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A Bologna-folyamat által meghatározott harmadik ciklus, az – európai döntéshozók szándéka szerint 2011-től – egységes PhD képzés idén először fogadhat olyan egyetemi végzettségű jelentkezőket, akik már felsőfokú képzésük teljes idejét a bolognai rendszerben töltötték ki. Így, miközben sor kerülhet a mesterképzések első tanulságainak levonására, a működés erényeinek és buktatóinak elemzésére, már most figyelmet kell fordítani arra is, milyen módon alakul tényleges harmadik lépcsőfokká a doktori képzés. A korábbi oktatáspolitikai szándékok ugyanis egyelőre csak részben teljesültek: szó sincs például a döntéshozók által várt egységességről, a legtöbb európai országban egymás mellett, olykor keveredve működik a hagyományos, mester-tanítvány viszonyra épülő, kutatásorientált képzés, és az újabb keletű, szorosabban strukturált, a doktorjelölteket inkább hallgatónak, mintsem fiatal kutatónak tekintő oktatás. A sokszínűségben Anglia és Ausztrália jár az élen: ezekben az országokban ma is hat különböző módon lehet elnyerni a doktori címet; ráadásul a képzés expanziója más országok számára is vonzóvá teheti az angolszász modell egyes elemeit.
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This article looks at the possible gains for education policy from labour market forecasting. We provide an overview of the evolution of forecasting methods and review the economic rationalae motivating the systems at present working. We are able to demonstrate gains made from being able to use a general-purpose forecasting system, and we then introduce an ongoing development effort in Hungary - and give actual examples of gains made here; also, we provide examples concerning applications.
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A pedagógia innovációkkal kapcsolatos hazai szakirodalmat áttekintve az tapasztalható, hogy kevés olyan vizsgálati anyaggal, elemzéssel rendelkezünk, amely kellő alapossággal, tudományos igénnyel foglalkozna az ún. kívülről szervezett, szponzorált és irányított pedagógiai innovációk sajátos válfajával. Ennek legfőbb oka, hogy az oktatási rendszer működtetésében alapvetően a reformparadigma jegyei dominálnak. Ezek a belső innovációk, reformelképzelések beágyazódnak az állampedagógiai újítások rendszerébe, s mint olyan rendszerint kötelező érvényűek (kötelező új tanterv, módszertani eljárás stb.). Ugyanakkor létezik a pedagógiai innovációknak egy másik típusa, az intézményi szakmai autonómia bázisára, meglévő erőforrásaira és kifejezetten a tanárok kezdeményezésére épülő válfaja is (pl. alternatív kísérleti iskolák). Igazából ez a típus reprezentálja a szerves innovációt, amiben az állampedagógiai kényszer nem jut semmilyen szerephez. Az alrendszert jellemző innovációs törekvések bemutatásakor azonban csak ritkán képezi diskurzus tárgyát, hogy a felülről végrehajtott reformok, és az alulról jövő autonóm kezdeményezések mellett a pedagógiai újítások milyen más típusaival találkozhatunk, és ezek miként szervesülnek az oktatási rendszerben.
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Írásomban azon kutatás összefoglalására törekszem, amelyben a cigányságra, mint szociokulturális csoportra jellemző cselekvés stratégiákat vizsgáltam narratív interjús technika segítségével. A kutatásban olyan diplomás, vagy diploma közeli romák élettörténetét elemeztem, akik a roma társadalomhoz mérten kiemelten sikeresek voltak az oktatás jelentette mobilitási csatornában. A sikeres roma mobilitási életutak hermeneutikai elemzése során az egyén szociokulturális környezete által kijelölt cselekvésstratégiákra összpontosítottam.
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In his introductory essay, Géza Sáska reviews the interpretation of ideologies and identifies two sets of ideologies – a program-based ideology which supports proclaimed changes, and a status-based ideology which serves to maintain the status quo. He describes the salient feature of the program ideology, i.e. the opposition type. By using the proposed terminology and methodology, he analyzes and compares the various ideologies expressed in the three key political-level educational policy documents, published in 2009, a year before Hungary’s parliamentary elections.
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Review of: Diane Ravitch: “The Death and Life of the Great American School System: How Testing and Choice Are Undermining Education.”; Basic Books, 2010, New York. 283 p.
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Review of: Daniel Koretz: “Measuring Up. What Educational Testing Really Tells Us.”; Harvard University Press, 2008, Cambridge [USA]. 353 p.
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Review of: Juhani Tähtinen & Simo Skinnari [eds]: “Kasvatus- ja koulukysymys Suomessa vuosisatojen saatossa.”; Painosalama Oy, 2007, Turku. 643 p.
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Review of: Graham Haydon [ed]: “Educational Equality.”; Continuum International Publishing Group, 2010, London & New York. 144 p.
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The author – who is also the editor of this issue – presents findings of the synthesis report that summarizes the case studies elaborated within the framework of the “Know and Pol” European research project. The cases studies provide us with an in-depth analysis of public policies that have recently occurred in the education and health sectors in eight European countries, with special regard being given to the role of different degrees of knowledge and knowledge holders in the policy making process. The research utilized the notion of public action that underlines the participation of numerous actors in the elaboration of public policy. However, the author emphasizes that the analyzed public policies were initiated and carried out by different governmental institutions. Nevertheless, in one case a political reform emerged from the political agenda after a series of media events generated by parents and researchers focusing on the educational integration of children with special needs. It became evident from the case-studies that the bricolage of policy frequently relies on borrowing from across countries, this being facilitated by idea-brokers (researchers, civil-servants or politicians). The author stresses that from the perspective of the success of such borrowing, the adaptation of foreign models to the national context is a crucial issue. The last section of the paper describes how key actors in the political field gain much freedom by constructing new and different scenes (reform commissions, consultative bodies, etc.), which give a possibility for participating in the policy making process to a wider range of actors (civil servants, researchers, delegates of pressure groups, etc.). In the case of the two analyzed educational public ‘actions’ in France and Hungary – which we should see as a genuine “Coup d’Etat for modernization” – the creation of new bodies enables one to move beyond the traditional group of policy-making actors. Yet a Belgian educational case study shows us that in the context of “consensual” democracy pressure groups delegates are naturally included in the work of the new, important bodies (steering committee – Comité de Pilotage).
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The paper looks into the recent strengthening of scientific paradigms and strategies to establish legitimacy in policy-making. The activity of the experts’ coalition in the Round Table for Education and Child Opportunities is analyzed in relation to other bodies making up Hungarian education policy space and expert knowledge on offer for political usage. The different policy paradigms (sociological, psychological, economic, policy analysis) competing for and cooperating within political influence are discussed, and the reorganization of knowledge forms and disciplines informing decision-making as well as strategies of persuasion are analyzed.
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The authors emphasize that the meaning and the official definition of SEN has changed on multiple occasions in the last decade as a result of the commonly shared idea of decision-makers and experts; this on one hand sees some Roma and other multiple-disadvantaged children being misdiagnosed as disabled or, on the other, gives us the unintended negative consequences of higher normative support for SEN children, namely segregation. The question for our study is the role of science and disciplinary areas for shaping policy in the field of SEN. Results show that the scientific and policy debates, whose participants represent different disciplines and ideological viewpoints – such as sociological critiques, special educational expertise, reform pedagogical ideas and (neuro)psychological theories of development – could create a platform for establishing an all-inclusive education. However, a more effective and precise diagnosis, and a lessening of segregation, did not come directly from these scientific debates or new psychometric tools – rather, it emanated from classical bureaucratic (regulating) and post-bureaucratic (financial incentives and counter-incentives) measures that had evolved next to and partly in connection with the scientific influences.
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The study gives an overview on changes - and reasons for changes lacking - in the field of ’learning outside of school’. The focus is implementation of the national lifelong learning strategy launched by the government at the end of 2005. The author looks at the declarations and, then, the real outcomes, describing at the same time some revealing elements within adult education and the training system.
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István Polónyi first looks over the programs of the government between 2006–2010; and after this he takes a look at the financial changes involved in public education. The argument is that efficiency has improved and many educational co-operatives have been set up in districts. Yet these leaps forward may have been injurious, too. The tuition fee became a gun in the election war of parties – and this is the reason why the government was unable to introduce it. At this time there were no important financial changes in the higher education. Maintainer agreements were introduced lasting 3 years, but they were a rather specious solution, i.e. and not a real leap forwards. At the beginning of this term the Research Institute of Higher Education was terminated, and professional teams replaced it; though these are fleeting - and nonindependent. The conclusion here is that there has not been any sensational change in educational politics during this time period, though irredeemable mistakes did not occur, either. They brought too and didn’t.
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Principles within the political transformation of education (self-governing, pluralism, and autonomy) are now uncertain. The Minister of Education and the initiators of the Education Green Paper were of the opinion in 2009 that the solution to educational problems could only come when the centralization factor was dealt with. It was believed that the unsettled socioeconomic background differences are too great; while current maintainers of the status quo and education financing are unable to compensate for these differences. The efforts of the educational government failed. It did not ensure that education law would guarantee a high amount of central support. Under successive administrations, self-governance (i.e. local government increasing its own financial contributions) versus centralization (i.e. increases in central contributions) has been the issue. All election promises were directed towards centralization – while each new government went in the other direction. Parties wishing more centralization of educational policy always get the attention as they appear to be more active and stronger – which is important in relation to the way they govern; then, voters can be won over. And after elections, such promises are still a part of the cabinet’s politics – later, however, resources devoted to education will be again reduced; thus is the rhetoric of self-governance. Financing the education sector’s independence is also something causing controversy; and there was a break here in 1998 because of an agreement with the Vatican, which increased inequalities within education. Since the political transformation, schools located in little settlements have been the big, unsolved problem; for small schools in small settlements have higher operating costs, and these forms of school self-government have very little income. Yet it is not only a financing problem – the social composition of village populations and a lack of teachers are having a significant impact on education and its quality here, which leads to there being weaker students’ and weaker learning results. And the uncertainty here is traceable to existing government policy and public education funding instabilities.
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The two issues – of teacher training and of the Bologna process, respectively – operate separately, though are not independent of each other. The Bologna process is marked by declarations of European education policy-makers, by national legal regulations, things that are monitored by national and European information agencies. Teacher training, however, is a set of more complex national processes, which are embedded in cultural traditions had by diverse national education systems, in different demographic and economic tendencies, while all are driven by different national/institutional interests. The author of this article endeavours to describe some of the changes that the Bologna process has introduced in teacher training (structural changes, changes in student mobility, diversities within Bologna policies in national systems) and also tries to interpret some of the ‘messages’ of Bologna relating to teacher training (what standardization, learning outcomes and transparency actually means, and how ‘relevant knowledge’ is to be understood in this field). The author concludes that the Bologna process is a kind of common challenge for national education systems – and for different sectors of higher education as well. It is an opportunity to redefine special education fields (teacher training amongst them) within the context of mass higher education, and to find creative solutions connecting with new needs inherent in a changing educational world.
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According to the author the EU document “Conclusions of the Council and of the Representatives of the Governments of Member States, meeting within the Council on 15 November, for improving the quality of teacher education” correctly sums up the European tendencies and requirements in relation to TE. The article analyses the main points of the document (qualification from a higher education institution, a suitable balance being arrived at between research-based studies and teaching practices, effective early career support, adequate mentoring support throughout one’s career, high quality training in school management and leadership, coherent relationships amongst initial, induction and in-service teacher education, partnerships between schools and teacher education institutions, the acquisition of the abilities necessary for effective teaching, mobility programs relating to teachers, teacher educators and student teachers, and making the teaching profession a more attractive career choice). The Hungarian situation and new developments paint a controversal picture: for example, Hungarian teachers study for eleven semesters to get their qualification, though their induction is not dealt with properly; the coherency between ITE and CPD, mentoring and partnerships can be improved, management training is at a high level, and competences are well defined – yet their effect on the teacher education process brings forth many questions.
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