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Activists slam bill naming President Emomali Rahmon ‘Leader of the Nation’ that would also protect his family and their property.
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„Let us demonstrate that we are Europeans and not just anthropologically and due to the fact that the Romanian language is already an EU language”
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Migration is one of the characteristics of people as human beings. From early beginning people moving from one place to another. With the development of human society, this phenomenon gets more and more complex and organized. Migration, as a contemporary social phenomenon, attract the attention of almost all social sciences. Angle and definition of this phenomenon depends on the scientific field to which it belongs. Illegal migration, associated with the smuggling of migrants and trafficking of human beings, which are criminal acts of transnational organized crime, significantly increased interest in security science for this phenomenon. In addition, impact which have organized criminal groups, the security threat related to migration spreads to other forms of endangering security. In contemporary political and security situations, which are marked with a global presence of Islamist terrorist networks, migration is recognized as a serious threat of spreading transnational terrorism. Migrant wave that hit Europe this year, among other reasons, is caused by the action of so-called “Islamic state”. Hundreds of thousands of people from Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan fled in fear of Islamist fanatics’ terror. However, the terrorist organizations are among migrants, by their members, causing a variety of security problems on the migrant routes. That proves arresting members of terrorist organizations who were infiltrated among migrants and serious doubts that one of the suicide bombers who participated in a terrorist attack in Paris, France arrived as a refugee from Syria. In addition, such a large number of migrants from a different cultures and religions, domicile population in the receiving countries consider as a serious threat to identity. That leads to the growth of extreme-right organizations which are special form of security threat. Leaders of the European Union failed to recognize the extent of the security threat timely and did not show a willingness to make plans for joint response to the threats posed by the mass immigration of migrants. On the summit that was held in Malta in early November were created conditions for finding a common European response to the threat. The Republic of Serbia, through which from the beginning of the crisis passed around half a million refugees, has responded well so far and has managed to avoid serious security incidents in its territory. In the future, functioning of the very important joint response with other European countries is of essential importance. Also, commitment to the protection of national and state interests, if it comes to closing borders or other procedures that other European countries may be taken at the expense of Serbia, is equally important.
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The text deals with the topic of civic political competence (civic competence) as an additional criterion of the quality of the democracy. It shows both theoretical aspects of this issue, identifying some specific elements of competence and the methodological problems of the research on civic competence. The article also includes reflections on the implementation of civic competence in the processes of deliberation.
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This text is a record of a speech given during the Third Polish Conference of Chairs and Departments of Political Systems. The main subject of this paper is the need to carry out research on political systems using diverse methods and takes, both legal and “humanistic”. The paper shows how important in terms of methodology it is to compare particular legal status with reality using examples when legal analysis is not sufficient, for example, on the account of social rebellion. The text identifies challenges that researchers of political systems face due to that fact. In this context is also discusses the problems related to studying such institutions as, for example, the Ukrainian Maidan.
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Celem artykułu jest analiza miejsca ekonomii i przedsiębiorczości społecznej w polityce nakierowanej na ograniczanie wykluczenia społecznego w Polsce. W pierwszej części przedstawiono definicje wykluczenia społecznego oraz znaczenie i funkcje ekonomii społecznej w rozwiązywaniu tego problemu. W drugiej części dokonano analizy strategii, programów i przepisów prawa dotyczących wykluczenia społecznego w Polsce. W przekonaniu Autorki przyjęte rozwiązania uwzględniają złożoność problemu wykluczenia społecznego. Ich realizacja jest jednak związana przede wszystkim z wydatkowaniem środków Unii Europejskiej. Kluczowym zadaniem pozostaje więc włączenie ekonomii i przedsiębiorczości społecznej do krajowych dokumentów ustawowych.
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The paper presents a study aimed at nding psychological determinants for the political involvement of young people. The study involved veri cation of the importance of predictors such as basic hope (measured with the Basic Hope Inventory BHI-12 by Jerzy Trzebiński and Mariusz Zięba) and positive orientation (measured with the Positivity Scale, adapted into Polish by Mariola Łaguna, Piotr Oleś and Dorota Filipiuk) for the dependent variables presented as three autonomous factors: electoral participation, other forms of political participation, and civic attitude. Taking into account the theoretical assumptions connected with the variables, it was hypothesized in the study design process that those variables could play a signi cant role in political involvement. They were assumed to be among the potentially signi cant foundations generating community behaviors and leading to the development of attitudes oriented towards neighbors and the common good. The study (N=422) con rmed these expectations; the bivariate model proved to be the weakest predictor of electoral participation, but was a much better determinant for other forms of political participation and civic attitude.
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The 19th-century popularity and ambiguity of many versions of the motif of Russian inde niteness contributed to popularize the view about its ineffaceable incongruity to the West. On the basis of such ideas the premises of the deep aversion between these two spheres were arising. Against this background, it is clearly visible why despite of the not so rare mutual fascination, the relations between Russians and other European nations were often dominated by con icts of interests, animosities and embarrassment associated with the dif cult past and cultural distance. All of these barriers – in conjunction with the rapid acceleration of historical processes, including the intensi cation of international contacts – were facilitating the creation of fear, distrust, unfortunate statements, wounded pride, contempt and desire for revenge.
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The analysis presented in this paper concerns corporate self-regulatory associations (in Polish: samorząd korporacyjny) based on the principle of mandatory membership of individuals. In this context, it was necessary to outline the nature and directions of development of local governments (in Polish: samorz1d terytorialny) as the core of local authorities. A corporate self-regulatory association, however, is not a unidimensional term that exclusively concerns territorial relations. The system that represents the interests of certain circles also encompasses a highly significant type of special self-regulatory entities (in Polish: samorząd specjalny) identified by different criteria. This includes personal associations that express the interests of individuals representing professions of public trust and business associations whose task is to act in the name of different economic circles. This division is reflected by professional and business self-regulatory associations respectively (in Polish: samorząd zawodowy and samorząd gospodarczy). In the context of globalisation, metropolisation and participatory democracy, self-regulatory associations should be viewed from a slightly differ- ent perspective – not only through the prism of communities organised in terms of territories, but also from the point of view of persons who perform professions of public trust, that is in terms of governance. This is particularly important on account of the necessity to seek new, effective and equal forms of collaboration between local government units and the organisations of special self-regulatory associations.
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The objective of this paper is to analyse the conditions that have enabled effective diffusion of the category of collective memory into the field of social movement studies. This primarily concerns the evolution of ways to theorise the phenomenon of contestation policy which has gradually began to take into account the cultural dimen- sion of social movements, including the practice of assigning meanings that refer to the past. The paper also presents two theoretical-methodological proposals for combining the category of collective memory and studies of contestation policy, namely the concept of the mnemonic ability of the US gay movement and the concept of mnemonic structures of possibilities.
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The paper presents a new insight into the memory processes associated with memory politics at the local level. Firstly, the author opposes the identification of the term “memory politics” with the term “history politics”. Secondly, the author presents a proposal for analyzing public attempts to influence the collective consciousness of the past through the concept of local memory policies. This concept applies to territorial communities smaller than the state-society. The author shows the empirical application of this concept on the example of the city of Poznañ.
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Assoc. Prof. Rossen Stoyanov, PhD in his study "Political Myths - New Religion, a New Communication?" emphasizes that political myth establishes the eternity of the past, the inevitability of the present and the inescapable fate of the future. Myth is the armor of ideology. Political myth often claim the level of belief in the absolute truth of the sacred.
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After a lengthy political crisis, and the postponement of early elections, Macedonia's main parties finally agree to go to the polls in December.
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Youth political participation via state-sponsored institutional settlements has always been considered a goal of youth policies, representing a means of creating politically active and caring citizens. Throughout Europe, however, the number of politically active young people seems to be diminishing, with youth frequently described as apathetic and disengaged. While a growing body of academic research has concentrated on exploring the reasons behind political inactivity, this article explores the motivation and activities of some of the young people who are involved in institutionalised youth organisations, asking if the meanings behind institutional political participation are undergoing a process of change together with the rest of the society. Based on qualitative in-depth interviews, participant observation and analysis of documents (including online communication) collected as part of the research project MYPLACE, we examine the meanings young people attach to their participation. We show that the character of these organisations and motivations behind participation are miscellaneous; sometimes strikingly similar to the forms of participation not traditionally associated with political activism but rather ascribed to disengaged youth.
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This special issue of Studies of Transition States and Societies closes with a concluding discussion that aims to contextualise some of the key findings from the preceding articles. To do so, we use comparative level evidence drawn from other regions included in the MYPLACE consortium, identifyng contrasts and commonalities in how youth politics is practiced across different European regions. The basic approach is one of assessing the extent to which patterns of participation in Estonia diverge from activism elsewhere, thus locating Estonian youth within a broader analytical framework.
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Municipality size affects various factors in the life of municipality. The current research in relation to municipality size is mostly focused on the performance of competences, financial situation, possibilities of development and quality of services. Futhermore in the condition of Slovak republic is no definition what is a small municipality and what is an ideal municipality size hasn´t been defined yet. The article dealt with the analysis of the typology of small municipalities, whether it was possible to determine the categorization of municipalities and define criterions of small municipality. The paper primarily focused on two groups of municipalities: municipalities up to 500 inhabitants and municipalities from 501 to 1,000 inhabitants. Defining criteria were chosen: infrastructure and electoral behaviour (in communal elections 2010 and 2014 in Nitra region). The present study is based on analysis of the infrastructure in municipalities in Nitra region and on the results in communal election in 2010 and 2014. There is a comparison of electoral results according to municipality size. The first part of research showed the infrastructure was relevant dividing criterion for chosen groups of municipalities. In the municipalities to 500 inhabitants was infrastructure at very low level. The second part focused on the results of communal elections based on categorization of municipalities according Act no. 396/1990. Analysis showed that electoral behaviour is not specific for small municipalities to 500 inhabitants. Electoral behaviour couldn´t be considered as a differential criterion between different sizes of municipalities.
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The aim of this article is to show how sport can matter in international relations. Sport can be a subject or a tool of international relations.It can be used by states or geopolitical blocks to display their alleged superiorityor any other desired characteristic. Governments may desire athletic victories,which are meant to imply, for example, the power of the state and its political and economic system. Participation in sport can also be used for political reasons on an international scale; a number of political objectives can be achieved by states by participating (or not) in sports events. Not only is sport affected by a country’s policies, but on certain occasions sports events can influence states.
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Dvije opasnosti vrebaju Francusku u poslijeratnome svijetu. Prva je više ili manje neposredna; druga je vreba više iz daleka, ali je također neusporedivo tegobnija.
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