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Reinhold Niebuhr, known as pastor of Bethel Evangelical Church, theologist, philosopher, political scientist and political activist had enormous influence on American political thought from the early 1920s to the early 1950s. He was able to successfully explain the roots of the atrocities of WW II and the Cold War period.
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One of the results of the Arab Spring, both in Egypt and Tunisia, was rise in popularity of the ultraconservative Salafi movement. Despite one-sided media coverage, Salafists cannot be equated only with violence, because the vast majority of its members have taken a quietist approach rejecting not only violence, but any form of political commitment. This does not change the fact, however, that due to the doctrine adopted by Salafists, the boundary between quietism and political activity, and finally the use of violence is not clearly defined. It means that members of the movement, who previously declared themselves to be apolitical, can easily decide to engage in radical actions. The aim of this article is to draw attention to the ideological roots of Salafism, its internal divisions with regard to political commitment, and to analyse the development of the Salafi movement in Egypt and Tunisia before and after Arab Spring. It will also attempt to assess the possible development of this movement in the near future.
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The Arab Spring created a new context for the implementation of regional policy, but its main courses, instruments and mechanisms have remained unchanged. They include: the strategic alliance with the US, the regional rivalry with Iran and Shia influences, the leadership in propagation of political Islam, counterterrorism, funding both the ally regimes and their opposition in order to have all the scenarios covered. The actions taken by Saudi Arabia as its reaction to the Arab Spring are considered as counterrevolution. There is little hope for the new post-Arab-Spring governments for democracy or economic liberalization, unless they become independent of the Saudi funding. On the other hand, the Islamists, who are the main winners of the Arab Spring, will have to restrain their universal and development-oriented ambitions, and to face the influence of Wahhabi Islam, as Saudi Arabia will do what it takes to sustain its position as the leader in spreading political Islam. The analysis of the aspects of Saudi Arabia’s regional policy shows on one hand its ambition to be a regional power, competing with Iran, and on the other – its disability of playing this role independently of the US.
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The Arab Spring, which was initiated by the events taking place at the end of 2010 in Tunisia, gripped much of the Middle East, including Iran. However, demonstration of support for revolutionaries in Tunisia and Egypt, which began in Iran in February 2011 were doomed from the start to failure. On the one hand, the regime had taken all possible measures to prevent development of similar scenario, as in Tunisia and Egypt. On the other hand, the conflict in the conservative camp, between the supreme leader, Ali Khamenei and the president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad attracted growing attention of the Iranian public. The article aims to analyze the causes of the conflict in the conservative camp, to characterize the rival political groups and will attempt to answer the question about possible consequences of this conflict, not only for the reformists, but for the Iranian political system, as a whole. As the results of elections to the 9th Majles show, Ali Khamenei continues to have the greatest impact on the balance of power in the Islamic Republic, but taking into account the growing influence of the Revolutionary Guard Corps, they may become much greater threat for Supreme Leader than the reformists.
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The Islamic State in Iraq and Syria is growing out of the ideology of Islamism, which was born at the beginning of the 20th century in Egypt and became very powerful throughout the Muslim world. On the other hand, the structure and functioning of this organization make it diff erent from many other Islamist organizations. Ideologists of the Islamic State undermined the principles of the Westphalian Order and began to propagate a vision of a new post-Westphalian world, based on principles different from those that form the foundations of contemporary international relations. First of all, ISIS the principle of territoriality of the state and borders of modern states has been questioned. The phenomenon of Islamic State should be analyzed in the context of the political situation in the Middle East related to the deprivation of Sunnis in Iraq after 2003, as well as global processes included in the form of deterritorialization and reterritorialization.
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War is a huge political change, which, in addition to its social, political, or economic effects, also has other effects. One of these may be the impact on churches and religious associations, especially on their organizational and administrative structures. An excellent example confirming this thesis is World War II, after which the organization of the Catholic Church in Europe was transformed and the Holy See revised the boundaries of archdioceses and dioceses in various countries for almost 50 years. In this article, the author addressed the specific case of the creation of the Diocese of Görlitz, which is the smallest diocese in modern Germany. Through his analysis he showed that the war has a huge impact on the functioning and efficient management in the Catholic Church and causes legal and interpretative difficulties in its administrative division and consequently, the division of competencies, while requiring delicacy, since strictly religious documents can be perceived in an explicitly political way.
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The concept of Amīr al-Umarā was used for the first time during the reign of Caliph Umar. This term, which was used to mean "commander-inchief" at that time, denoted a higher rank during the Abbasid period. This institution was used during the Abbasid period to express a title between vizierate and caliphate. However, Amīr al-Umarā had much more authority than the viziers. During the establishment of this institution, the position of vizier continued to exist, but the vizier no longer had any authority. The Caliph transferred almost all his authority and responsibility to Amīr al-Umarā. The reason for the emergence of this institution, equipped with enormous powers, was to restore the political and economic stability that had been lost throughout the country. Founded by Caliph Rāzī (d. 329/940) in the midtenth century, this institution continued its existence for about ten years. Charismatic leaders of the period such as Ibn Rāik (d. 330/942), Bajkam (d. 329/941) and Tuzun (ö. 333/945) were appointed with the authority of Amīr al-Umarā. In this study, an answer was sought to the question of whether this institution, which was established to end the bad situation in the country, could provide the expected function. How did Amīr al-Umarā, equipped with extraordinary powers, contribute to political and economic stability? As a result of the research, it was seen that amīrs who were assigned with high expectations could not show the success expected from them. As a result of the research, it was seen that amīrs who were assigned with high expectations could not show the success expected from them. Worse still, due to the struggle to become Amīr al-Umarā, the Abbasids came to a point where it looked back to its old days.
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The subject of the analysis was the person of Karol Wojtyła, presented in the five most opinion-making news portals in the context of the documentary Franciszkańska 3 in the first eight days after its broadcast on TVN24. The adopted research perspective is the phenomenon of personalization. The paper aims to analyse how the five leading news portals presented the person of Karol Wojtyła in the context of the documentary Franciszkańska 3. In the research, both quantitative and qualitative, the authors verify the hypothesis that in the documentary and the analysed texts, the reactions to the crime of paedophilia among the clergy in the diocese of Krakow are interpreted in the context of Karol Wojtyła’s personal responsibility and not of the institution. The research results confirm the above hypothesis. Tematem analizy była osoba Karola Wojtyły przedstawiona w pięciu najbardziej opiniotwórczych portalach informacyjnych w kontekście dokumentu Franciszkańska 3 w ciągu pierwszych ośmiu dni od jego emisji w TVN24. Przyjętą perspektywę badawczą stanowi zjawisko personalizacji. Celem artykułu jest analiza, w jaki sposób pięć najbardziej opiniotwórczych, bezpłatnych portali informacyjnych przedstawiło osobę Karola Wojtyły w kontekście dokumentu Franciszkańska 3. Autorki w przeprowadzonych badaniach, tak ilościowych, jak i jakościowych, weryfikują hipotezę, iż w reportażu i analizowanych tekstach reakcje na przestępstwo pedofilii wśród kleru w diecezji krakowskiej są interpretowane w kontekście osobistej odpowiedzialności Karola Wojtyły, a nie instytucji. Wyniki badań potwierdzają powyższe założenie.
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The article is devoted to the revival of the so-called “political hesychasm” in the Russian Federation in the 21st century. The keydocument defining the church’s attitude to politics, society and the state is the “Fundamentals of the Social Concept of the RussianOrthodox Church”, adopted at the Church Council in 2000. The purpose of this article is to clarify the conception of “politicalhesychasm” by analyzing the “Fundamentals of the Social Concept” and researches published on the issue, as well as to assess theimplementation of this conception to modern political and social processes, through comparative and component analysis. The Conceptseemed revolutionary for the Russian traditions of relations between church and state. For example, if the state causes citizens to sin,they are called upon to engage in civil disobedience against the sinful state. Participation in government and political activities ispermitted only if these activities do not contradict the Christian faith. However, in practice, as the authoritarian regime in Russiastrengthened, the Moscow Patriarchate, contrary to its social concept, became dependent on the authoritarian regime and beganideologically serving the political authorities, which contradicts not only hesychasm, but also the very essence of Christianity.
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The aim of this article is to present critically both the outline of the vision of religious pluralism of the Czech philosopher and theologian Tomáš Halík, which has its foundation in the Christian truth about the Triune God and Christianity as a multiplicity of paths of spiritual development, as well as the main chal- lenges associated with it. He draws attention to three fundamental challenges. The first is undoubtedly the need to conduct dialogue not only between followers of different religions, but also between believers and non-believers (extended ecumenism). The second important challenge is for followers of various religions to become aware of cognitive perspectivism. The third is the need to deal with religious fundamentalism, which is present in the history of every religious tradition.
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Poland is a country that is still considered Cath-olic. Faced with a series of image problems of theCatholic Church, this opinion is being increas-ingly revised. People, especially young people, areincreasingly turning away from this centuries-oldinstitution in search of their moral principles. Thepercentage of Catholics in Poland is decreasing.The author of the study decided to find out:(1) What do Poles think of the Catholic Churchtoday?; (2) How do they evaluate the various areasof activity of the Catholic Church in Poland?;(3) Is there a predominant opinion in Polishsociety about the necessity of separation of stateand church?; (4) What political consequences doesthis have? These questions are answered throughdesk research analysis of reports by the PublicOpinion Research Centre and statistical analysisof the author’s quantitative survey conducted afterthe 2023 parliamentary elections in Poland. Thesurvey results indicate that various areas of activityof the Catholic Church in Poland are evaluated indifferent ways. The respondents are most criticalof the Church’s influence on political authoritiesand the problem of solving the issue of paedophiliaamong the clergy. The results of the survey confirmthat Law and Justice voters are the people whohave the highest opinion of the Catholic Churchin Poland and are closely associated with Christianvalues.
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The article discusses the attempts of the Belarusian Autocephalous Orthodox Church(BAOC) in exile to establish relations with the Patriarchate of Constantinople in the second halfof the 20th century. BAOC’s intentions and policy towards the Constantinople Patriarchate wereanalysed, which included the implementation of the following goals: 1) confirmation/recognition of the canonical status of the BAOC by the Patriarchate of Constantinople; 2) unification ofall Belarusian Orthodox parishes in the democratic West under the jurisdiction of BAOC; 3)overcoming the political division of the Belarusian diaspora in the West and reducing its role inthe functioning of parishes; 4) independence of the Belarusian Orthodox Church in exile fromthe influence of the Russian Foreign Orthodox Church
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Migration is currently one of the greatest global problems, which has to be dealt with not only by states or their communities, but also by non-state entities operating in the world, including churches and religious associations, which in countries such as Poland have a very strong social resonance. The Catholic Church, on the basis of centuries of heritage, benefits in this sphere from the teaching of successive popes, which, rooted in aid attitudes, is a response to the actions of the state, encouraging the faithful to attitudes in line with the Christian spirit. This article, through an analysis of sources - historical documents, discourse and statistical data - answers the question of how the Catholic Church, state authorities and society in Poland have responded to migration into the country from the East in 2015–2023 period, presenting similarities and differences existing in the statements and opinions of state authorities, Church representatives and society in Poland.
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This paper is devoted mainly to the fate of the Christianisation of China over the centuries. It discusses the history of religion in individual dynasties, its development over the following years, attempts to convert the Chinese population by missionaries from various orders – Dominicans and Jesuits, memorable martyrs at the turn of 19th and 21st centuries – the division of Christianity, and the short fate of non-Christian religions in China.
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The article outlines the legal relations between state and churches in the five nordic countries and the two associate territories, the heart countries of protestant lutheranism. Though closely connected through history, lutheran faith and partly through language, and at first sight fairly uniform, their solutions vary strongly from a strong identity of state and church in Denmark to a policy of separation in Sweden. The legal and practical situation has changed fundamentally in the last 25 years in Sweden, Norway, Finland and Iceland.
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Last decade brought further increase in popularity and outreach of Pentecostal pastors-evangelists and the expansion of new mega-churches in Sub-Saharan Africa. Media savvy and marketing-skilled charismatic “holy men” perform multiple functions, including that of political actors, increasingly influential, and indispensable in the election cycles of multiple African states, most notably Anglophone ones. Recognising the pivotal role of Pentecostal constituencies, political players, such as candidates in presidential elections seek mega-church leaders’ blessings or a favourable political prophecy. State officials reciprocate with adopting policies which resonate with their message. This mutual relationship and mainstreaming of Pentecostal discourse affects the overall political culture of young, African democracies. As the new brand of Pentecostalism grows on economic deprivation and disillusionment with the state, it also begins to foster, not just metaphorically, an alternative order and set of values. This comes with religiously driven perceptions of pastors’ powers, which makes them seem potentially more effective and legitimate than secular, democratic leaders, and state institutions. Thanks to those credentials, as well as their widely developed networks, influential pastors begin to make inroads into African foreign policymaking. The process of officialising Pentecostal actors as quasi-diplomats as well as absorbing their ideas and modus operandi into the foreign policy arena seem to contradict advancement of professionalism and transparency in diplomacy as functions of state capabilities. However, in some contexts, growth of their powers and outreach may work in favour of increasing African agency.
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The thought of Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin were legal and social in the socialist states.In the text, author discusses the assumptions propagated by the said authors , focusing on the understanding of relationship between state and religion and religious freedom. The proponentof state atheism in the post-revolutionary reality was Karl Marx. Seizing power in Russia, after 1918the Bolsheviks decided to incorporate Marxian thought into the legislation of the still-forming Sovietstate. In the article author emphasises the considerable degree to which the founders of the Sovietstate were inspired by the thought of Karl Marx and, on the basis of this ideological background,presents the legal as well as actual actions that led to the creation of an atheist state and a statethat fought against all manifestations of state religiosity.
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In 1948, Father Basil Hrynyk, a Greek Catholic priest, arrived in the Gdańsk diocese. In thesame year, he began to hold Eastern rite services in Nowy Dwór Gdański for the Ukrainians who hadbeen forced to resettle to the Polish Recovered Territories as part of Operation Vistula. In 1952, Hrynyktook up residence in Cyganek, where he continued his pastoral work among Eastern Rite Catholics.In 1954, Hrynyk was arrested and sentenced to six years in prison. The rectory building in Cyganekremained uninhabited, and in 1955, it was handed over by the authorities to members of the Romanicommunity. However, already in 1956, the prosecutor’s office issued a decision ordering the residentsto vacate the premises. Father Hrynyk was released from prison and moved back into the rectory in thesame year.
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