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Political Culture of the Balkans: Historical Background and Contemporary Characteristics

Political Culture of the Balkans: Historical Background and Contemporary Characteristics

Author(s): Daniela Pastarmadzhieva / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Today’s challenges of the Balkan countries are largely a result of the fact that the national model of statehood is very difficult to operate in a region where the Ottoman Empire existed for many years. This left a strong footprint on the culture and traditions of the population. All these formed the contemporary political culture of the Balkan countries. Thus, the present research focuses on the Balkan states’ political culture. It aims at making a general description ofthe political culture of the Balkans, identifying the common features of the countries, using historical approach and comparative analyses.. Also a comparison is made with the political culture of "full democracies". The analysis covers indicators and builds on data from the European ValuesStudy, 4th wave. The results show that the countries indeed have common characteristics but stillthere are variations. Although the Balkan countries are close to full democracies on some of theindicators, on others – significant differences are observed.

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IRAN’S POLICY TOWARDS IRAQ AND TOWARDS AFGHANISTAN IN THE PRE-ISLAMIC STATE PERIOD

IRAN’S POLICY TOWARDS IRAQ AND TOWARDS AFGHANISTAN IN THE PRE-ISLAMIC STATE PERIOD

Author(s): Iveta Hlouchová / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This paper deals with Iran’s foreign policy towards Iraq and towards Afghanistan in the pre-Islamic State period. Author analyses Iran-Iraq relations, Iran-Afghanistan relations and she compares Iran’s policy towards Iraq and towards Afghanistan. Causes, goals, contents, and actors of these relations are researched.

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IS THERE A THREAT OF NUCLEAR PROLIFERATION IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE?

IS THERE A THREAT OF NUCLEAR PROLIFERATION IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE?

Author(s): Lukáš Visingr,Miroslav Mareš / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Central and Eastern Europe, taking into account the potential impact of the contemporary crisis in Ukraine. The authors start by describing the historical attempts made by Central and East European countries to obtain nuclear weapons during the Cold War and the post-Cold War period. The main focus is on current trends, including a prediction of possible future developments. The policies of state as well as non-state actors are considered, including nationalist calls for nuclear armament. The authors conclude that the risk of proliferation in this region should not be overestimated; equally, however, certain ‘early warning signals’ should be not ignored.

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Kakvo Izborno zakonodavstvo vodi BiH u društvo evropskih naroda?

Kakvo Izborno zakonodavstvo vodi BiH u društvo evropskih naroda?

Author(s): Slavo Kukić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

As much as the political democracy is not an ideal model of solution for the achievement of social justice principles and equality, in today’s level of development, it represents the least variance from those principles. Unfortunately, there are many solutions within it that signify an obvious detachment from what political democracy can accomplish. Experiences in Bosnia and Herzegovina based upon Electoral Law from 2001 are very vivid evidences for such a claim. Because all ambiguities within this Law that are more than evident were in 20 years of its functioning a reason for discontentment of almost all actors within the political arena in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Therefore, since the first days of its life, we can observe many critics regarding bigger part of embedded solutions – whereat the Law is often accused to be the cause for an individual and collective inequality of citizens and people in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Additionally, there are requests for this Law to be changed to eliminate various reasons for inequality, disparities, dysfunctionality of state and other institutions, etc. But the questions are, which way and direction of changes within the electoral legislation can contribute to the elimination of these causes and which kind of demands could be suitable and satisfactory? This article offers some of the principles that could lead to this trace.

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Finansiranje istraživanja i razvoja u svijetu, jugoistočnoj Evropi i Bosni i Hercegovini

Finansiranje istraživanja i razvoja u svijetu, jugoistočnoj Evropi i Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Fikret Čaušević / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

Ovaj rad analizira finansiranje naučnog i istraživačkog rada, počevši od globalnog i regionalnog konteksta, završavajući sa specifičnostima i ulaganjima za ove namjene u Bosni i Hercegovini. U prvom dijelu analiziran je globalni kontekst, koji sadrži i analizu deset zemalja s najvećim ulaganjima za ove namjene, kao i strukturom izvora finansiranja po sektorima. U skladu s posljednjim dostupnim podacima UNESCO-a, koji se u vrijeme pisanja ovog rada na globalnom nivou odnose na 2018. godinu, vodeće zemlje po relativnom ulaganju u istraživanje i razvoj bile su Južna Koreja i Japan, dok po apsolutnim iznosima dva vodeća mjesta zauzimaju SAD i Kina. Drugi dio ovog rada fokusiran je na uporednu analizu ulaganja u istraživanje i razvoj u zemljama centralne i jugoistočne Evrope. U ovoj grupi zemalja dominira Slovenija, koju slijede Republika Češka i Mađarska. Treći dio je u cijelosti posvećen specifičnostima Bosne i Hercegovine, kao i nekim od ključnih faktora vrlo niskog nivoa ulaganja za istraživanje i razvoj u ovoj zemlji. U četvrtom dijelu prezentirani su neki od uspješnih primjera bosanskohercegovačkih kompanija po ključnim industrijskim granama u kojima je Bosna i Hercegovina ostvarila natprosječne rezultate u poređenju sa zemljama jugoistočne Evrope, u kontekstu niskih ulaganja u istraživanje i razvoj, s jedne strane, i vrlo dobrih izvoznih rezultata mjerenih Indeksom ekonomske kompleksnosti i Indeksom kompleksnosti proizvoda, s druge strane.

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Financing research and development around the world, in Southeast Europe and in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Financing research and development around the world, in Southeast Europe and in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Fikret Čaušević / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This paper analyses the financing of research and development, starting from the global and regional contexts and moving on to the specifics of such investment in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The first section presents an analysis of the global context and of the 10 highest investing countries, as well as a breakdown of the sources of such financing by sector. Based on the most recent data from UNESCO, which were for 2018 at the time of writing, South Korea and Japan invested most in research and development in relative terms, while the US and China did so in absolute terms. The second section contains a comparative analysis of investment in research and development by the countries of Central and Southeast Europe. This group is led by Slovenia, followed by the Czech Republic and Hungary. The third section is dedicated to the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina and certain factors affecting the country’s very low level of spending on research and development. The fourth section presents a number of successful examples of investment by Bosnian companies in key branches of industry where the country has achieved above-average results for the Southeast European region, as well as very good export results, as measured by the Economic Complexity and the Product Complexity indices.

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Regionalna sinteza za jugoistočnu Evropu

Regionalna sinteza za jugoistočnu Evropu

Author(s): Mitja Sardoč / Language(s): Montenegrine Publication Year: 0

Ovo je sinteza Istraživanja o politikama u vezi sa Obrazovanjem za demokratsko građanstvo i upravljanju razlikama u jugoistočnoj Evropi, koje je preduzeto 2000.-2001. kao dio saradnje između Pakta stabilnosti/ Unaprijeđenog procesa iz Graca i Savjeta za kulturnu saradnju. Zahvaljujući uticaju Istraživanja o politikama u vezi sa obrazovanjem za demokratsko građanstvo i upravljanju razlikama u jugoistočnoj Evropi, odlučeno je da se proširi studija o ODG politikama u svim državama članicama Savjeta Evrope.

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Sinteze šest regionalnih izvještaja

Sinteze šest regionalnih izvještaja

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Montenegrine Publication Year: 0

Ovaj izvještaj je sinteza studija o Obrazovanju za demokratsko građanstvo (u daljem tekstu ODG) u pet regiona Evrope: zapadnoj, sjevernoj, centralnoj i južnoj Evropi, koji uključuje i najnovije vijesti koje se tiču razvoja ODG u šestom regionu, jugoistočnoj Evropi, prateći Istraživanje o politikama u vezi sa Obrazovanjem za demokratsko građanstvo i upravljanju razlikama u jugoistočnoj Evropi iz 2001. Cilj svake od ovih studija je bio da iscrta mapu koja će obuhvatiti postojeće politike i zakonske okvire koji podržavaju unapređenje ODG na nacionalnom nivou, u svim zemljama tog regiona. Ovaj izvještaj, pet regionalnih studija, Istraživanje o politikama u vezi sa obrazovanjem za demokratsko građanstvo i upravljanju razlikama u jugoistočnoj Evropi, i sinteza na nivou Evrope, čine djelove Sveevropske studije o ODG politikama, koju je naručio Savjet Evrope.

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Regionalna sinteza za sjevernu Evropu

Regionalna sinteza za sjevernu Evropu

Author(s): Rolf Mikkelsen / Language(s): Montenegrine Publication Year: 0

Ovo je sinteza detaljnog izvještaja za region sjeverne Evrope o kreiranju politike i implementaciji ODG-a (Obrazovanja za građansko društvo i demokratiju). Sinteza i izvještaj su djelovi Sveevropske studije Savjeta Evrope o kreiranju politike o ODG. Sinteza daje opšti pregled: • ključnih karakteristika razvoja politike ODG u sjevernoj Evropi; • ključnih mjera u implementaciji koje postoje u ODG u sjevernoj Evropi; • glavnim izazovima sa kojima će ODG morati da se suoči Region Sjeverne Evrope se sastoji od osam država članica: pet nordijskih zemalja – Danske, Finske, Islanda, Norveške i Švedske i tri baltičke zemlje – Estonije, Letonije i Litvanije.

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GLAVNI GRADOVI U NACIONALNIM SISTEMIMA LOKALNE SAMOUPRAVE - KOMPARATIVNA ANALIZA SARAJEVA, BEOGRADA, ZAGREBA I LJUBLJANE

GLAVNI GRADOVI U NACIONALNIM SISTEMIMA LOKALNE SAMOUPRAVE - KOMPARATIVNA ANALIZA SARAJEVA, BEOGRADA, ZAGREBA I LJUBLJANE

Author(s): Elmir Sadiković / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

U radu je izvedena komparativna analiza ustavne pozicije i organizacije lokalne samouprave u glavnim gradovima: Ljubljana, Zagreb, Beograd, Podgorica i Sarajevo. U komparativnoj analizi modela lokalne samouprave u glavnim gradovima su posebno uzeti u obzir aspekti ustavnog statusa glavnog grada kao jedinice lokalne samouprave; teritorijalna organizacija; obim samoupravnih nadležnosti u vršenju javnih poslova te institucionalna organizacija gradskih vlasti. Cilj rada je da se komparativnom analizom identificiraju nedostaci u ustavnoj poziciji i organizaciji lokalne samouprave u Gradu Sarajevu. Rezultati komparativne analize mogu biti od koristi u oblikovanju prijedloga institucionalnog modela reforme i organizacije lokalne samouprave u Gradu Sarajevu.

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The Yield Curve as a Predictor of Economic Activity – the Case of Germany, Great Britain and France

The Yield Curve as a Predictor of Economic Activity – the Case of Germany, Great Britain and France

Author(s): Jana Hvozdenská / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In this paper we study the ability of the yield curve to predict GDP activity in Germany, France and Great Britain. The dataset contains the spread between 10-year and 3-month sovereign bonds and real GDP of the countries mentioned above between the years 2000 and 2018. The natural and probably the most popular measure of economic growth is GDP growth, taken quarterly. The steepness of the bond yield curve should be an excellent indicator of a possible future economic activity. A rise in the short rate tends to flatten the yield curve as well as to slow down real growth the near term. The relationship between the spread and future GDP activity was proved already before. The results showed that the prediction of the GDP growth or decrease was proven after year 2008 (the financial crisis) in all mentioned countries, the predictive power of the yield curve was lowered before the year 2008. Certainly the simple yield curve growth forecast should not serve as a replacement for the complex predictive models, it does, however, provide enough information to serve as a useful check on the more sophisticated forecasts. The results showed that the best predictive lag is a lag of five quarters. The theory says that it should be lag of four quarters. The results presented also confirm that 10-year and 3-month yield spread has significant predictive power for real GDP growth after financial crisis. These findings provide further evidence of the potential usefulness of the yield curve spreads as indicators of the future economic activity. These findings might be beneficial for investors and provide further evidence of the potential usefulness of the yield curve spreads as indicators of the future economic activity.

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Atatürk ve Mustafa Suphi Olayı

Atatürk ve Mustafa Suphi Olayı

Author(s): Girayalp Karakuş / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

TBMM Hükümeti ile Sovyetler Birliği arasındaki ilişkilerin başlangıcı, Birinci Dünya Savaşı sonrasında Avrupa’nın yeniden düzenlenmesi sürecinde yer alır. Birinci Dünya Savaşı’ndan sonra Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Türk-İslâm coğrafyasındaki gelişmeleri Enver, Talat ve Cemal Paşa aracılığıyla takip etti. Bu süreçte Sovyetler Birliği’nin izlediği dış politika ikiye ayrılabilir. 1917-1921 ve 1921-1923 arası dönem. Birinci dönemde iç savaş koşulları hüküm sürerken ikinci dönemde devrimin ihraç edilmesi söz konusu olmuştur. Yani Doğu halklarıyla işbirliği süreci başladı. Sovyetler 3 Aralık 1917 tarihli kararıyla Doğu Müslümanları aleyhine yapılan bütün anlaşmaları tanımadığını beyan etti.

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Demokrat Parti Dönemi’nde Türkiye-Yugoslavya İlişkileri ve Yugoslavya’dan Gelen Göçmenler (1950-1960)

Demokrat Parti Dönemi’nde Türkiye-Yugoslavya İlişkileri ve Yugoslavya’dan Gelen Göçmenler (1950-1960)

Author(s): Muhsin Ertürk Budak / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

This study deals with the political, commercial, cultural and sportive relations between Turkey and Yugoslavia during the Democratic Party Period in the Republic of Turkey between the years 1950-1960 and the issue of migration. The Balkan lands, which have a special importance in the foreign policy understanding of the Democratic Party, which came to power in Turkey in 1950, have an important issue in terms of regional alliance. It is noteworthy that Yugoslavia, which has the largest piece of land in this region, is home to more than one nation. Turkey, on the other hand, developed its relations with Yugoslavia through the Balkan Pact and the Balkan Alliance and made mutual visits with state officials. As a result of the developing relations, although the two states were at different poles ideologically, relations in the political, commercial, cultural and sports fields continued increasingly. While Turkey and Yugoslavia were improving their relations, on the other hand, problems arose between the two states due to the issue of immigration. The assimilation policy implemented by Yugoslavia against the Turks living in the region and the situation of forcing them to migrate have caused immigrants to come to Turkey for years. Turkey, on the other hand, did not turn these immigrants back and systematically took them into their lands. After the immigrants were taken, they were settled at certain points and they were taken into business life.

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REFLECTIONS ON DISCOURSE FORMATION AND INFLUENCE

REFLECTIONS ON DISCOURSE FORMATION AND INFLUENCE

Author(s): Neville Bolt / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

At this point the discussion broadens to include a wider consideration of how discourses move in relation to one another in societies. Discourse shaping seeks to create a new norm. As the philosopher Timothy Garton Ash observes: ‘The deepest power is that of determining what people consider normal. If you can persuade others that your way of doing things is normal, you have won. At the moment many mature democracies are experiencing the normalization of the anti-liberal far right.’ And ‘normalization’ as a term now widely employed, he reminds us, ‘came to prominence after the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968. It meant the attempt to return a European society to Soviet communist norms.’ Here we emphasise that any two-dimensional representation misses an important component in creating new norms. Communicators rarely seek to influence a single mainstream conversation but several aspects of the same conversation simultaneously.

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Competitiveness of Bulgarian Economy – Comparison with Other Member-States of the European Union

Competitiveness of Bulgarian Economy – Comparison with Other Member-States of the European Union

Author(s): Sabrina Kalinkova / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The development of a country (economic and social) is one of the key issues in modern society. For this reason, it is an object of increased research interest - with different research goals and objectives, as well as with a different methodology used for this research. One of the categories often used in modern economic life is competitiveness. It is the focus of the present study, which has as its main objective the analysis, assessment and comparison of the competitiveness with which the Bulgarian economy functions in the context of its membership in the European Union.

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Structural Changes and Convergent Processes of Employment in Bulgaria and Romania

Structural Changes and Convergent Processes of Employment in Bulgaria and Romania

Author(s): Silvia Gospodinova / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The report analyzes the structure and convergent processes of employment in the Bulgarian and Romanian economies for the period 2000-2020, and examines the dynamics of relative shares and rates of change for the respective period. In order to quantitatively measure the degree of convergence/divergence, a divergence index and a difference index were calculated, comparisons with other EU countries with similar characteristics were used, and some possible explanations and consequences of the structural changes that took place were also derived. Overall, the results show a slow process of convergence of the sectoral structure of employment of the Bulgarian and Romanian economies with that of the Eurozone, which continues throughout the period, regardless of some specifics before and after the global recession.

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Dubrovnik i zaleđe u Morejskom ratu: sukobi i solidarnost
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Dubrovnik i zaleđe u Morejskom ratu: sukobi i solidarnost

Author(s): Nikola Samardžić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The Morean war between Venice and the Ottoman Empire took place along the historic margins of the Great Vienna War (1683-1699). The echoes from the central battlefields were highly important in the Dubrovnik Republic’s struggle for future autonomy, sometimes even survival. From that local perspective, the Morean war was a challenging repetition of the previous Candian (Cretan) war. Neighboring conflicts particularly directed the Dubrovnik Republic to pursue more active relations with the hinterland, as Venetian interests and influence were spreading in Boka Kotorska and Herzegovina, and in the north all the way to the mouth of the Neretva river (Klek). The Venetian Republic sought to become a single neighboring geopolitical entity that would encircle Dubrovnik, instead of the Ottoman Empire, and take control over Dubrovnik’s economy and its connections with the depths of the Balkans and the Danube region. During the war, Dubrovnik was forced to adapt rapidly to changes in the hinterland. New aspects of mutual cooperation, solidarity or hostility had been established. Tradesmen, spies and field informants had submitted reports that allowed the government to provide precise insights into every important detail from Herzegovina, Montenegro and Boka, from Mostar, Sarajevo and business centers in the depths of the hinterland, about the movements of regular troops and banditism, moods and misunderstandings of local Turkish and Venetian authorities, road safety, natural disasters and epidemiological conditions. The Dubrovnik territory, its subjects and its trade were also threatened from the sea. Regardless of the differences in interests and an unclear position in relations between the Holy League and Turkey, Dubrovnik urged Venice to respect the needs and principles of free trade. The Candian and Morean wars took place within the context of small, sometimes isolated conflicts, which, in a complex historical rift, determined the drama of everyday life. Ottoman conquests of the eastern Mediterranean at the expense of Venice, shook the entire cross-border zone in the Adriatic hinterland. The long duration of the border conflict left deep scars on the local communities, triggered migration, required adaptation, shaped living conditions, the economy and mentalities. Uncertainties, shortages, and struggle for survival were the basic forms of life along the borders. The Candian and Morean wars were conducted in a series of mostly particular individual events, with small numbers of participants, and these incidents are easier to list than to be considered in a clear continuity, but the Dubrovnik hinterland experienced every conflict in a sense of an important, sometimes fatal, often traumatic incident. The Morean war was also a long-term struggle for the survival of Dubrovnik and its liberties. Everyday reports from the hinterland had become equally important to those who were coming from the prestigious capitals as Istanbul, Vienna, Venice or Rome.

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Istraživačke dopune o pobuni 5. prosinca 1918. godine
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Istraživačke dopune o pobuni 5. prosinca 1918. godine

Author(s): Stjepan Matković / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Based on research conducted using previously unknown archival documents, the author examines the transition in Croatian history made by the fall of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The author pays the greatest attention to the mutiny of 5th December 1918 which still induce much discussion in the historiography. The number, significance and behaviour of the people who conspired against the new regime provide a good indication of how this event was used by pro-Yugoslav forces in Croatia for reckoning with the old structures in the Croatian army and opposition politicians who upheld the idea of republicanism. The biggest opposition parties – such as the Croat People Peasent Party and the Party of Right – openly called for peaceful solutions and tried to avoid any form of armed conflict. On the other hand, some officers and soldiers who served in the Croatian Home Guard units were not content with the new situation. They spontaneously decided to organize a public demonstration in the center of Zagreb which turned into a violent confrontation. This bloody event led to the dissolution of the old army units. However, the fallen of the 5th December 1918 uprising are remembered in Croatia as the first victims of resistence to the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.

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Politika zapadnih velesila prema južnim Slavenima 1918. i 1919. godine
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Politika zapadnih velesila prema južnim Slavenima 1918. i 1919. godine

Author(s): Andrej Rahten / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The disintegration of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in 1918 and the end of the First World War the political elites of the South Slav peoples awaited with fear for the loss of large portions of their ethnic territory, but also with the expectation that the western Great Powers would support their ambitions for statehood. The expectations arose mostly after the proclamation of American President Thomas Woodrow Wilson’s famed “Fourteen Points.” Above all, South Slav political elites in the Monarchy believed that Wilson’s notion of defense for the rights to people to self-determination would trump the Italian territorial demands based on the “London Agreement” of 1915. However, the attitude of the United States, Great Britain, and France at the peace conference in Paris (1919–1920) did not fulfill the expectations of Slovene and Croatian politicians. Wilson did, indeed, put pressure on the Italian delegation on the issue of territorial delimitation with the newly created South Slav state in Istria and Dalmatia, but without great success. With regard to the northern border of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, Wilson’s politics in fact contributed to the inclusion of a large portion of ethnic Slovene territory in Carinthia into the Republic of Austria. The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes had more support from the western Great Powers in delimiting its border with Hungary and in other sectors. In its final phase the diplomacy of the western Great Powers was disappointing in the eyes of the South Slav political elite, established as it was on the territory of what was once the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. However, from the point of view of the Karađorđević state, the peace conference merely confirmed the trend toward realizing Greater Serbian territorial pretensions which, with the support of Great Britain and France, was begun during the Balkan wars in 1912 and 1913.

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SUKOB VLADIMIRA BAKARIĆA I FRANJE TUĐMANA 1961.-1967.
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SUKOB VLADIMIRA BAKARIĆA I FRANJE TUĐMANA 1961.-1967.

Author(s): Dino Mujadžević / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Vladimir Bakarić was at the helm of the Communist Party of Croatia and the League of Communists of Croatia since September 1944. The function, combined with the fact that he was one of Yugoslav president Josip Broz Tito’s most trusted men, made him the person of highest authority and the personification of the communist regime in Croatia. Some authors feel he had very skillfully walked the tightrope between loyalty to Yugoslavia and the efforts to protect Croatia’s interests, between Marxist dogmatism and relative liberalism. He supported Franjo Tuđman’s struggles for the affirmation of the Croatian Partisan movement in The Military Encyclopedia in Belgrade as early as in the 1950s, and in 1961 he arranged for Tuđman to be moved to Zagreb and appointed the director of the Institute for the History of the Workers’ Movement. Bakarić supported Tuđman’s efforts as a counterbalance to Belgrade’s centralist and unitarianist ambitions, but still judged that Tuđman had veered from the «line» of the League of Communists of Croatia in his comments about The History of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in 1964, having started to advocate nationalist ideas. He was particularly troubled by Tuđman’s favorable disposition toward the Cvetković-Maček agreement of 1939, which Tuđman proclaimed to have practically solved «the Croatian question». Bakarić felt that the politics of the Croatian Peasants’ Party (HSS) and their allies at the Court in the eve of World War II not only had not solved the Croatian question, but had also brought Yugoslavia closer to the Axis Powers and had sabotaged the Partisan uprising. Bakarić attacked Tuđman fiercely at the meeting of the Commission for History of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in the spring, but Tuđman would not be dissuaded; he even managed to secure the support of several high-ranking officials of the League of Communists. After Tuđman promoted his ideas in a number of lectures he delivered in 1964 and 1965, Bakarić opened up Party investigation against him, and Tuđman quieted down for the moment without suffering any consequences. Bakarić had him removed from the helm of the Institute only in 1967 when he set out to eradicate «nationalism» from Croatian cultural institutions after the publication of The Declaration on the Status and Name of the Croatian Literary Language.

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