this article argues, mutual competition was of decisive importance for the formation and organizational development of the two Orthodox movements in the early post-war years. Competing for the same constituencies, both parties used their struggles to develop and sharpen their party ideologies and to attract mass support.

„Eine durch und durch demokratische Nation“. Demokratie und Minderheitenschutz in der Außendarstellung Litauens nach 1918

Author(s): Klaus Richter / Language(s): German / Issue: 2/2015

The article argues that leading figures of the emerging Lithuanian state in 1918 to 1920 used democratic semantics and mechanisms to gain international support for their project of consolidating statehood. These were used specifically to dissociate independent Lithuania from Bolshevik Russia, from Germany, and from Poland. With the devaluation of alternative political models, such as the Brest system and Bolshevism, democracy became the only legitimate basis for the newly emerging states of East Central Europe. The article thus looks at the history of early interwar Lithuania from an international perspective, using Lithuanian newspapers and correspondence between Lithuanian political actors and representatives and journalists of the Western Entente. In Lithuanian nationalism prior to the First World War, democracy played a very minor role. Moreover, only a small number of Lithuanians had experience with democratic practices. The short-lived Brest-Litovsk system, to which the newly independent Lithuanian state belonged, was intrinsically anti-democratic. Democracy as a legitimate foundation of statehood became important only with the German defeat in November 1918. The new Lithuanian state subsequently took up concepts of “western” democracy, particularly from the U.S., making them part of a lobbying effort, which was carried out partly by Lithuanian state actors themselves (e.g. at the Paris Peace Conference) or by diaspora Lithuanians. Democracy as discussed within Lithuania was an integrating system, encapsulating secular liberalism and political Catholicism, which had been the most important (and often conflicting) political movements within Lithuanian pre-World War I nationalism. Lithuania was thus conceived of as a “thoroughly democratic nation”, which was by nature opposed to German authoritarianism and Russian Bolshevism. Even as the members of the Western Entente continued to pin their hopes on the White Movement as the main opponent of Bolshevism, Lithuania was increasingly perceived abroad as a successful antiBolshevik de facto state. In the first half of 1919, minority rights became a part of the Versailles agenda. With anti-Jewish pogroms perpetrated by Polish soldiers, Lithuanian state actors successfully invented the Lithuanian Republic as a multi-ethnic counterweight to an increasingly chauvinistic Poland and as a protector of Belarusians and Jews. While the integration of Belarusians went almost unnoticed abroad, the granting of cultural and administrative autonomy to the Lithuanian Jews became a powerful propaganda tool for Lithuanian state actors and diaspora Lithuanians lobbying in the USA. The international perception that Polish territorial ambitions in the East were becoming increasingly problematic and threatening peace was a decisive factor for international support of Lithuanian independence. The final granting of de jure statehood, however, only came in 1922 with the international awareness that the White movement had failed – it thus became more practical to support democratic states at the former imperial periphery than permit them to fall to Bolshevism. Belarusian and Jewish autonomy were abolished only a short time later. The limitation of Lithuanian democracy to the purpose of consolidating statehood in the specific post-First World War context very possibly contributed to its quick decline: The coup of 1926 and the establishment of Smetona as “national leader” two years later effectively abolished the short-lived Lithuanian democracy.

ЄВРЕЙСЬКИЙ ЧИННИК У КОНТЕКСТІ УКРАЇНСЬКОЇ ЕМІГРАЦІЇ ДО КРАЇН АМЕРИКИ (КІНЕЦЬ XIX – ПЕРШІ ДЕСЯТИЛІТТЯ XX СТ.)

Author(s): Alexandr Sych / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 4/2018

In article the attempt to analyse the Ukrainian-Jewish relations during the marked period in a paradigm of the concrete historical phenomenon - emigration of Ukrainians to the countries of America at the turn of XIX - XX centuries is made. Scientific novelty. Relationship of two peoples - Ukrainian and Jewish - has long and complicated history which needs complex and impartial scientific research. Need of such research is caused not only cognitive interest, but also political relevance. Unfortunately, the wrong or consciously distorted interpretation of the past quite often leads to a complication of the international relations. It is especially dangerous when it results from organized campaigns and appeals, actions of certain people and groups or policy of the governments which is based on ethnic nationalism.

Інтелектуальна еліта України кінця XVIII – першої половини XIX ст. (за матеріалами діяльності Новгород-Сіверського гуртка «автономістів»)

Author(s): Larysa I. Gorenko / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 1/2009

Into the investigation reflection to the activities of the Novgorod-Siverskіy patriotic society «autonomous» of the end XVIII – the first half XIX-th century into the context of the national culturality and elevated to the national consciousness of the Ukrainian people. Also represent music-cultural life on the territorial at the Novgorod-Siverskіy region this is period’ and, first of all, the role Novgorod-Siverskіy patriotic society into the preservation and development to the Ukrainian national culture.

Јеврејско питање након Рата

Author(s): Z. Rozenberg / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 01/1934

После Рата је могло бити у свету око петнаест милијона Јевреја. Највише их је било у Совјетској Русији, у Пољској, и у Сједињеним Државама Америке. Знатан број био је и у Немачкој и Румунији; затим у Чешкословачкој, Аустрији, и Маџарској. Остале земље слабије су заступане. У Југославији било је свега око 65.000 Јевреја, што је процентуално знатно мање него у суседним земљама; сем Албаније и Италије, где их има још мање.

Јединство са Словенцима

Author(s): J. Zubović / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 03/1933

Потпуно и интегрално Југословенство још је увек, како видимо, једна идеалистичка концепција, зрела само у главама појединих интелектуалаца. Оно има добру и широку подлогу, несамо у језичкој и духовној сродности него и у сродности племенских култура и интереса, као и у једној територијалној и животној заједници.

ЈЕЗИЧКИ ИНЖEЊЕРИНГ У СЛУЖБИ ЦИВИЛНОГ ДРУШТВА

Author(s): Miroljub Jevtić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 136/2011

The idea of civil society encountered the difficulties when realized that religious and cultural image of countries that are inspired by this ideology has become complex. That why the ideologues of this project concluded that the idea of nation, religion, history and culture should be rearranged in order to create a common culture. In this sense, it became clear that the current understanding of patriotism, nation, nationalism, chauvinism ... have to be changed in order to promote new meaning of those words with goal to create new society.

ЈНП ЗБОР И СРПСКО ПРАВОСЛАВЉЕ

Author(s): Dušan Dostanić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 133/2010

In this article the author researches the relationship between the Yugoslav National Movement Zbor and Serbian Orthodoxy. In the first part of the article he gives a short historical review of Ljotić’s biography and history of the JNP Zbor. Thus, the theme is situated in historical context. In the second part of the article the author treats the Ljotić’s relations, as a founder, president, leader and main ideologist of Zbor, with Serbian Orthodoxy and institution of the Serbian Orthodox Church. Special emphasis is on Ljotic’s personal religiousness. In the last part the author researches influence of Orthodoxy upon JNP Zbor as an organization and ties between Zbor and the Serbian Orthodox Church.

ЉУБА ЈОВАНОВИЋ — ДРЖАВНИК ИЗ БОКЕ

Author(s): Saša Nedeljković / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 133/2010

Ljuba Jovanović belongs to the generation that prepared, organized and carried out the liberation and union of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes into a single state. In 1876, as a grammar school student, together with friends, he organized the student or¬ganization „Branko Radičević”, spreading the spirit of liberty among the youth of Boka Kotorska Bay. When the Second Boka Uprising broke out in Krivosije in 1882, the members of the organization decided to leave the grammar school and join the insurrec¬tionists. After the uprising was put down, he fled to Serbia. In this new and unfamiliar setting, he made his way to the highest honors and titles, thanks exclusively to his own worthiness and abilities. He was among the initiators of the great national and cultural organizations whose activities would reverberate throughout the Slavic South: Sokoli, National Defense, Serbian Literary Cooperative. An initiative was launched in Boka Kotorska for Ljuba Jovanović to head the candidate list for parliament of the National Radical Party in Dalmatia, due to his personal ties with his place of birth. Even though he came to hold some of the leading positions in Serbia and The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, he remained an honest man, leading the fight against corruption in the National Radical Party.

ХАРАКТЕРНИЦТВО ЯК УКРАЇНСЬКИЙ НАЦІОНАЛЬНИЙ ФЕНОМЕН (НА МАТЕРІАЛІ РОМАНУ Ю. МУШКЕТИКА ПОГОНЯ)

Author(s): Ludmila Romas / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 2/2014

The article is devoted to investigating the artistic embodiment of the Cossack character phenomenon in the novel Pogonya by Mushketyk. The typological comparison of the Cossack character image in the novel by Mushketyk is shown on the basis of other literary works.

Хипохондрични идентичности: Джендър и национализъм в Германия

Author(s): Maren Behrensen / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 2/2018

The fierce political debates around ‘gender’, typically derided as ‘gender ideology’ by opponents, have become a focal point for political alliances between the political mainstream and the far-right. To the extent to which ‘gender’ bothers classical conservatives and liberals, populists and the far-right are able to use the topic to make themselves appear less extremist. For them, gender is a gateway to political respectability and influence. At the same time, nationalist rhetoric paints ‘gender ideology’ as an existential threat to the fabric of modern societies and thus panders to the traditional support base of these movements. In this context, ‘gender ideology’ has a function similar to that of ‘immigration’. It evokes images of eradicated borders and irreparably damaged value systems; of an outside threat to a supposedly pure national and moral identity in dire need of protection. This contribution will look at these developments in the German context, with specific attention to the role of the new far-right party AfD in bringing together religious, nationalist, and conservative voices.

Цветан Тодоров (1939–2017) – апостолът на хуманизма, мечтателят за свобода

Author(s): Valentina Sharlanova / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 4/2016

Яна Янчева. Колективизацията в българското село (1948–1970). Колективна памет и всекидневна култура. София, 2015

Author(s): Daniela Koleva / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 2/2017