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In the following discussion it is assumed that we are not threatened – at least in the near future – with any crisis in terms of pro-family values. However, we can speak of a kind of ambivalence, of chances and risks, of losses and gains, of a widening sphere of social consent with respect to attitudes and behaviors disapproved of in the model of morality proclaimed by the Catholic Church. The socio-cultural context in which the changes of the family are taking place has been shown within the framework of two – partly contradictory – theories: secularization and individualization of the family. These two theories do not have a value-laden meaning, but a descriptive and explanatory. They refer to actual family conditions and behaviors that have been and are being produced in the realities of everyday life in contemporary societies. They do not cover all the systems of reference within which one can interpret the ongoing transformations in pro-family consciousness and behavior.
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RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The scientific objective of this paper is to present the conflict between the Church and the state authorities, whose cause was the reception of the dogma of papal infallibility. The bishop of Warmia imposed canonical sanctions on the priests in his diocese who rebelled against the dogma. Their effects went beyond the Church’s internal discipline and encroached on an area of state authority. The dispute between the Church and state in the educational turned into a conflict which lasted many years. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The research problem focuses on the competence of the secular and Church authorities regarding individuals who were formally members of the hierarchical structure of the Church but who were also state officials. The method used is a critical source analysis, using existing studies. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The educational and academic consortium in Braniewo became the focus of all the factors of controversy around the dogma of papal infallibility. Futile reconciliation efforts made by the bishop of Warmia led to radical sanctions. In the opinion of the state authorities, it was a violation of the common rules of the state of law and provoked actions aimed at solving the dispute on the administrative level. RESEARCH RESULTS: The dispute within the Church turned into a conflict between the spiritual and secular authorities on the principles of coexistence of the two orders within the state of law. The administrative sanctions against the top hierarchs, were only temporary effects of the conflict in Warmia, which started the prolonged struggle between the Prussian state and the Catholic Church, called kulturkampf. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: Friendly relations between the Church and state require permanent communication and consultations. They should produce a precisely specified catalogue of acceptable criteria of coexistence and mutually agreed on axiology.
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RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The main research objective of this article is the analysis if the Catholic Social Teaching in thought of pope Benedict XVI belongs to metapolitics.THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The basic research problem is an attempt to answer the question if according to pope Benedict XVI his version of Catholic Social Teaching is part of metapolitics. There are two main methods: selection and interpretation. Selection of main texts of Benedict XVI that are in relation to the research problem and interpretation of these texts if this version of Catholic social Teaching belongs to metapolitics.THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The article starts with the comments on the relation between politics and metapolitics. Next, define the term of metapolitics. Furthermore considerations on Benedict XVI` specific version Catholic Social Teaching and its belong to metapolitics. The article ends with recapitulate of the analysis relation between metapolitics and the Catholic Social Teaching in thought of Benedict XVI.RESEARCH RESULTS: The version of Catholic Social Teaching in thought of Benedict XVI as the ethic belongs to metapolitics.CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: Pope Benedict XVI and his version of the Catholic Social Teaching recommends “that the formation of just structures is not directly the duty of the Catholic Church (…) The Church has an indirect duty here, in that she is called to contribute to the purification of reason and to the reawakening of those moral forces without which just structures are neither established nor prove effective in the long run” (Benedict XVI, Deus Caritas Est, n. 29).
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The article investigates the representation of the Russia-Ukraine war in statements of the heads of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU), the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church (UGCC) and the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (UOC). The study reveals stark differences in the discourse of Ukrainian Church leaders regarding their portrayal of the invasion. Thus, Metropolitan Onufriy resorts to the framing model of backgrounding by personifying the war and minimizing direct references to Russia as responsible for its commencement. Instead, Metropolitan Epiphanius and Patriarch Sviatoslav unequivocally condemn Russia as the aggressor state, apply derogatory labels to the Russian army and resort to hyperbolization, thus foregrounding the guilt of the enemy. Furthermore, they both tend to construct an extremely positive image of the Ukrainian nation and warriors, with many allusions to biblical heroes. They attribute the sacral meaning to the Russia-Ukraine war projecting it onto the eschatological dimension as the war between good and evil, where the good is destined to win. In contrast, Metropolitan Onufriy does not mention the idea of Ukraine’s victory at all but mostly envisions the advent of peace as achieved by means of negotiation or mediation. In conveying their communicative intentions, all three heads make extensive allusions to biblical events, but even in case of the same biblical plots (the story of Cain and Abel, the apocalypse, etc.), there are significant differences in the aspects they choose to highlight.
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Despite the abundance of researches into the question of the relationship between the Soviet government and the Orthodox Church, there still remain unexplored lacunae. One of them is the relationship of power with the clergy of the Court. The clergy, which was part of the Ministry of the Imperial Court, was abolished in January 1918, a few days before the Decree on Separation of Church from State was issued. This chronological discrepancy had its own reason. First of all, the clergy was connected with the fate of the Ministry, and, like a number of its subdivisions, fell under the control of the People’s Commissariat of Property of the Republic. Despite the generally accepted opinion about the exceptionally consistent anti-religious policy of the authorities, in March 1918 the leadership of the People’s Commissariat of Property issued a decree on the return to the clergy of part of the capital alienated by the January decree. This article examines this document and its appendices, which were not previously published, and also analyzes the possible reasons for the emergence of such a document, which contradicts the general course aimed at combating the church and religion carried out at that time on the national level.
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The article discusses the issue of the organisation, course and effects of the pol- icy of the party-state authorities against school retreats organised in 1952. The authori- ties considered them to be an indicator of progress in the fight against the Church and ordered meticulous field inspections. On the basis of an analysis of archival materials, primarily post-inspection reports and available literature, the author presents the meth- ods and means used by the state to achieve success. The issue is presented in several ar- eas: the school, teachers, pupils, parents and also the clergy. This holistic view facilitates an assessment of the consequences of the action undertaken.
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The article is devoted to the identification of a complex of basic social and political ideas in the work of the Union church figure Antoni Sielawa, using the example of his polemical work „Antelenchus”, published in 1622. It is noted that this work uses a number of key concepts characteristic of the noble political discourse, which was formed in along the lines of the republican tradition (“Rzeczpospolita”, „fatherland”, „law”, „freedom”, „social peace”). The accentuation of excessive freedom in the Polish- Lithuanian Commonwealth in connection with the need to justify the groundlessness of the Orthodox complaints about the violation of their rights and freedoms, which is accompanied by the denial of absolute power and tyranny and the assertion of the priority of peaceful means in the religio-political struggle (dispute project), is notable. When considering the relationship between religious and secular institutions, the autonomy of the church, the inadmissibility of interference in the sphere of its functioning by the state government and secular communities, and the monopoly of the clergy to resolve specifically religious issues are emphasized.
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In contrast to the readings that oppose a first 'revolutionary' Simone Weil to a second 'conservative' Simone Weil, this article supports the thesis of a profound continuity and coherence in Weil's political thought, parallel to the overall unity of her philosophy. Just as there is no opposition between her political thought of the early and the late 1930s, there is no opposition between her 'mystical' philosophy from the period in Marseille and her "political" philosophy from the period in London. However, this does not abolish the distance that must be maintained between religion, mysticism and politics, because the "synthesis" of these levels is not historical-political, but eschatological. Ultimately, we show that Weilian thought supports both the dual necessity and the mutual insufficiency of mysticism and politics, which enables it to escape both totalitarian idolatry and the mysticism of a pure afterlife. If she ignores the opposition so common in modern thought between "Amor Dei" and "Amor Mundi", it is because she wishes to comply with the dual Platonic and Christian injunction to bring the Good down into necessity without confusing both, thus making political action the criterion of truth of political thought.
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The subject of this paper is the Hans Mol’s sociology of religion, which is also known as the “identity theory of religion”. The aim of the paper is to show Hans Mol’s contributions based on the analysis and critical assumptions of the identity theory of religion. In order to shed light on contemporary social constellations that necessarily imply the presence of religion in the “public sphere”, the paper proves the plausibility and scientific usability of the identity theory of religion in the analysis of religion and its connection with identity, politics and culture. In accordance with the saying, the paper shows that the sociology of religion by Hans Mol in toto should be observed and understood in its own interpretative range. In this sense, identity theory of religion does not represent just one innovative platform for understanding religion as “sacralization of identity”; it must be understood in the context of its methodological and paradigmatic significance for the sociology of religion as a whole. For this reason, the paper highlights the theoretical coordinates of Hans Mol’s sociology of religion, which is found at the intersection of sociological, anthropological and secularization theories of religion.
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The state is the organizational achievement of the development of human social and political consciousness. It is a mechanism of unifying power over people and territory, on the one hand, or, on the other hand, solving the historical issue of the right to power. The theoretical understanding of the state is observed from the theological, philosophical, evolutionist, rationalist, historical and functionalist points of view, from which its different conceptions arise. The actual existence of the state goes back to the deep history of the human race, while theories about its existence and development are ancient and modern creations. Depending on the time of looking at its content, the state was a monarchy, an oligarchy and a democracy. The first two types of rule are interpreted as personal, while the third type is described for general benefit, which in today’s sense of the word we understand as the state. In its development, the state went through a path from direct, personal-status, to delegated and representative rule. In the modern sense, the state is depersonalized, sovereign and democratic, the rule of law and institutions, over a clearly defined territory and population. The state unites the social totality on its territory, positioning itself as the unifier and arbiter of all particularities, from whose consent it derives its power. Today’s science often breaks down the concept of ancient government and modern state. The first one is deprived of its territoriality, legality and depersonalization, while the second one is associated with the renaming of man as a citizen, i.e. the victory of codified law over the arbitrary will of the ruler. No matter when and where they were created, all forms of government were a response to the historical situation faced by a certain human community. Therefore, the state is the result of the understanding of a historical moment by a given human community.
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The study is focused on the Czechoslovak reception of events in Austria between 1932–1938. It follows, mostly chronologically, important milestones, key personalities and significant conflicts that shaped the form of the Corporate state in Austria in 1930s. Based on these, as much as the historical sources allow it, it reflects both dramatic events of Austrian inner politics and their protagonists, while the attention is also paid to the Catholic milieu in Czechoslovakia, including the Czechoslovak People’s Party with its Chairman Jan Šrámek. It analyses the reception of social ideas from the Papal Encyclical Quadragesimo anno from 1931 in Austria as well as its implementation into the constitution of the Corporate state in 1934. In a comprehensive part, it details how much the papal principles of solidarity and subsidiarity lacked in the authoritarian conception of the Austrian state in 1930s that pushed them through from above with no regard to papal rules and principles of the public discourse. The authoritarian conception was well received by the Czech catholic thinkers that found it inspiring for the home milieu, hoping that a spiritual regeneration of the Czech society and preference of the Catholic faith in everyday life in Czechoslovakia would come with it.
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The paper investigates modes of historical appropriation of the Serbian Middle Ages and of the Byzantine history in contemporary social and religious discourses in post socialistic Republic of Serbia and the Russian Federation. The paper deals with several examples which have to illustrate the main notion that contemporary monument culture, as displayed in the case of the monument dedicated to Serbian grand zhupan Stefan Nemanja, and the Cathedral church of St. Sava represented as the new Hagia Sophia in Belgrade, and on the other hand, in the case of the historical documentary film “Fall of the Empire – the Byzantine lesson” directed by the Russian archminadrites, now bishop of Pskov, Tihon Ševkunov, testify to pretensions of the contemporary Serbian and Russian states and their societies and culture to a identity as new Byzantiums. We aim to show that this idea of new Byzantiums or new Serbias are forged in the process of building of a new political and national identities of the two nations, in which history is utilized as an instrument of national identity in close relations to contemporary political processes. The paper demonstrates that in these processes history is not preserved or displayed in an objective way, but rather such utilizations mislead into inappropriate understanding of the past.
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Formation of the government by Christian socialist Engelbert Dollfuss has been rightly designated within historiography as one of the milestones in modern Austrian history. The present research, excluding a few exceptions, almost forgot the preserved stenographic texts from the Christian Socialist Parliamentary Club that in fact played the role of party presidium. The results of regional votes on 24 April 1932, and first of all the unexpected success of non-parliamentary party of Austrian Nazis, caused an internal crisis resulting in governmental resignation. Federal Chancellor Karl Buresch aimed at an emergence of a coalition of all non-socialist parties but he met with strong opposition among pan-Germans who could not forget disagreements some time before. Engelbert Dollfuss was authorized by Christian Social Party to lead the talks after unsuccessful attempts to unify right-wing and middle-right parties on the governmental platform. The successful Minister of Agriculture was acceptable for all potential partners in contrast with Buresch. The course of negotiations was complicated by sometimes unpredictable attempts for maximal use of the present coalition and pressure potential of individual parties. Dollfuss’ effort to form a government of all non-socialist political parties was unsuccessful due to the attitude of pan-Germans. The National Liberals preferred their perseverance in opposition to participation in the coalition in the hope that they could prevent the outflow of voters to the Nazi camp. Their unwillingness to take governmental responsibility reduced coalition options to collaboration of the Christian socialists, the Landbund and the Heimatblock. The Federal President Wilhelm Miklas named a new Austrian government on 20 May 1932 led by Engelbert Dollfuss. Some events from forming the new Cabinet were kept in secret from the public. Both parties, i. e. the Christian socialists and the Social democracy had not taken a large coalition into consideration. In that sense there were only noncom-mittal and diffident probes which soon were to no effect from the reason of mutual unwillingness to find consensus and listen to the opposition.
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The intention of this paper is to bring the issue of integration of Turkey into the European Union. The primary aim is to analyze different attitudes towards this issue. Furthermore, the article focuses on the analysis of the historical development of Turkish society, which makes the difference between Turkey and other Islamic countries clear to us. This difference is demonstrated mainly by applying kemalism in Turkish society. This paper focuses on the comparison of two key areas of the accession of Turkey to the EU criteria in the economic and religious terms which divide the EU member states' points of view to two groups. The main reason for choosing the topic was the position of Turkey, not only in history, which is to some extent related to the history of Europe, but also in the current attitude towards the European Union.
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Interview with Claude Lanzmann by D. Tsepeneag
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In this scientific study the author refers to the chapter from the history of the relationship between state and church in the period from 1969 to 1989. Th e period of political easing in 1968, called “Prague Spring“, is followed, aft er the invasion of the troops of the Warsaw Pact to our territory, by the return of political relations before 1968. Th is change of the political situation was reflected in the relationship to the Catholic Church, too. Th e state tried to take control of the church, even with the help of the collaborating members of the church itself, who were united in an organisation. To survey the history of this organisation in South Bohemia the author uses archive materials not published so far.
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Dès son époque et surtout depuis sa mort, Napoléon a été étudié, adoré ou injurié par quantité d'écrivains, des plus grands aux plus modestes. Aucun autre personnage historique n'a ainsi marqué de son empreinte la littérature mondiale. Ce recueil de citations en donne pour la première fois un aperçu autour de plusieurs thèmes centraux : le personnage Napoléon, Napoléon et les peuples, les soldats, les grandes figures de l'époque et quelques événements majeurs. On nous a montré, on nous montrera en lui le républicain, le patriote, le Latin, le représentant de l'humanité; et la foule qui verra passer les carrosses de gala au Panthéon n’oubliera peut-être qu'une chose : c’est que le grand homme fut un grand poète, un homme qui écrivait en vers, qui mettait du noir sur du blanc en lignes inégales, un homme qui méditait une épithète et risquait une rime, qui maniait les mots et les rythmes comme d'autres le pinceau ou l'ébauchoir, un grand poète comme Delacroix est un grand peintre, comme Rodin est un grand sculpteur. Bonaparte n’est point grand par ses paroles, ses discours, ses écrits, par l’amour des libertés qu’il n’a jamais eu et n’a jamais prétendu établir ; il est grand pour avoir créé un gouvernement régulier et puissant, un code de lois adopté en divers pays, des cours de justice, des écoles, une administration forte, active, intelligente, et sur laquelle nous vivons encore ; il est grand pour avoir ressuscité, éclairé et géré supérieurement l’Italie ; il est grand pour avoir fait renaître en France l’ordre du sein du chaos, pour avoir relevé les autels, pour avoir réduit de furieux démagogues, d’orgueilleux savants, des littérateurs anarchiques, des athées voltairiens, des orateurs de carrefours, des égorgeurs de prisons et de rues, des claque-dents de tribune, de clubs et d’échafauds, pour les avoir réduits à servir sous lui ; il est grand pour avoir enchaîné une tourbe anarchique ; il est grand pour avoir abattu tous les rois ses opposants, pour avoir défait toutes les armées quelle qu’ait été la différence de leur discipline et de leur valeur, pour avoir appris son nom aux peuples sauvages comme aux peuples civilisés, pour avoir surpassé tous les vainqueurs qui le précédèrent, pour avoir rempli dix années de tels prodiges qu’on a peine aujourd’hui à les comprendre.
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Interview with Monika Białkowska, Ignacy Dudkiewicz and Józef Majewski by Sebastian Duda and Zbigniew Nosowski („Więź”).
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The question of the social function of religion is undoubtedly one of the most important questions at the level of global social ontology. In this context, the sociology of religion positions itself as of the most important branches within contemporary sociology. Bearing in mind the events that mark the current global political situation, especially the Russian Federation’s aggression against Ukraine, the need to rethink the relationship between ethnicity and religion as a special expression of the crisis of secularity within the limits of “radicalized consequences of modernity” further intensifies. The paper is composed of two parts: 1) Reflecting on the central theoretical issues in the contemporary sociology of religion from the perspective of the new geopolitical constellation and its repercussions on Bosnia and Herzegovina and 2) Pointing out the tribal and “anti-social” character of society in Bosnia and Herzegovina, with an emphasis on the obscure link between ethnic and religious identity, treated as a special dimension of cultural trauma. The paper points to the dark background of the normative and substantial disintegration of Bosnian society
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