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EU policy on strengthening resilience in Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia. Between the rule of law and oligarchic influence

Author(s): Denis Cenușă / Language(s): English

The state capture and oligarchic control of political power and electoral processes in the associated countries of the Eastern Partnership – Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine – are acknowledged by EUinstitutions, civil society organisations and in public opinion. That inevitably puts pressure on the resilience of these three countries, in addition to Russia’s aggressive campaigns, carried out with or without the use of conventional weaponry. This policy brief looks at the EU’s actions to invest in and consolidate the rule of law, in the direction of stimulating internal resilience. It provides a range of arguments supporting the idea that the EU is not sufficiently tackling the oligarchic influences inMoldova, Ukraine and Georgia. These are followed by timely recommendations for the EU institutionsto remedy the situation.

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POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN THE LIBERAL PARTIES IN THE WESTERN BALKANS

Author(s): Adisa Memišević,Anela Lemeš,Nejra Vreto,Valida Repovac Nikšić / Language(s): English

This research focuses on liberal parties in the region of Western Balkans and their strategies for advancement and promotion of gender equality, not just within the party but also in their respective countries. The aim of this analysis is to review the current standpoints on equal gender representation in politics in WB liberal political parties, to map their roles and strategies for advancement of gender equality, and to raise the visibility of successful regional examples. Political systems and legislative frameworks in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and North Macedonia were reviewed and assessed through an in-depth analysis of their quota systems and the roles of the liberal political parties with to gender equality development, as well as the impact of the NGO sector. This research also examines and considers the social aspects of gender inequality in public and in decision-making processes. Previous research indicates that political parties often do not support female politicians’ participation in the processes of political programme development or political affirmation, despite having adopted gender equality policies in place. Research is conceptualised as a case study of three liberal parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and North Macedonia and their strategies for development and promotion of gender equality within the party as well as in their respective countries. Comparative analysis was conducted using a mixed methods approach, combining qualitative analysis of primary and secondary data and quantitative analysis of primary data collection to triangulate the information to the extent possible. In order to develop the new regional story – Regional Initiative 50%– we need this research to examine intra-party democracy in these liberal parties, map their current views on gender equality and see what types of activities could be introduced and adjusted to the needs of their parties and party systems.

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POLITIČKA ZASTUPLJENOST ŽENA U LIBERALNIM STRANKAMA ZAPADNOG BALKANA

Author(s): Adisa Memišević,Anela Lemeš,Nejra Vreto,Valida Repovac Nikšić / Language(s): Bosnian

Fokus ovog istraživanja je na liberalnim strankama regije Zapadnog Balkana i njihovim strategijama za unapređenje i promociju rodne ravnopravnosti ne samo unutar njihovih stranaka, već i u zemljama njihovog djelovanja. Cilj analize je preispitati trenutna stajališta za ravnopravnu zastupljenost spolova u politici u liberalnim političkim strankama Zapadnog Balkana, mapirati uloge i strategije za unapređenje rodne ravnopravnosti u politici, i povećati vidljivost uspješnih primjera iz regije. Analiza političkih sistema i zakonodavnih okvira Bosne i Hercegovine, Crne Gore i Sjeverne Makedonije je također obuhvaćena ovim istraživanjem, kao i analiza sistema kvota i uloge liberalnih političkih stranaka u odnosu na razvoj rodne ravnopravnosti, uz osvrt na uticaj nevladinog sektora. Ovo istraživanje također ispituje i razmatra društveneaspekte rodne nejednakosti u javnosti i u procesima donošenja odluka. Prethodna istraživanja ukazuju na to da političke stranke često ne podržavaju zastupljenost članica u procesima razvoja političkih programa, niti političku afirmaciju bez obzira na usvojene politike rodne ravnopravnosti unutar same stranke. Istraživanje je koncipirano kao studija slučaja tri liberalne stranke Bosne i Hercegovine, Crne Gore i Sjeverne Makedonije i njihovih strategija razvoja i promocije rodne ravnopravnosti unutar samih stranaka, kao i u zemljama u kojima one djeluju. Uporedna analiza provodi se oslanjajući se na pristup mješovitih metoda koji kombinuje kvalitativnu analizu primarnih i sekundarnih podataka, kao i kvantitativnu analizu prikupljanja primarnih podataka radi triangulacije informacija u najvećoj mogućoj mjeri. Kako bismo mogli razviti novu regionalnu priču - Regionalna inicijativa 50%, potrebno nam je ovo istraživanje kako bismo ispitali unutarstranačku demokraciju unutar navedenih liberalnih stranaka i prikazali trenutna stajališta u vezi s rodnom ravnopravnošću, a u svrhu procjene koje bi se vrste aktivnosti mogle uvesti i prilagoditi potrebama samih stranaka i stranačkih sistema za razvoj rodne ravnopravnosti i bolje zastupljenosti žena u politici u budućnosti.

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LIBERAL WESTERN BALKANS ON THE MOVE: YOUTH IN LIBERAL POLITICAL PARTIES

Author(s): Adisa Memišević,Anela Lemeš,Valida Repovac Nikšić / Language(s): English

This research focused on liberal parties in the Western Balkans region and their strategies for the advancement and promotion of political participation of the youth, not just within the party but also in their respective countries. The aim of this analysis was to review the current standpoints on youth representation in politics in the liberal political parties of the Western Balkans, to map their roles and strategies for advancement of youth political inclusion, and to raise the visibility of successful regional examples. Political, legal and policy contexts and frameworks in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Serbia and North Macedonia were reviewed and assessed through the analysis of their quota systems, as well as through the overview of current youth representation in the parliaments of WB countries. Previous research indicates that political parties often do not support young politicians’ participation in the processes of political program development, despite having adopted youth programs and policies. The research was conceptualized as a case study of four liberal parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Serbia and North Macedonia and their strategies for development and promotion of political participation of the youth within the party, as well as in their respective countries. Comparative analysis was conducted using a mixed methods approach, combining qualitative analysis of primary and secondary data and quantitative analysis of primary data collection to triangulate the information to the extent possible. In order to develop the new regional story, we need this research to examine intra-party democracy in these liberal parties, map their current views on youth and politics and see what types of activities could be introduced and adjusted to the needs of their parties and party systems.

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LIBERALNI ZAPADNI BALKAN U POKRETU: MLADI U LIBERALNIM POLITIČKIM STRANKAMA

Author(s): Adisa Memišević,Anela Lemeš,Valida Repovac Nikšić / Language(s): Bosnian

Fokus ovog istraživanja su liberalne stranke Zapadnog Balkana i njihove strategije za unapređenje i promociju političke participacije mladih, ne samo unutar stranaka, već i u njihovim zemljama. Cilj ove analize bio je sagledati trenutna stajališta o zastupljenosti mladih u politici u liberalnim političkim strankama Zapadnog Balkana, mapirati njihove uloge i strategije za unapređenje političke uključenosti mladih te povećati vidljivost uspješnih primjera iz regije. Politički i pravni konteksti i okviri Bosne i Hercegovine, Crne Gore, Srbije i Sjeverne Makedonije pregledani su kroz analizu njihovih sistema kvota, kao i kroz pregled trenutne zastupljenosti mladih u parlamentima zemalja Zapadnog Balkana. Dosadašnja istraživanja pokazuju da političke stranke često u praksi ne podržavaju učešće mladih političara u procesima izrade političkih programa, iako su usvojile programe i politike za mlade. Istraživanje je koncipirano kao studija slučaja četiri liberalne stranke iz Bosne i Hercegovine, Crne Gore, Srbije i Sjeverne Makedonije i njihovih strategija za razvoj i promociju političke participacije mladih ne samo unutar stranakaveći u njihovim zemljama. Komparativna analiza provedena je korištenjem mješovitih metoda: kombiniranjem kvalitativne analize primarnih i sekundarnih podataka i kvantitativne analize prikupljenih primarnih podataka kako bi se informacije triangulirale u najvećoj mogućoj mjeri. Kako bismo razvili novu regionalnu priču, potrebno nam je istraživanje koje ispituje unutarstranačku demokraciju u tim liberalnim strankama, mapira njihove trenutne poglede na mlade i relevantne politike, te sagledava koje bi se aktivnosti mogle uvesti i prilagoditi potrebama njihovih stranaka i stranačkih sistema.

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NATO’s Polar Quartet: The US, Canada, Denmark and Norway in the Arctic

Author(s): Piotr Szymański / Language(s): English

The name ‘Arctic’ comes from the Greek arktos, meaning ‘bear’; ancient people marked the north based on the position of the Great Bear constellation. Today, the Arctic is increasingly portrayed as a region, which lies in the ‘shadow’ of the bear. This of course refers to Russia, which has been steadily building up its military capabilities in the High North and investing in the development of the Northern Sea Route (NSR) and the extraction of Arctic resources. It also lays the most far‑reaching claims to the continental shelf around the North Pole.

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Assisted Assertiveness. Changes in Bulgaria’s Policy Towards Russia

Author(s): Mateusz Seroka / Language(s): English

The Bulgarian public and elite has a positive attitude towards Russians and Russia, in part due to the historical and cultural background. This positive perception was not weakened by the period of Soviet domination. The pro‑Russian sentiment shared by the Bulgarian public facilitated the communist coup in 1944 and the ensuing Sovietisation of the state. Nor were the democratic changes initiated at the end of 1989 the result of the democratic opposition’s successes, but were rather down to the actions taken by the reformist faction within the Bulgarian Communist Party (BCP), a consequence of the decline of the USSR and the centrally planned economy model.

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Tell me more. Russia on Macron’s détente initiatives

Author(s): Marek Menkiszak / Language(s): English

Emmanuel Macron took office as President of the French Republic in May 2017. In his statements, he has proclaimed the need to engage in dialogue with Russia and work with it to build an architecture of trust and security in Europe. This approach resulted from his diagnosis of crisis in the Western community and the growing assertiveness of non‑Western powers (including Russia), as well as his conviction that unless a modus vivendi with Moscow is found, it will be difficult to ensure the sovereignty and policy effectiveness of France and the entire European Union. The factors that have likely driven Macron also include a desire to promote French business in Russia, as well as an informal rivalry with Germany, which has traditionally played a central role in the EU’s political and economic relations with that country.

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The Non-strategic Partnership. Belarus-China Relations

Author(s): Kamil Kłysiński,Jakub Jakóbowski / Language(s): English

Relations between China and Belarus have been developing intensively over the past decade. This process has been fuelled by Beijing’s growing global ambitions as well as Minsk’s efforts to modernise the Belarusian economy and to partially reduce its dependence on Moscow. Increasing pressure from Russia and its inability to build closer relations with the West (which was mainly an effect of violations of human rights and the rule of law) prompted the Belarusian regime to seek alternative partners outside Europe. The aim was to increase its room for manoeuvre in foreign policy, as well as to gain additional sources of capital and new markets. Given China’s great economic potential and its interest in developing cooperation, Belarus mainly focused on China at the beginning of the 21st century, calling it a ‘close ally’. The cooperation gained momentum in the early 2010s, when China adopted a more proactive global policy after Xi Jinping had risen to power.

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Opposites Put Together. Belarus’s Politics of Memory

Author(s): Wojciech Konończuk,Kamil Kłysiński / Language(s): English

Immediately after 1991, the activity of nationalist circles in Belarus led to a change in the Soviet historical narrative, which used to be the only permitted one. However, they did not manage to develop a coherent and effective politics of memory or to subsequently put this new message across to the public. The modest achievements of the first few years of independence were wasted after Alyaksandr Lukashenka came to power. He ordered a return to the Soviet vision of history that was only slightly modified. The Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic (BSSR), recognised as the first Belarusian state in history, still remained its pivot. It was only at the dawn of the new century that the regime, which had radically dissociated itself from the national narrative, began to see a need for conducting a politics of memory that would not only be based on the Soviet legacy, but also on earlier periods of Belarusian history. In Belarus, governed as it is by an authoritarian regime, the politics of memory is determined primarily by the Presidential Administration, which in fact has a monopoly on shaping it. Neither the opposition, which is weak and fragmented, nor independent historians have a real say in formulating the message addressed to the citizens.

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Anonimni bečki izvor o banskoj Hrvatskoj u doba prve vladavine Hrvatsko-srpske koalicije (1906. – 1907.)

Author(s): Stjepan Matković / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

In this paper the author analyses an anonymous report on the situation in Banal Croatia. This paper is composed in German and it refers to the first period of the Croatian-Serbian Coalition. In that report, there is given very detail analysis of the political relations and in the focus of the analysis the estimation of the political influence of the various political parties or groups in the period of the political decline of the old Unionistic party and the appearance of new political formations. The special significance of that report is its description of the various social groups who had crucial role in the contemporary society. This includes the already existent groups, such as higher nobility and civil servants who had expressed the sympathized to Hungarian and Croatian coalition in the context of the traditional connections and dualistic constitution of Habsburg Monarchy.

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Der lange Weg zur Errichtung diplomatischer Beziehungen zwischen der Schweiz und Albanien

Author(s): Zef AHMETI / Language(s): German Publication Year: 0

Es ist das Jahr 1912. Im Südosten Europas erreichte der schleichende Zerfall des Osmanischen Reiches seinen Höhepunkt. Nationale Staaten wurden errichtet. Es herrschte ein chaotischer und kriegerischer Zustand. Für die von Albanern bewohnten Gebiete bestand die Gefahr nicht nur darin, den Interessen der Grossmächte, sondern viel mehr auch den territorialen Gelüsten der neuen Nationalstaaten wie Serbien, Montenegro, Bulgarien und Griechenland ausgesetzt zu sein. In dieser Phase gelang es nach jahre-langen Widerständen und Bemühungen auch den Albanern, einen eigenen Nationalstaat ins Leben zu rufen. Dies geschah am 28. November 1912.

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Státy východní dimenze Evropské politiky sousedství v české zahraniční politice

Author(s): Elsa Tulmets / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

V uplynulých letech nepředstavovaly země rozkládající se na území mezi Evropskou unií a Ruskem pro českou zahraniční politiku jednu z hlavních priorit (viz vydání této ročenky 2007 a 2008), přesto přinejmenším v první polovině roku 2009 zájem o tuto oblast vzrostl. Jedním z důvodů bylo zahájení české diskuse o válce mezi Gruzií a Ruskem (srpen 2008) a dále pak skutečnost, že východní Evropa patřila mezi priority českého předsednictví EU (leden–červen 2009). Tento zájem však kromě toho souvisí i s několika dalšími událostmi, jako např. se zastavením dodávek plynu na Ukrajině na začátku roku 2009 a se zahájením programu Východní partnerství (7. 5. 2009). Tak vznikla příležitost diverzifikovat a posílit bilaterální ekonomické a kulturní vztahy v tomto regionu a diskutovat o české vízové politice ve státech z této oblasti, Ukrajině a Moldavsku v době, kdy česká ekonomika začala pociťovat dopady světové finanční krize.

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Česká zahraniční politika na Dálném východě

Author(s): Rudolf Fürst / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Do oblasti Dálného východu (DV) – zahrnující Čínu, Japonsko, Korejskou lidově demokratickou republiku (KLDR) a Korejsko republiku – je v návaznosti na předchozí dvě vydání této publikace vřazeno Mongolsko a Vietnam. Česká zahraniční politika tradičně na DV žádné specifické politické cíle nemá, hlavním motivem rozvoje bilaterálních a multilaterálních vztahů s těmito státy je především hospodářská perspektiva v obchodě a v investicích. V tomto směru se český přístup ustálil a i přes mediální střety politických stran existuje dlouhodobě shoda. Česká politika je tak ve vztazích s DV zařaditelná do evropského hlavního proudu, což lze v návaznosti na kontext nasledujícího textu považovat za pozitivní jev.

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Státy Visegrádské skupiny a Rakousko v české zahraniční politice

Author(s): Michal Kořan / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Česká středoevropská zahraniční politika vstupovala do roku 2009 s uspořádanými vztahy se všemi partnery a s nadstandardní komunikací s partnery visegrádskými. Blížící se unijní předsednictví ještě více aktivizovalo středoevropskou bilaterální i visegrádskou diplomacii. S několika výjimkami „uspořádanost vztahů“ ovšem také znamená mizivou náplň bilaterální agendy a zaměření středoevropské politiky na multilaterální témata, zejm. NATO a EU. Česká středoevropská politika si z let minulých přinesla defi cit v podobě dlouhodobě chybějícího politického strategického zadání či politické diskuse, která by mohla vést k identifikaci strategičtějšího pohledu na středoevropskou politiku, přesahující čistě resortní a exekutivní pohled (přičemž i resortní pohled MZV je roztříštěný a snoubí v sobě často protichůdné názory jednotlivých tematicky či geograficky orientovaných odborů). Ve středoevropské oblasti nebyla v průběhu roku vypracována žádná obecnější strategie. Chybějící politický zájem je ovšem širším jevem, souvisejícím s obecným nezájmem o zahraniční politiku. Politický nezájem byl na exekutivní rovině částečně vyvažován intenzivním zapojením nejvyšších exekutivních činitelů do středoevropské diplomacie.

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The Federal Republic of Germany in Czech foreign policy

Author(s): Vladimír Handl / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

For a long period of time (since 2002), the Czech policy towards Germany has not been divided into as many areas as in 2015. On the one hand, the trend of intense co-operation continued on all the levels of the state administration and in all political departments; it was particularly intense in the border regions. The initiation of the Czech and German strategic dialogue had a special meaning – it was a new and promising instrument of the intensification of the Czech and German cooperation. On the other hand, the so-called refugee crisis tested the Czech and German relations, mainly in the field of political debate, the atmosphere of the whole society and certain particular measures (especially the issues of the quotas for the redistribution of refugees within the EU). There was also a topic that both parties perceived so differently in some aspects that it revealed the less visible differences in some basic coordinates and cultures of the Czech and German societies and policies. The strengthening of the national accents and the cooling down of the relations of the Czech Republic towards the EU, Germany, the establishment and mainstream political groups, and media presented a challenge for the policy and media of both parties. In the context of Central Europe, the Government of Bohuslav Sobotka occupied a central position and thus confirmed its role as a pragmatic and cooperative partner of Germany.

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Visegrad cooperation, Poland, Slovakia and Austria in Czech foreign policy

Author(s): Michal Kořan / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The analysis for the year 2014 stated that Central Europe acquired a position in the Czech political debate in 2014 that it had not had at least since the 1990s. The year 2015 moved this maximum position a bit higher, but the reasons for this prominence are definitely not encouraging. In 2015, the Czech Central European policy was mainly affected by the increasing political crisis in Central Europe and in Europe in general, by the international political development, by the lingering domestic political debate about the “Czech” Central Europe, and, last but not least, in terms of the execution of power, also by the Czech Republic’s preparation and take-over of the presidency in the Visegrad Group in July 2015. The Czech Republic took over the presidency of the Visegrad Group from Slovakia, perhaps in the most turbulent conditions of the entire history of the region, at least since its joining the EU, but probably since the fall of the Iron Curtain.

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The United States of America in Czech foreign policy

Author(s): Jakub El-Ahmadieh / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The United States of America has been regarded as a key partner and ally of the Czech Republic on the international scene in the long term. The mutual relations, which laid the strong foundations during the presidency of Václav Havel, are built on three pillars. They have not changed much in the long term; the main role in the system of mutual relations is the cooperation in economic, defensive, and security fields and in the field of common values and human rights. After the stately celebration of the 25th anniversary of the Velvet Revolution in November 2014, which culminated in the ceremonial unveiling of the bust of Václav Havel in the premises of the American Congress, and which was accompanied by the statements of the Prime Minister, Bohuslav Sobotka, and the Chairman of the Chamber of Deputies, Jan Hamáček, on the importance of Václav Havel and his legacy, we might have expected that with respect to the Czech-American relations, the year 2015 would be the year of the renewal of the human-rights agenda and common attitudes to the key events on the international scene. But these expectations were thoroughly wrong.

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Russia in Czech foreign policy

Author(s): Nikita Odintsov,Lukáš Tichý / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In 2015, the Czech foreign policy in its relation to the Russian Federation (RF), as in the previous year 2014, was still influenced by the tense geopolitical situation be-tween the Russian Federation and the western countries and the unresolved conflict in Ukraine. After the escalation of fights at the beginning of 2015, new agreements were signed in Minsk on 12th February, which were intended to supplement the Minsk Protocol from September 2014. These agreements represent the plan that, at the end of 2015, had to lead to the solution of the armed conflict in the eastern part of the country. However, the progress at the end of 2015 was only minimal. The sanctions imposed on Russia, the fate of which is tightly linked to the fulfillment of the agreements, were prolonged, but this did not cause such a debate in the Czech Republic as in the previous year.

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The Middle East, the Mediterranean and Afghanistan in Czech foreign policy

Author(s): Bronislav Bechyňský,Michaela Ježová,Marek Čejka / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In 2015, the general principles of the Czech Republic foreign policy concerning the Middle East remained identical to the former years in the main points. According to the new Concept of the Foreign Policy of the Czech Republic, adopted in June 2015, the Czech Republic continued focusing on strengthening the bilateral economic relations with the countries in the region, particularly Israel, the Gulf countries, and North Africa with the aim to ensure stable security in the area. The bilateral priority remains the strategic partnership with Israel; however, the newly adopted concept binds the Czech Republic to strengthen the cooperation with the Palestinian administration and the preparation of the Palestinian representation to accept statehood. The new concept also highlights the necessity to standardise the relationships with Iran. Unlike those of the former years, the new concept reflects the aim of the left-wing government to support new bilateral partnerships in the region without priority focus on the interests of Israel.

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