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„Jesteśmy komunistami i przyjaciółmi”. Kontakty pomiędzy Polską Zjednoczoną Partią Robotniczą a Partią Pracy Korei w latach osiemdziesiątych

„Jesteśmy komunistami i przyjaciółmi”. Kontakty pomiędzy Polską Zjednoczoną Partią Robotniczą a Partią Pracy Korei w latach osiemdziesiątych

Author(s): Sylwia Szyc / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2018

In the nineties of the 20th century, the relations between the Polish People’s Republic and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea were visibly intensifying. One of the evident levels of this intensification were inter-party relations. The objective of this article is to discuss the nature and main areas in which the Polish United Workers’ Party and the Workers’ Party of Korea maintained contact and organised visits in their countries in 1980–1989.

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KONFLIKT MIĘDZY GORBACZOWEM A JELCYNEM 1987–1991

KONFLIKT MIĘDZY GORBACZOWEM A JELCYNEM 1987–1991

Author(s): Adam R. Bartnicki / Language(s): Polish Issue: 04/2021

The history of the Gorbachev-Yeltsin relationship is the story of the collapse of the Soviet state. Perhaps no event of comparable magnitude has been more affected by the personal interactions of two politics. Gorbachev – initially Yeltsin's mentor – humiliated him. Yeltsin then took advantage of Gorbachev's reforms to stage a political comeback in 1989. The passionate dislike and animosity that developed between the two leaders made compromise difficult. In June 1991, Boris Yeltsin was elected President of the Russian SFSR. Six months later, the final collapse of the Soviet Union took place.

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Border Security Challenges: a Case Study of Kenya and Somalia Border Relations (1991-2017)

Border Security Challenges: a Case Study of Kenya and Somalia Border Relations (1991-2017)

Author(s): Akenga Reuben,Morumbasi Kigen,Handa Stephen / Language(s): English Issue: 05/2022

The porous border of Kenya/ Somalia has always been problematic to the Kenyan government, ever since the Somali government’s fall in 1991. This study was based along the Kenya- Somalia boundary in Mandera County. The study examined border security challenges between Kenya- Somalia from 1991-to 2017. One specific objective guided it: to discuss challenges to border security strategies along with Kenya- Somalia border. The study was guided by descriptive survey research design and experimental research designs. This research used several sampling strategies: convenience, systematic, snowball, random sampling, and purposive techniques. The researcher selected a sample size of 398 that comprised heads of families. Further, 85 critical informants of private and public responders were chosen from the two case studies. Primary information was gathered using FGDs, survey tools such as questionnaires and observations and interviews. On the other hand, secondary data was retrieved through relevant articles and publication content analysis. Descriptive and inferential statistics proved vital in analyzing preliminary information, while content analysis was utilized when analyzing qualitative data. Tables and figures present the data analyzed. The study established that 86 % of the respondents stated that regional politics, power politics and geopolitical conflicts were significant impediments to border management strategies. It was concluded that geopolitical disputes were the main challenge encountered in border management strategies.

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ROMANIAN RESEARCH ON CHINA'S FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICY
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ROMANIAN RESEARCH ON CHINA'S FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICY

Author(s): Eugen Străuţiu / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

Explaining and predicting China's international and security policies is a relatively recent concern of Romanian researchers, dating only to the beginning of our millennium. The research effort is assumed by the editorial programs of the big publishing houses, and by the editorial policies of the scientific journals. A balance sheet shows us that the results are not enough and are not integrated. China's growing presence in our geopolitical region, supported especially by the "One Road, One Belt" program, requires a deepening of knowledge of Chinese interests and style of action in international relations. This research will substantiate a correct collaboration, for the benefit of both states and people.

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A Historical Perspective on the Work and Rest Dynamic in the Romanian Ethos

A Historical Perspective on the Work and Rest Dynamic in the Romanian Ethos

Author(s): Anda-Maria Mogos / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

For Romanians the work-rest dynamic is a product of historical forces unique to this population. Therefore, the factors that have influenced the relation of Romanians to the work and rest dynamic and fatigue were examined. The factors are the turbulent medieval history of the Romanian people, the Orthodox Church, whose teachings have played an essential part in the development of the Romanians’ relation to work and rest, as well as the communist regime and the social and economical dynamics specific to the post-1989 era.

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THE IMPACT OF COVID-19 ON VAT TAX RATES IN EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES. EVIDENCE FROM BULGARIA

THE IMPACT OF COVID-19 ON VAT TAX RATES IN EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES. EVIDENCE FROM BULGARIA

Author(s): Zhelyu Zhelev / Language(s): English Issue: Sp. Issue/2022

This article aims to point out the changes in the tax rates of the European Union countries affected by the coronavirus crisis. The period during which the analysis is carried out is March 2020 - December 2020. Each of the 28 Member States is examined separately and changes in the VAT tax rate are identified in individual industries. Based on the collected data and their analysis for the specific period, it is noticed that the countries try to support the most affected economic sectors from the crisis on the one hand, and on the other hand to keep their economic stability within relatively good limits. VAT is a multi-stage tax, the collection of which is a major revenue item in the budget of each Member State of the European Union. Any change in its regulatory nature or tax rate reflects on the methods of taxation, respectively its collection and financial effect on the budget. However, the crisis with the coronavirus and the lockdown of shops, restaurants, hotels and other sources of income has necessitated easing the tax burden on taxpayers in all countries of the European Union. The relief is a reduction in the tax rate for certain products and economic activities.

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Economic resilience in developing countries: The role of democracy in the face of external shocks

Economic resilience in developing countries: The role of democracy in the face of external shocks

Author(s): Ahmed Salah,Mohamed Ali Trabelsi / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

Objective: The objective of this article is to examine the role of democracy in strengthening the resilience of developing economies in the face of exogenous negative external shocks. Research Design & Methods: To achieve our research objectives, we used the duration model to estimate how democracy can determine the probable duration of an economic growth spell. Findings: By examining a panel of 96 developing countries observed in 1965-2015, we found that democracy is a resilience factor, insofar as it helps to support growth spells in the event of negative external shocks. The results show that an improvement in democracy score is associated with an increase in the expected duration of a growth spell. The second finding is that some dimensions of democratic institutions like political participation and egalitarian inclusion can lead to a sustainable economic growth. Implications & Recommendations: The benefits of democracy for improving living standards in developing coutries. The study should be subject to further research as more variables that account for major shocks could be considered, such as political and civil unrest, internal conflicts, or natural disasters. These shocks may occur during a growth period and cause very serious disruptive effects. Contribution & Value Added: The originality of this work lies in studying the role of democracy in the face of exogenous negative external shocks through the duration model which represents an original empirical study.

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Strong state, weak society State capacity, economic development and clientelism in modern Russia
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Strong state, weak society State capacity, economic development and clientelism in modern Russia

Author(s): Aleksandr Gurianov / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2021

This paper provides a comparative analysis of how highly differentiated regions of Russia perform in terms of economic development, public services delivery and overall quality of governance while linking these factors to levels of political support for the current incumbent during the latest presidential electoral campaign in 2018. It introduces the subnational Good Governance Rank to facilitate comparison of distinct regions on a comparable basis. Additionally, author studies the “economy- state-clientelism” triangle in the modern Russian setting to confirm previous findings from Mexico, Argentina, Cambodia, Germany, United Kingdom and other countries to reveal the typical behavior pattern: politicians favor the poor (because its cheap), citizens favor stalemate (because change is risky) and clientelism coerces and buys (because it’s a time-tested mechanism).

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Economic and Democratic Consolidation of the Former Yugoslav Republics

Economic and Democratic Consolidation of the Former Yugoslav Republics

Author(s): Miro Haček / Language(s): English Issue: 29/2021

Article analyses the processes of democratic consolidation in the former Yugoslav republics in the period since the volatile and violent breakup of socialist Yugoslavia three decades ago. Author is putting an emphasis on the notion of economic consolidation processes in all former Yugoslav republics and tests the thesis that economic consolidation is indeed the one prerequisite of democratic consolidation that suffered most direct effects of failed peaceful transformation in areas of former Yugoslavia that plunged into post-independence wars and conflicts. Author confirms that the secret to the democratic resilience is hidden in economic development – not only, as some theories claimed back in the 1960s (Lipset, 1959, p. 69–105), in various forms of undemocratic rule, but in a democracy built upon democratic institutions, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms plus the rule of law.

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EU and Agenda 2030 – Peace, Justice & Strong Institutions

EU and Agenda 2030 – Peace, Justice & Strong Institutions

Author(s): Daniel Silander / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2021

In 2015, the United Nations (UN) decided on 17 sustainable development goals. Goal 16 focused on peace, justice and strong institutions and on the importance of democracy for global sustainable development. This study explores the status of democracy in Europe and highlights tendencies of authoritarianism in some post-communist states. This happens in a global context of resurgence of autocratization. Although the European Union (EU) continues to be a solid liberal democratic order, challenges in post-communist Europe exist, especially in Hungary as a new authoritarian state within the EU.

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Diskurzivni tragovi malih država: oblikovanje identiteta i uloga Srbije i Hrvatske u Ujedinjenim nacijama

Diskurzivni tragovi malih država: oblikovanje identiteta i uloga Srbije i Hrvatske u Ujedinjenim nacijama

Author(s): Marko Kovačević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2022

In 30 years after the breakup of the socialist Yugoslavia, Serbia and Croatia as small states differently envisaged their place in regional and global context. Such difference is demonstrated by their different relationships toward international organizations such as the European Union, NATO or the United Nations. This article, as its central interest takes the United Nations as a multilateral forum or an arena where small states importantly represent and shape their foreign policy identities and roles. Relying on the constructivist foreign policy analysis and role theory, I focused on the key stages in the development of Serbia's and Croatia's foreign policy narratives as active member states of the United Nations. Although both of these post Yugoslav states perceive themselves as active, such activity belongs to two different, theoretically conceptualized strategies of small states. I argue that Serbia, due to the complexity of Kosovo problem mostly leads defensive autonomous strategy that is bounded by its proclaimed military neutrality, whereas Croatia being a small EU and NATO member is closer to integrationist influence seeking under the same constellation with its Euro-Atlantic partners. By analyzing the official diplomatic discourses of both states at the UN General Assembly between 2000 and 2020, I show how and to what degree their discourses on regional, European and global politics converge or diverge, and discuss what that means for their respective places in the world.

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Kvazi-eksperimentalan pristup ekonomskom rastu Hrvatske: Jesu li Jugoslavija i socijalizam bili bolji?

Kvazi-eksperimentalan pristup ekonomskom rastu Hrvatske: Jesu li Jugoslavija i socijalizam bili bolji?

Author(s): Miljenko Antić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1/2022

Croatia was economically and demographically more successful during the period from 1946 — 90 than after the independence. The article investigates the causes of such a situation as well as the theoretical consequences of the case study of the Republic of Croatia. The article explains the causes of the very rapid economic development of the Socialist Republic of Croatia until 1980. However, during the last ten years of the socialist system and communist dictatorship, an economic crisis broke out. This crisis contributed (along with foreign policy circumstances) to the collapse of that system, to the introduction of democracy and capitalism, and to the collapse of former Yugoslavia. Yet, the new system did not meet its expectations. The Republic of Croatia achieved very modest economic results after independence, with a significant decline in population. Although the war contributed to this situation, the post-war results show that the wrong economic policy is the main cause of this failure. The impact of privatization was particularly negative. Theoretically, the case study of Croatia does not confirm the dominant theories about the advantages of democracy over dictatorship, capitalism over socialism or theories that emphasize the advantages of national homogeneity for economic development but it confirms the theories about the influence of economy on democratic transition.

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Razvoj izučavanja hrvatske politike od šezdesetih do danas

Razvoj izučavanja hrvatske politike od šezdesetih do danas

Author(s): Višeslav Raos / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 03/2022

The paper offers a historical overview of the development of the study of Croatian politics at the Faculty of Political Science. The pre-democratic period was marked by relatively unfavorable conditions for the study of national politics, due both to the dominant conception of the curriculum that denied the independence of political science, as well as the political and social context. Yet, already in the 1960s and 1970s, first studies dealing with voter behavior and the functioning of representative bodies were conducted. The multiple transition in late 1980s and early 1990s introduced new topics and led to the emancipation of national political science. After 2000, the study of Croatian politics experienced new diversity in method and scope. Recently, there has been a significant increase in papers published in top international journals, leading to greater visibility and internationalization of the study of Croatian politics, but also of Croatian political science in general.

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Kraj rata
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Kraj rata

Author(s): Adam Chmielewski / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 27/2022

Nesretno razdoblje predsjednikovanja Borisa Jeljcina među Rusima je poznato kao smuta, odnosno očaj. Dio tog vremena proveo sam u društvu mladih ljudi iz postsovjetskog bloka. Sovjetsku naviku teškog opijanja votkom, u srednjoj Europi još uvijek nije potisnulo liberalističko pijuckanje vina. U alkoholom izazvanoj iskrenosti, jedan je Rus ogorčeno rekao: »На что мена такая великая родина, когда в нее порядка нет?« (»Što će mi tako velika domovina, ako u njoj nema reda?«). Na taj je izravan način ukazao na dva osnovna, usko povezana problema Rusije: Njenu veličinu i njen endemski nered. Ubrzo nakon toga, Vladimir Putin pronašao je rješenje ovih problema, uspostavivši poredak za kojim su Rusi silno čeznuli. Premda se na vrhu političke hijerarhije pokazalo da je taj poredak sustav organiziranog kriminala, ipak je svima bilo malo lakše. Nakon više od dva desetljeća despotske vladavine, Putin je odlučio proširiti Ruskij mir, koji je on uspostavio. Ruski se poredak zbog toga naprosto počeo raspadati, a zajedno s njim i globalni poredak.

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Nacionalni identitet u Ukrajini: utjecaj Euromajdana i rat
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Nacionalni identitet u Ukrajini: utjecaj Euromajdana i rat

Author(s): Volodymyr Kulik / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 27/2022

Jedna je od najvažnijih posljedica nedavnih događaja u Ukrajini dramatična promjena ukrajinskog nacionalnog identiteta. U raznim medijima pojedinci se redovito izjašnjavaju kao Ukrajinci, ponose se što su državljani Ukrajine, snažnije podržavaju simbole nacionalnosti, izražavaju veću solidarnost sa sunarodnjacima, spremni su braniti Ukrajinu ili raditi za nju, i sve više su uvjereni u moć naroda da promijeni zemlju nabolje. Najčešće govore o svom iskustvu ili onih koji su im bliski, a neki uopćavaju pojedinačne promjene i ustvrđuju veću konsolidaciju Ukrajinske nacije, pa čak i »rođenje« nacije u narodu koji navodno Nije nacionalno osviješten. Na drugoj strain ove konsolidacije je osjećaj otuđenja od Rusije pa čak i mržnja prema njoj, primarno usmjerena na državu, ali katkad i prema narodu, za koji se vjeruje da masovno podržava agresivnu politiku njihove države prema Ukrajini.

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Rusija i antiliberalna europska civilizacija
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Rusija i antiliberalna europska civilizacija

Author(s): MARLÈNE LARUELLE / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 27/2022

Podržavam dvostruku tezu Henryja Halea kako je Putin općenito izbjegavao da nacionalizam postane okosnica njegove popularnosti i da većina stanovništva Putina nije vidjela kao stjegonošu nacionalizma – u nacionalističkoj niši prepoznatljivije su druge, konkurentne političke skupine. Dijelim njegovo Mišljenje da je Putin u trećem predsjedničkom mandatu, obilježenom naglim Padom popularnosti i antirežimskim prosvjedima 2011. – 2012., promicao program konzervativnih vrijednosti kako bi ojačao neke elemente režima i marginalizirao liberale, kao i nacionaliste. Međutim, osporavam stajalište da je Putin odjednom istaknuo nacionalizam, suprotno onom što su svi govorili za njegov »zaokret « prema etnonacionalizmu tijekom ukrajinske krize.

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Ukrajina u postkomunističkoj Europi

Ukrajina u postkomunističkoj Europi

Author(s): Georges Nivat,Miroslav M. Popović,Roman Szporluk,Bohdan Osadchuk,Adam Michnik,Alexander Arhangelskii,Konstantin Sigov / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 27/2022

Excerpts from discussions between Alexander Arhangelskii, Adam Michnik, Georges Nivat, Bohdan Osadchuk, Miroslav Popovič, Konstantin Sigov and Roman Szporluk.

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O povijesti Rusije
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O povijesti Rusije

Author(s): Alain Besançon / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 27/2022

»Rusija je misterij Zamotan u zagonetku «, govorio je Churchill. Stvarno su se jako varali o toj zemlji. A ipak, ruski svijet je puno jednostavniji od starih uropskih nacija, puno jednostavniji od Sjedinjenih Država. U čemu je onda teškoća? Napomenimo da su bile dvije povijesti Rusije. Najprije povijest zemlje koja je kao i druge, premda dugo na margini Europe i daleko od civilizacijskih središta. A zatim povijest zemlje koja je bila sjedište komunističkog režima, fenomena kojem gotovo da nema povijesnog presedana pa je ovog puta kao »alijen«, postala apsolutno središnja u Povijesti XX. stoljeća. No te dvije povijesti moraju se još duplirati. Povijest Rusije je naime povijest jedne zemlje napisana velikim dijelom u inozemstvu i ne slaže se uvijek s historiografijom Proizvedenom u Samoj Rusiji, daleko od toga. Nepoklapanje je međutim postalo totalno kada je svoj monopol nad poviješću ustanovila komunistička vlast. Ovih sedamdeset godina postojala je dakle jedna domaća službena povijest, i s druge strane zapadna historiografija, nimalo jedinstvena jer je bila rascijepljena između strasti što ih je komunizam budio, i oprečnih tumačenja tog fenomena. To nam dakle daje najmanje četiri, pa i pet povijesti.

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THE STRATEGIC USE OF PRESIDENTIAL REFERENDUMS IN POST-SOCIALIST ROMANIA

THE STRATEGIC USE OF PRESIDENTIAL REFERENDUMS IN POST-SOCIALIST ROMANIA

Author(s): Ovidiu Gherasim-Proca / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

Praised by many as a remedy for various democratic deficits and criticized by others for their capacity to promote populist agendas, referendums are key participatory devices of representative democracy. However, a rich corpus of literature describes numerous occasions in which they become merely strategic levers in the hands of politicians instead of substantive popular consultations on policy issues. The Romanian post-socialist political system is no exception to this trend. Among the referendums held between 1990 and 2020, this paper analyses a particular class, those initiated by the President of Romania according to the article 90 of the Constitution, with the aim to discern the general features and the specific context of their strategic use, emphasizing especially the 2019 referendum concerning the justice system, the most recent one of the entire series. My observations confirm and further reinforce prior generalizations regarding the instrumentalization of referendums in post-socialist Romania.

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THE IMPACT OF THE WAR IN UKRAINE ON THE WESTERN BALKANS REGION

THE IMPACT OF THE WAR IN UKRAINE ON THE WESTERN BALKANS REGION

Author(s): Oana Cristea / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

Russia’s war on Ukraine has taken both the Western Balkans and the rest of the world by surprise. Stuck in its inability to make progress in its EU accession efforts, the region is now reliving memories of the ‘90s – refugees, bombed buildings, corpses in the streets. While the new geopolitical reality of the entire world from February 24, 2022, will continue to have economic and political implications, the continuation and even increase of military, political and economic commitments in the region of both the EU and the US are playing a crucial role in defining the future of the Western Balkan states. The main goal of this paper is to discuss the impact of the war in Ukraine on the Western Balkans countries (WB6), and to assess how these implications are influencing their EU accession path. While the research is focused on the analysis of the current situation, the aim is to highlight those critical points where EU strategic action is needed in order to mitigate the effects of the war in Ukraine on the WB6. The paper also addresses the idea that only through an increased resilience of the WB6 and a strong engagement in this region, EU will be able to counteract the subversive actions of the Kremlin. In this sense, the paper presents the dependencies of the WB6 on Russia and how its influence can drive the region into more instability, by analysing the reactions to the war in each of these countries. Ultimately, the paper focuses on the implications the war in Ukraine has on EU’s strategic autonomy, as well as on the priorities which need to be calibrated to the current needs and in the logic of an open strategic autonomy, in which the WB6 are an essential piece of the puzzle, helping the EU build a stronger profile in the global arena.

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