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Refugees keep finding reasons not to stay in country known for its anti-migrant sentiments.
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Recent developments in local public finance management in Slovenia indicate the local governments’ growing interest in introducing participatory budgeting as a decision-making tool, wherein part of local resources are used with citizen participation. Usually, the literature on participation budgeting analyses its effects, but our main research objective was to analyze the possible determinants influencing its implementation. The influence of political factors, sociodemographic factors, economic factors, and the capability of municipalities are examined here using binary logistic regression to predict a dichotomous dependent variable from a set of predictor variables. In binary logistic regression, predictable variables are the probability of one category being chosen. In this case, the authors calculated the probability that a municipality, described by selected prediction variables, would implement a participatory budget. The results of the analysis suggest six indicators that impact the probability of participatory budgeting adoption, proving the influence of four determinants on the decision to adopt such a measure.
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Participation in the local public finance decision-making process in Serbia is not a new concept as it was implemented even during the ‘Titoistic’ period. However, direct participation is still in an infant phase altogether with the low interest of citizens in participating in local financial decision-making procedures. The aim of this paper is to explain the main types of civic participation in the local financial decision-making process (i.e., referendum voting on self-imposed contribution, participatory budgeting, and civic crowdfunding) and to focus on the main factors that lead to a low participation of citizens in such processes. Additionally, the article analyses how these factors affect general mistrust in politics and society. For this purpose, a total of N=421 citizens were interviewed. Using the principal component analysis, the following three main components for low participation were defined: 1) lack of knowledge, 2) lack of interest, and 3) lack of political will. Thereafter, using the regression analysis, the study confirmed that the first two components are statistically significant predictors for mistrust in politics and society.
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Report from the national scientific conferences: 1. "Komunikacja w perspektywie nauk administracyjnych", Lublin, March 17, 2022, 2. " Obywatel a sfera publiczna", Lublin, April 8, 2022.
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Based on a review of the literature, the article discusses the main controversies in family policy design. The article addresses the challenges facing family policies and discusses the various forms and strategies of these policies. Family policy in social research can be the perspective through which government actions and the consequences of these actions for families are analyzed. It can be described through the assumed goals and courses of action, the structures within which it is implemented, the functions it performs, or the processes of change it initiates. In considering family policy, it is necessary to take into account activities that are directly aimed at families, as well as those that affect their condition indirectly. These are: 1) laws and actions concerning the composition of the family (issues of marriage, divorce, adoption, births, foster care), 2) economic support for families, 3) issues concerning the development of children (the ability of parents to nurture, raise and educate their children), 4) care (especially with regard to sick or disabled family members), 5) relationships, sustainability and stability of families. The purpose of the article is to point out the challenges posed by contemporary socio-cultural changes and the possible consequences of the policy models adopted.
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Tekst koji namjeravam izložiti koncipiran je više u formi otvaranja nekih pitanja negoli u obliku uobičajenih studija u kojima se aktuelni problemi tretiraju iz rakursa sasvim specifičnih znanstvenih teorija. Na ovako nešto opredijelili su me brojni faktori. No, jedan bih ovom prilikom posebno izdvojio. Oslovljavajući različita pisanja vezana za savremene kulturne i društvene izazove koji se postavljaju pred religiozne osobe, nerijetko se, što je u dobroj mjeri i razumljivo, većina analiza zadržava na onome pristupu religiji koji se karakterizira kao govor, uslovno rečeno “iz vana”, čime se nastoji, vjerovatno, postići objektivnost. Međutim, strogo logički promatrajući, opravdano je postaviti pitanje: Koliko može biti objektivno nešto što iz razmatranja cjeline isključuje jedan njen prirodni dio?
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This paper strategically uses “race” to challenge the claim under national paradigms that the absence of coloniality within nation-states excludes internal racial formations. With this in mind, I will examine two canonical national paradigms, the works of Benedict Anderson and Maria Todorova. Central to each of their paradigms is the incommensurability thesis of nationalism and racism, race, and nationality. Anderson and Todorova’s theses reflect today’s colonial amnesia of European historiography (Wilder 2003, 3; Kundrus 2011, 39; Baker 2018, 23). To argue the opposite – that modern nations are racial formations, that nations are not imagined but rather racialized communities – I will first outline the main points of their theses before moving to the comparative analysis of the Balkans and Latin American eugenics as an example of how race has played a role in the formation of nations and then conclude by exposing “racial capitalism” (Cox 1959; Williams 1994; DuBois 1969; Wilson-Gilmore 2007; Kelley 2002; Robinson 2000) as the silent background of Anderson and Todorova’s structural amnesia.
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The article is devoted to the study of the impact of artificial intelligence technology on the functioning of traditional political institutions in terms of their performance of specific functions. Special attention is paid to the risks and threats that arise today for the Ukrainian state in matters of guaranteeing national security. It is emphasized that the development of artificial intelligence technology significantly increases these threats, particularly in the information field. An analysis of expert assessments and political statements regarding the importance of controlling the use of new technology is provided. The potential possibilities of using artificial intelligence algorithms in the political sphere are indicated.
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This article aims to propose a set of theoretical categories for analyzing political thinking struc-tures distributed by the Taliban after the war in Afghanistan. It includes three groups of ideal typesthat enable researchers to identify and classify different aspects of these structures used to formulatelegitimacy claims. They are religious and political; tribal and post-tribal thinking; nativism, contra-ac-culturation, vitalism, and autonegativism. Although the scope of their application significantly exceedsthe exploration of the indicated research field, they are useful to understand the changes in the contem-porary political scene in Asia and carefully forecast the direction of changes in the Afghan political sys-tem. These structures are used by the Taliban to generate social legitimacy for their rule and the shapedpolitical system, i.e., to gain support for the current government from the ruled population and to modelthe acceptance of its policies, institutions, and values. They constitute specific legitimacy claims that,apart from the use of repression and cohesion of the ruling elite, form one of the stability pillars of a po-litical regime. They can be treated as legitimizing structures underlying the constructed political order.
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The aim of the article was to conduct an in-depth reflection on the attitude of the Afghan Talibanto the issue of cultural heritage and cultural goods, Many events, especially the spectacular destructionof Buddha statues in the Bamiyan Valley in 2001, have been interpreted in stereotypes based primarilyon religious argumentation. The author tried to show the more complex genesis of the act of culturalbarbarism, which was undoubtedly the destruction of the monuments from Bamiyan. The motivationof the fundamentalist interpretation of Islam is only one of the factors that led to the destruction ofthe dowries. Political and ethnic perspectives, issues of the politics of remembrance and many othersshould also be taken into account. To what extent was the act of destruction and what followed in thenext quarter of a century merely a manifestation of barbaric fanaticism, and to what extent did it containan element of pragmatism? The author tries to get closer to the answers to these non-obvious questions.
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The article is devoted to the specific analysis of the changes that have taken place in the perceptionof the status of women in Afghanistan. The state, also known as the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, is anarea where the level of gender inequality and discrimination is one of the highest in the world. The originsof Afghan statehood date back to the eighteenth century. Over the years, the local community has facednumerous armed conflicts, the basis of which can be found both in the interventions of third countries andin internal problems. These include, for example, ethnic conflicts or extreme religious extremism.The first part of this article contains the analysis of the position of women in the light of Islam andMiddle Eastern traditions. The author points to two main determinants that have a real and significantimpact on the scope of the rights granted to an individual. She points them out consecutively: religion–as a factor shaping the mentality of each group, as well as the patriarchal model of society, determinedby the physical, mental and spiritual spheres of a human being.In the second part, the author describes the socio-cultural changes that took place in 2021, i.e. afterthe Taliban took power again. It refers to the laws and regulations that were introduced in the IslamicEmirate of Afghanistan.The third part contains references to the assumptions of international law and all other acts that dealwith the issue of discrimination against women and other disadvantaged groups under national law. Tobetter explain the issue, a definition of the term “discrimination” is also provided.In the last part of the paper, the author describes the current position of women in Afghanistanand at the same time, she presents her observations on the rate of change in the mentality of the localcommunity.
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In the specific literature, religious diversity has received important attention. The present study contributes to the literature of economics of religion by examining the impact of religious freedom and other specific variables of freedom (like economic freedom, political freedom and civil liberties) on the Gross Domestic Product per capita PPP. Following Alon and Chase (2005), in the sections that follow we develop a rationale as to whether the selected variables of freedom, including the religious one, should affect Gross Domestic Product per capita PPP and, then, discuss the results and their importance.
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The article presents the profile of Viktor Shenderovich (born in 1958), a modern-day writer, referred to as the leadingRussian satirist, essayist, screenwriter of the iconic TV show „Puppets” („Куклы”), aphorist, dissident, outspoken Kremlincritic, currently living in emigration. The article’s author is referring Shenderovich artistic biography, which describes hismost important literary achievements — Shenderovich is a playwright, an author of many plays in a convention of po-litical satire, in which he often refers to the most current events in Russian history. The article also presents Shenderovichdissident activity. In 2010 he became a laureate of the Helsinki Foundation of Human Rights award in the category „Hu-man Rights Protection by the Means of Culture and Art”. He’s also been actively protesting against the Kremlin’s policy bysigning multiple appeals and protests directed at the president of the Russian Federation. Since the beginning of Russia’saggression on Ukraine, Shenderovich has been condemning the war publicly, he was also a part of a group of artists andactivists calling for deescalating the conflict and ceasing hostilities. In December of 2021, Shenderovich’s name was put onthe “foreign agent” list, which was a direct cause of him leaving the country. The article’s author also discusses the writer’sconnection with Polish culture, especially the making of his original project called Lec — the 20th century.
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The oppressiveness of the North Korean regime cultivated by the successivedynastic leaders of the Kim family is paradoxically legitimised because of the attributes of vulnerability, fragility and the considerations of mystical dei-ties. Mother, Tangun and Pektu are phrases with an unimaginable power ofsocial constructivism, capable of sustaining totalitarian power structures inan unchanged formula for years. Propaganda in the North Korean dicta turyco-constitutes the architecture of social reality, contributing to contributingto the chronic apathy of the DPRK people. With the further development ofthe nuclear arsenal nuclear arsenal, the imperialist aspirations are shroudedin an ever-decreasing layer of fog, all with the measurable indifference of therest of the world.
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Albanian politics is customarily characterised as producing tension and conflict to serious degrees. There is also the critique that part of this conflict is entirely artificial (i.e. not occasioned by objective reasons that one can find in the reality of society) and could have, therefore, not been generated at all in the first place. This description of politics certainly has its merits, since it directs our attention to a problem that seems to bring along other problems for the society. However, one can also view the production of tension and conflict as solution to a problem, even though this might only be a political problem. Then, this problem runs the risk of not receiving any attention, for all attention is focused on the solution; it remains latent and, because of this, highly productive in undesirable consequences. Here we will use another viewpoint in order to elucidate the phenomenon of political conflict as well as to provide guidelines for solution.
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The following article should be read as marginalia to the Polish translation of the monumental work Thomas Mann’s The Reflections of a Nonpolitical Man, published in 2022. The focus lies on the mentions of Poland in the work. Using selected quotations, the political discourse and important figures of the political as well as literary scene of the time can be examined more precisely. For example, the cultural-political journalist Carl Jentsch and the West-Prussian writer Bogumil Golz, who wrote an ethnographic study about the Germans in the 1860s. Attention is drawn to opinions that may have influenced Mann’s views at the time. What else is discussed in these marginalia are Mann’s statements about the Prussian electoral reform and passages in his work, that proved some- what problematic for a Polish translator. In addition, the author looks briefly at the acceptance ofthe Reflections in Poland, as well as its general attitude towards Mann’s oeuvre from the time of the First World War.
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This study was focused on the increasingly widespread phenomenon of radicalism among government officials in Indonesia. The perspective adopted an evaluation of government legal policies designed to curtail the proliferation of radicalism through counter-radicalization, and deradicalization measures. These anti-radica- lism policies were aimed to reintegrate government officials who had been influ- enced by radicalism, aligning their thinking, attitudes, and behaviour with the principles of the Indonesian Pancasila. Presently, the envisioned ideal conditions remain elusive. Therefore, this study adopted a normative approach to assessing the precision of the implementation of anti-radicalization and deradicalization policies, with a focus on comprehensive regulations and targeted methods. The proposed remedy involved a shift in legal policy, with greater emphasis placed on counter-radicalization efforts developed through a screening process that iden- tified potential instances of radicalism in the cyber realm through early detection. Subsequently, these cases were directed to the legal process, with a deradicalization attempt, which emphasized an understanding of the ideology of Pancasila.
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The article defines the term ‘social resistance’, which is undoubtedly an important issue in today’s world. It describes forms of social resistance that can be observed in contemporary civil societies. It highlights the specificity of the issue of social resistance in Belarus, emphasising the strong position of the authorities in Minsk. Forms of social resistance noticeable in Belarus are enumerated, emphasising unconventional forms of resistance such as anonymous literature. The example of four selected texts shows how anonymous writers present their president. The terms ‘legitimisation’ and ‘political image’ are also defined in the article.
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This article closes a series of papers analysing Edward Abramowski’s early thought as expressed in his collected works written up to 1896. It focuses on the following questions: What might Abramowski – writing at a specific time and place, with a specific audience in mind – have wanted to communicate? Is there supra-historical content in Abramowski’s views? This involves tracing the relationship between Abramowski’s ideas and their social and intellectual context. The study uses the methodology of the history of ideas to gain new knowledge about Abramowski’s thoughts. It fits indirectly into the studies on the history of Polish socialism and the dispute over the emancipation of women.
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the United States is a federal republic whose citizens enjoy a dynamic political system, a strong tradition of the rule of law, robust freedom of speech and religious belief, and a wide range of other civil liberties. the first Amendment to the U.S. constitution prevents the government from enacting laws that: govern the establishment of religion; prohibit the free exercise of religion; restrict freedom of speech, freedom of the press and freedom of assembly. there is a growing tendency in global politics, academia and in diplomacy to accept the inclination of hegemon states to dominate all-important aspects of global power. freedom and moral standards are viewed as a political ballast because human beings by nature, and states in particular, have a boundless desire for unrestricted power and for the promotion of their own self-interest, regardless of international law, custom, culture or tradition.the twenty-first century crisis of freedom is at the root of the crisis of truth. in the conceptually contemporary world, John Paul ii’s voice clearly showed the inseparable link between freedom and truth. the Pope’s philosophy of freedom is contrary to the concept of freedom from values, so widespread in contemporary culture, especially in the USA.
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