OKOVI DEMOKRACIJE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI

Author(s): Irena Musa / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1/2015

This article gives a short overview of democracy from its beginnings till the 20th century, when it became accepted as the most desirable social invention. Some theoretical contributions to the development of democracy are stated, especially the reformatory ideas of John Stuart Mill about society, state and its organization. Mill argues that democracy is the most suitable form of government because it can ensure equal life opportunities for all, order and progress. The paper also focuses on the issue of crisis of democracy and its paradoxes in mature democracies of the capitalist West and also on the beginnings of democracy in the socialist East. A special emphasis is put on establishment and development of democracy in a multinational state such as Bosnia and Herzegovina. In BiH the democratic experience is relatively short and is often frustrating, because the state is still unstable and burdened with many problems from closer and further history which slow down the democratic process and a functional establishment of democratic order. Importance and inextricable connection of political culture, democratic education, and civil society with democracy is also emphasized. It is also noted that these phenomena are undeveloped, neglected or marginalized in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Европейска солидарност?

Author(s): Thomas Fiegle / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1/2013

İSTİHBARATTA PROPAGANDANIN ÖNEMİ

Author(s): Uzman Andaç Karabulut / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 20/2013

From past to present, intelligence units place importance on kontrespiyonaj activities as well as undertaking intelligence service. The importance of the kontrespiyonaj activity continues to increase with advancing technology. Making propaganda, one of the important tasks of intelligence, gained importance in World War I and II, maintained the sensitivity of Hitler on propaganda and the Mahsusa Organization, Ottoman intelligence agency, carried out the studies on this subject. With the information age, propaganda media consists of TV, Film industries, news and documentary programs anymore as well as magazines and brochures. Sometimes this media tries to provide assistance of the community in some countries, it is also used as tools to influence the regime of countries which creates threat perception.

İngiltere’nin Arap İsyanı Tertibi (1914-1918): İsyanın Cumhuriyet Dönemi Hükümet Programlarındaki Dış Politika Yansımaları

Author(s): İsmail KÖSE / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 14/2017

Arabian peninsula was brought under Ottoman rule after the conquest of Egypt by Sultan Selim the Grim in 1517. From this date onward it was ruled by Ottomans about 400 years. The only exception of Ottoman rule, were Egypt’s invasion by French under Napoleon Bonaparte (1798-1801) and later annexation by Britain in 1882. Ottoman existence in Arabian peninsula ended due to the revolts during the first years of World War First. Arab revolts were the last uprising against the Ottomans that they had to face with. The revolts were plotted during the most difficult days of World War First during the Dardanelles Wars, because of which Turkish soldiers confronted considerable losses and damages in Arabia. Therefore after the very foundation of Turkish Republic, World War First experiences, fueled by politicized Arabian nationalism also paved the way to mistrust of Turkish decision makers. Despite a few periodical betterments of the relations between both sides due to hesitant approaches, for a long time it could not be possible to establish mutual confidence building measures in diplomatic relations.

The Government’s Remembrance Policy

Author(s): Patryk Wawrzyński / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2017

Remembrance is a powerful instrument of social mobilisation, identity construction and political competition. Its impact on individual and shared beliefs or attitudes makes it an object of government’s interest, because remembrance can be used to legitimise ideologies or policies. Theoretical considerations of a government’s role as a narrator lead us to the general definition of the government’s remembrance policy, which we understand as a complex of narratives and interpretations presented to influence citizens’ attitudes, behaviours, beliefs and identities. The paper develops the definition with five theoretical hypotheses on the effectiveness of remembrance narratives. It argues that the government’s remembrance policy is myth-motoric, non-scientific, emotional, based on commitment and that it is a type of social influence. The study is an initial verification of theoretical approach, and I believe that my arguments will motivate other researchers to investigate different aspects of a government’s desire to narrate past events.

Social Indeterminacy and Quine’s Indeterminacy Thesis

Author(s): Samal H. R. Manee / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2017

This article examines whether Willard Van Orman Quine’s indeterminacy thesis can be sustained. The argument from above, Quine argues, can derive indeterminacy as its conclusion. I will argue that the indeterminacy claim cannot be sustained. I further argue that Quine changed the formulation of the underdetermination of theory by evidence (UTE) argument from what Duhem said to the Quine/Pierce meaning verification view, in order use the new formulation of UTE to imply indeterminacy. Given all that, we see when we apply the old UTE argument we only arrive at underdetermination of theory by evidence, and that applies to all sciences, philosophy and knowledge, including philosophy of language. Quine’s argument of indeterminacy is one where the premises alone do not make the conclusion obvious, and further difficulty arises because he has not given enough examples of the indeterminacy in his writings. Given that, I will look at how can we draw the particular conclusion Quine maintains on the basis of the single fundamental premise he puts forward, bearing in mind Quine’s other philosophical views and background beliefs. I will look at further ways of approaching the indeterminacy argument, through which I shall try to examine whether Quine’s premise can derive the conclusion of indeterminacy, examining the role of the underdetermination of theories by evidence in the argument from above, and its relation to the indeterminacy thesis.

Paradygmat emancypacyjny? O możliwym nowym zwrocie politycznym w polskim kulturoznawstwie inspirowanym tradycją CCCS

Author(s): Jacek Drozda / Language(s): Polish Issue: 01/2014

The intellectual tradition of the “Birmingham school” is without a doubt one of the fundamental ingredients of Polish cultural studies. Nevertheless, it had been inscribed into the Polish leg of this complex discipline in a very specific, sometimes distorted manner. This text explores the political dimension of cultural studies and their potential as a useful critical approach in the epoch of neoliberal hegemony. In spite of the fact that British cultural studies of the CCCS (Centre of Contemporary Cultural Studies) tradition and Polish academic approaches to modern culture had developed in very different political and social conditions and there had been very few, if any, direct interactions between them, they share many ideas. Today, the depoliticisation of Polish humanities, although not overwhelming, is remarkable. In the time of a multilayered crisis, researching culture should not be devoted only to the “politics of pleasure” but also to the relation between the contemporary politics, economics and culture in general. In this essay, the author proposes one of the potential ways of exit from this problematic situation which is based on juxtaposing and re‐examining the scientific and political heritage of the cultural studies, some elements of Polish anthropology, Marxism and their postmodern reinterpretations. It takes form of an open framework, the “emancipatory paradigm”. New look at the CCCS tradition is proposed as a tool that enables the recapturing of crucial elements of political critique such as class analysis which has been almost abandoned by the practitioners of Polish cultural studies due to its historical burden generated by the vulgarised Marxism under the communist regime.

Populizmus és az új oligarchia

Author(s): Marco D'Eramo / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 22/2017

Tracking the terms „populism“ and „the people“ from the 19th century, Marco D’Eramo offers a striking new interpretation of their current applications—the first levelled indiscriminately at any political force that steps outside the bounds of convention, the second banished from the scene.

Dealing with a Trauma Burdened Past

Author(s): Joanna Kulska / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2017

Recognition that societies will not be able to build a future as long as they do not face the ‘demons of the past’ has become a kind of universal truth over the last decades of the 20th Century (Gibney et al., 2008, p. 1). This view, though challenging and ambiguous, is reflected in the globally present attempts to improve or rebuild relations within and between different communities at the domestic and international level. The question concerning, on the one hand, the essence and most essential elements and, on the other hand, the instruments and the limitations of rebuilding relations, as well as the political implications of those processes have become the broad area of interest and the discourse leading to significantly different ideas and solutions. The article aims at presenting different approaches referring to dealing with the conflicted and traumatized past both at the domestic and international level. Some selected instruments and methods which enable movement from a divided past towards a common future are discussed namely the strategy of engagement with the past versus the strategy of avoidance of the past. The special attention is paid to the notion of reconciliation understood as a process of rebuilding of relations through the multi-dimensional transformation of former adversaries after the period of violence and repression.

GEOPOLITICAL PERSPECTIVE OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND BRZEZINSKI’S READINGS OF THE UKRAINIAN CRISIS

Author(s): Srđan Orlandić / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2018

From November 2013 to the present day the Ukrainian crisis generated the most severe conflict in Europe since the 1990s, while current skirmishes in the eastern part of the country and recent new developments have the potential to further tighten the crisis. Notwithstanding the internal elements of the ongoing crisis, this paper will be focused on the analysis of its external - geopolitical – dimension. By acquiring conceptual framework from Zbigniew Brzezinski’s writings on geopolitics, this article will analyze the Ukrainian crisis in terms of strategic, economic and ideological interests of the Russian Federation.

El pensamiento político de Pío Baroja

Author(s): Jordi Morillas / Language(s): Spanish Issue: 5/2016

In this brief essay, we firstly delineate Baroja’s notion of literature and, then, we focus on his political thought. Here we explain his conception of anarchism and liberalism. We conclude with an exposition of Baroja’s ideal of a political society.

Поглед към многоликия Китай

Author(s): Ge Zhiquiang / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 5/2016

Gândirea politică românească în secolul al XIX-lea. Teme în dezbaterea contemporană

Author(s): Ion Goian / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 3/2019

The study offers a broad perspective on the origins of the modern political ideas in the three provinces that will agregate into the state of Romania in 19th and 20th centuries. In Moldavia and Valachia with the attempts of the boyars and other learned persons (mostly clerics) to import from the Western Europe new ideas about the state, the relations between state and churh etc., under the influence of Western Enlightenment. In Transylvania the same attempts to develop modern political ideas and a national political identity is summarized by the author in the context of the efforts of the majoritary Romanians to achieve equal political and civil rights which were denied to them by the ruler class under the domination of the Austrian Empire and, since 1867, by the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

BEING A JOURNALIST IN THE COMMUNIST PRESS OF THE '60s IN ROMANIA. THE ACTIVITY OF ION BRAD FOR SCÂNTEIA TINERETULUI (1960-1962)

Author(s): Mihai Cistelican / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2019

Author Ion Brad lived most of his life under the Communist regime, starting his career when the Communist system was founded in Romania and retiring in 1989, when the totalitarian system was abolished. This present study aims at analyzing the articles which author and journalist Ion Brad had published for one of the most prominent newspapers during the Communist regime in Romania, in the '60s, Scânteia tineretului. Directed especially at young people but not only, the newspaper reveals the various practices of the Communist state to impose on the collective minds. We have chosen this particular publication and this period of time in Ion Brad's activity because this is when, in our opinion, he did the most intense work in the political journalism. As an author, he wrote hundreds of articles and tens of books in the cultural field. This study can also be helpful for further research on the political issues approached in Scânteia tineretului or even on economic issues, in which one can analyze the reports about the construction of various towns in Romania under the Communist regime.

MEDIA REPRESENTATION OF THE PROTESTS AGAINST THE G20 2017 SUMMIT. AN ANALYSIS OF THE GERMAN MEDIA

Author(s): Anna Theobaldt / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2019

In 2017 Germany has had the presidency of the G20 and organised the annual summit between the 7th to the 8th of July. The chosen location for this event was Hamburg, and it was disputed because of the high difficulties to secure the city accordingly to the security requirements. Police from all around Germany were positioned in Hamburg for the days of the summit to protect the city from the rioters. The first protests that took place were rather peaceful and without major crimes, however starting with the „Welcome to Hell“ demonstration on Thursday, the 6th of July, rioters began throwing glass bottles, burning down cars and aggressing the police. But this is only one side of the truth. Peaceful protestors were also aggressed by the police . In this article we intend to analyse if the ethical reporting standards were respected by the German media, in their coverage of the G20 summit protests.

Polsko-niemieckie stosunki w sejmowej i senackiej debacie w latach 1989−1991

Author(s): Agnieszka Kastory / Language(s): Polish Issue: 30/2021

The paper concerns the position of Polish MPs and senators on shaping the principles of German-Polish cooperation in a situation in which Poland regains full sovereignty in foreign policy. The position of Polish deputies was analysed on the basis of stenographic reports from plenary sessions of the Sejm and Senate concerning the preparation and ratification of treaties with Germany on confirming the border and on good neighbourhood. In particular, it was a question of examining whether MPs and senators supported the concept of a G erman-Polish community of interest, which was defined and presented in the Sejm by Foreign Minister Krzysztof Skubiszewski. During the ratification debate, supporters of both treaties pointed out that they enabled Poland to leave the Eastern Bloc, making Poland independent of the support of the USSR for the western border. They also provided an opportunity for German support on Poland’s way to the European Communities. MPs and senators understood that it was possible to build a G erman-Polish community of interest on the basis of supporting and expanding the integration process and thus completely change Poland’s geopolitical situation. This did not mean that the solutions adopted in the treaty on good neighbourhood, especially with regard to compensation, the status of Poles in Germany and the German minority in Poland, were fully accepted.

Sfera symboliczna w procesach transformacyjnych krajów byłej Jugosławii. Pomniki

Author(s): Lila Moroz-Grzelak / Language(s): Polish Issue: 30/2021

The article focuses on the ways of treating the monumental memory of the past in the states that were established after the disintegration of Yugoslavia. These examples, which are not exhaustive, show that the process of transformation in the symbolic sphere does not create a uniform image in all countries. It oscillates between the destruction of the monuments of the past period in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, but also the different intensity of the events of the tragic war of the last decade of the 20th century. Breaking such a description, Serbia protects the monuments of the Yugoslavian era, while at the same time recalling the memory of the Serbian liberation struggle in the anti-Turkish uprising of 1804. The protection of the monuments of the NOB (struggle for national liberation) period in Montenegro not only proves the connection with the federal Yugoslavia, but also reflects a kind of Yugonostalgia. In turn, the monuments of this period on Macedonian territory, preserved in various states, gave way to a “flood of monuments” referring to the ancient and medieval history of this land. The changes in the monumental sphere in all countries, however, prove the willingness to justify the ideological existence of independent state entities embedded in the native tradition confirming their sovereignty.

Николай Данилевски за ценността на славянския културно-исторически тип

Author(s): Rosen Rachev / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Issue: 2/2024

This article examines some of the Slavophilic views of Nikolai Danilevski on the relationship between Russia and Europe. The article presents the Cultural-Historical Types theory as the foundation of the natural historical system classification. The author’s main arguments that the West and the Western civilization are in decline, in contrast to the Slavic cultural-historical type, which is on the rise, are articulated. The vision of the future is formulated through the idea of the all-encompassing unity of the Slavic world where Russia has a leading role. This unification can and must be implemented along four lines – religious, cultural, political, and socio-economic activities. Their organic consolidation is the prerequisite for the emergence of the Slavic Type as the axis of global history and supreme value for the development of mankind.

Кейнсовата и Нео-кейнсианската теории за икономическите кризи: някои теоретични аспекти

Author(s): Petar Piperkov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 4/2024

The Keynesian tradition dates back to J. M. Keynes and, according to it, economic crises are endogenous phenomena. The article reviews some aspects of this tradition in light of the understanding of fluctuations from market equilibrium. The object is the currents in the Keynesian theory, and the subject – their views on economic crises. The purpose of the article is to highlight certain contradictions between the ideas of J. M. Keynes and the subsequent Keynesian schools, due to the original ideas of Keynes, which subsequently fell out of the Keynesian tradition, but are essential for understanding the genealogy of crises. Scientific methods such as historical-logical analysis, comparative analysis and synthesis were used.

“An alarming state of affairs”: Rhetoric, Resistance and the Nation in Richard Brinsley Sheridan’s Speech of 20 April 1798

Author(s): Rober W. Jones / Language(s): English Issue: 68/2024

On 21 April 1798 the Morning Post printed a speech, given the night before, by the Foxite politician Richard Brinsley Sheridan. Sheridan had sought to rouse the nation against threatened French invasion. The French must be resisted at all costs, he insisted, and he explained why: “What is it they want? Ships, commerce, manufactures, cash, capital, and credit; or, in other words, they only want the sinews, bones, marrow, and heart’s blood of Great Britain.” Such passionate rhetoric contained a change of argument. Sheridan had previously opposed British warmongering and had maintained a liberal sympathy for France and the cause of reform. The Morning Post’s account of Sheridan’s speech confirms its importance to a liberal audience, but what is equally remarkable is that several other newspapers carried similarly extensive but politically different versions of what Sheridan had said. By confronting this contested mediascape, this article examines Sheridan’s speech, analysing his arguments and rhetoric but also appraising the competing ways in which the speech was reported. The article thereby raises broader questions about the status of printed transcriptions of parliamentary speeches, the dissemination process and the methodological problems of studying different versions of a famous speech.