"Islam" u anti-multikulturnoj retorici političara i antropologa Zapadne Evrope: kongruencija ili koincidencija?

Author(s): Marko Pišev,Miloš Milenkovic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 4/2013

The recent rhetoric of the "end" or "failure" of multiculturalism in Europe and beyond came as no surprise to anthropologists. Moreover, the statements made by leading politicians of key European economies seem as though they are based on the decades old anthropological critique of the consequences of the failed implementation of multicultural policies in Europe and on the global level. It is as though the messages we have been getting over the course of the last few years – that multicultural policies are contraindicated, that they weaken the contacts between cultures, rob individuals of the right to change and chose their identities and strengthen intra-cultural mediators of power, with patriarchy, violence against women and children, leaving school, religious fundamentalism and even terrorism as main consequences – are being read by politicians from anthropological analyses of abuses of collective "cultural" rights. The paper considers the nature of this similarity between the discourse of politicians and anthropologists with a special emphasis on the status of "Islam" in them, and discusses whether it is congruence or mere coincidence of stances toward minorities, immigrants and cultural differences, as toward the regulations which were tasked with protecting this diversity as a fundamental European value which today, at least at the rhetorical level, seems to be fading.

[rec.] Nicholas P. Roberts, Political Islam and the Invention of Tradition, New Academia Publishing, Washington, DC 2015, ss. 245

Author(s): Anna Zasun / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 1/2017

11 Eylül ve Sonrası Terörizm, Petrol ve Nükleer Tehdit Ekseninde Ortadoğu

Author(s): Ramazan Izol,Samet ZENGINOGLU / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 2/2014

Following the attacks on the World Trade Center in the US on September 11th 2001, three points draw attention. Firstly, these attacks revealed the obligation of evaluating the phenomenon of terrorism with a distinctive method and content when compared with the Cold War period. Secondly, the debates that the essential goal for US was the intervening with Afghanistan and Iraq in 2001 and 2003 respectively was to control the resources and routes for oil, and these attacks were used as the means of legitimacy are often brought to the agenda. And lastly, during and after the intervention, the issue of nuclear threat came under fire in the Middle East, especially on the Israel–Iran line. Within this general framework, the main goal of this study is to introduce the different perspectives, views, and debates on the Middle East on the axis of three factors about 9/11 and its aftermath.

15 Temmuz Sonrası İslam Düşüncesinde Toplum ve Siyaset

Müslümanların Çağdaş Gaflet Tarihi Üzerine Notlar

Author(s): Mehmet Evkuran / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 34/2017

Ülkesine, coğrafyasına ve değerlerine yabancılaşmış ve yoldan çıkmış bir topluluğun (FETÖ/PDY) ifsat ve kötülük hikâyesinin masaya yatırıldığı bir tartışma platformunda, Müslümanların gaflet tarihi başlığı üzerinden konuyu ele almak, bazılarımıza ‘meseleyi kaçırmak’ gibi görünebilir. Ancak olay tüm yönleriyle yakından incelendiğinde, yaşanan problemlerin tümünü adı geçen bir örgüte yüklemenin de gerçekçi bir yaklaşım olmadığı görülecektir. Bu kötülükler gözümüzün önünde yavaş yavaş kendi mekanizmasını kurarken neden sürece sessiz ve tepkisiz kaldığımız konusu da sorgulamanın bir parçasını oluştur-maktadır. Sürecin kendisine ses çıkarmayanların sonuçlarına aşırı tepki vermeleri tutarlı olmamakla birlikte, toplumsal davranış geleneğimizde sık görülen bir sorundur.

A CHARACTERISING THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MODERNITY AND SOCIOLOGY: THE UNDERSTANDINGS OF SECULARISATION, URBANISATION, AND SOLIDARITY

Author(s): Baris ÇAGIRKAN / Language(s): English / Issue: 41/2019

This paper aims to characterise the relationship between modernity and sociology in the context of secularisation, urbanisation and solidarity. The emergence of sociology as a discipline has been connected with the emergence of modernity. While modernity emphasises a different society and social structure, sociology has become the most critical part of this interpretation and its attempt to understand and explain. The study aims to explain the strong relationship between the basis of modernity and sociology by examining the work of Emile Durkheim and Max Weber which are one of the first studies to understand the new society understanding of modernism. The differences of modernity caused the social actors to be in doubt about themselves, and ontological insecurity emerged in this context. Some of the ideas have developed by sociologists about social change process will be examined in this context. Durkheim and Weber focus on the study of social order, change and social relations, which is a significant concern showing two basic methodological and theoretical ideas in the sociology tradition. Weber and Durkheim's optimistic and pessimistic attitude towards social change will be questioned in the conclusion section.

A kultúrharc retorikája és a protestantizmus magyarországi röpiratokban

Author(s): János Rada / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 01/2017

The paper defines the rhetoric of ’cultural struggle’ (Kulturkampf) on the basis of an analysis of Hungarian anti-clerical pamphlets published between 1867 and 1895. It shows that in the course of the fight for the separation of church and state, the authors of such texts also mobilized the example of the Protestant confessions, along an idealized conception of Protestantism, in their argumentation against the Roman Catholic Church. The citation of idealized Protestant features became as integral to the argumentation of anti-clerical authors of the Catholic confession as to that of the Protestants.

A kurd államiság esélyei a Közel–Keleten a geopolitikai rivalizálás tükrében

Author(s): László Csicsmann / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 1/2018

On 25 September, 2017, Kurds in Iraq held a referendum on independence, and thus came to the closest so far to achieving independent statehood. However, the Baghdad-based government declared the referendum unconstitutional, and led a military intervention. The paper presents the history of Kurdish autonomy in Iraq, and dedicates special attention to the difficulties of the constitutional process after the Saddam regime’s overthrown and of the fights against the Islamic State. The paper argues that momentarily the independence of the Kurdish territories is not probable.

A Perspective Over Religious, Political and Economic Decisions in Romania after 1989

Author(s): Andreea Maria Kurtuhuz,Ion Vasilescu / Language(s): English / Issue: S2/2009

One of the greatest Romanian ‘organization’ that has the highest roots in history than any others, Romanian Orthodox Church, provided many actions for the political and economic lives, but also improved and developed different and new strategies for a better management to a high level. During the past twenty years, the decisions taken in the religious area had a huge impact over the political arena, even if it was wide open or out of see actions. The European Union and the enlargement were seen also like political and economic strategies, but in fact it was just another objective that the Church had to accomplish.

A PRIVILEGED RELATIONSHIP. THE ROMANIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH AND THE ANGLICAN CHURCH IN THE 1960s

Author(s): Gabriel Stelian MANEA / Language(s): English / Issue: XV/2018

In the interwar period, there was a certain proximity between the Romanian Orthodox Church and the Anglican Church, materialized at that time through bilateral visits at the highest level, such as that of Patriarch Miron Cristea in 1936, and discussions on theological themes that emphasized the elements of doctrine and worship similar for the two churches.However, the fracture produced by the Second World War, then the establishment of a regime of Soviet inspiration in Romania, have tempered, almost canceled these links. Moreover, in the years of consolidation of the new regime, its antioccidental phobia and gross interference in the affairs of various denominations and ecclesiastical institutions contributed further to the alienation of the two Churches.All these drawbacks had to be recovered through a mutual effort, which happened after 1960 and especially at the middle of the decade, taking full advantage of a certain conjuncture of Romania's political relations with the West and a certain course of his foreign policy intentions. As such, the mutual visits of theologians have resumed, the doctrinal discussions on remote scenarios of union have become constant, the activity of the Romanian Orthodox parish in London has intensified, and the presence of the Archbishop of Canterbury in Bucharest in 1965, and of the Patriarch Justinian in London in 1966, marked an apogee of this evolution.

A PSEUDO-SECULAR SPACE, RELIGIOUS MINORITY AND REASONS FOR EXCLUSION: THE AHMADIYYA MINORITY GROUP IN CONTEMPORARY INDONESIA

Author(s): Max Regus / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2019

This paper examines the intersection of religion and politics and its consequences on religious minorities in Indonesia. This paper is based on a case study of the current position of the Ahmadiyya minority group in the Indonesian Islamic majority. The tension arises from a specific circumstance: This large Muslim country uses democracy as a political system, but the involvement of religious politics is evident. This situation directly endangers the presence of the Ahmadi-yya group.

A vallásszabadság mint európai alapjog egyes mai dilemmái

Author(s): Dávid Gyero / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 3/2018

This articlepresents some of the current dilemmas around religious freedom as a fundamental right in the European Union, and contributes to its appreciation as one of the main values of European cultural heritage. 2018 was a good year for this research, as it offered the 450th anniversary of the oldest European declaration to promote religious tolerance and diversity: the Edict of Torda. In the religious context of the churches, the terms religious freedom, religious tolerance, and freedom of conscience and thought are often joined together, or even mixed up sometimes; their legal meaning is, however, distinct or even incompatible. Today, the social and political relevance of these terms is nevertheless consistent and consonant, and gives a chance to consider their inquiry as timely and even necessary. In the 21st century, religious freedom is, in theory, not only acknowledged as part of the European culture, but also recognized by the European Union as a fundamental right. At the same time, the social and political impacts on Europe challenge the unconditional expressions of religious freedom. In European communities we are witnesses to new forms of violation of this right. The religious map of the continent is more diverse than ever, and the coexistence of many nations and religions is growing. Therefore, the terms and conditions of this symbiosis ask for new forms of regulation as well. As a foundation of everyday life, religious freedom needs to be included in new initiatives in education, promotion, and protection.

A violence against women in Afghanistan after Taliban occupation – outline of the issue

Author(s): Katarzyna Sadowa / Language(s): English / Issue: 3/2015

This publication deals with the current legal and social situation of women in Afghanistan. The author analyzes the process of formation of the legal position of Afghan women from the moment of the country’s liberation from under the Taliban occupation in 2001. She concentrates on indicating relevant legal regulations and guarantees, as well as – primarily – analyzes the degree of respecting them. Consequently, she discusses selected forms of violence against women which is persistently present on the territory of Afghanistan. The author elaborates on specific cultural phenomena and acts against fundamental women’s rights, such as baad, baadal, the so-called “honor” killings, and punishing women for running away. These points lead to the conclusion that the enacted laws are merely an empty shell and women’s situation is far from stable.

Access to Media for European Muslims

Author(s): Isabelle Rigoni / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 0

Despite its rank as the second-largest religion in several European countries, Islam is facing severe resistance at both state and societal level. Certain conservative political and media discourses associate Islam with violence and fanaticism. For most Muslims, however, their religion is associated with notions of justice and democracy. The conflict between these two conceptualisations of Islam has reinforced defensive attitudes on both sides. While Muslim stereotypes have increased since 9/11, so have the voices in favour of civil liberties for Muslims in Europe. As is argued here, ethnic media (i.e. Muslim media) are playing a major role on both sides of the debate. These questions are of common concern to many EU member states and associated states and European institutions. They are based on three assumptions. Firstly, new information and communication technology (ICT) has reshaped the media scene, which is now accessible to increasing numbers of people, including exchanges between European countries and third countries. Secondly, the transnational mobilisations are increasingly influenced by ICT, which makes it possible for individuals to travel – both virtually and in reality – between several countries. Thirdly, the representation of the minority or marginalised groups, particularly in the case of Muslims, has become one of the key questions of European sociopolitical debate, and at the same time can be seen as a test for European democracy. I would like to propose a historical reading of the representation of Muslims and Islam in the media. It is a question of understanding how media discourse evolved as it did and how and when Muslims are portrayed in the media. Several questions can be raised: How do media technologies influence conditions within both the Muslim community and the mainstream? What are the consequences of national and EU policies for Muslim citizens and their media regarding their social and political inclusion? How do European Muslims aggregate interests in a more effective and efficient way via their own media? Do Muslim media advocate social inclusion or pursue narrow interests?

Afghanistan: The Shifting Religio-Order and Islamic Democracy

Author(s): Anwar Ouassini / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2018

The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationship between the Islamic religio-order and the fledgling democratic institutions in contemporary Afghanistan. This paper challenges the predominant notion that Islam and democracy are not compatible in Afghanistan by producing a historical account that traces the history of the Afghan religio-order in relation to the ever-changing political sphere. I argue that the Afghan religio-order has historically been co-opted and controlled by Afghan political institutions, no matter what political and ideological system was in place. The legitimation of the political sphere by the Islamic religio-order reveals that Islamic authority and legitimacy given to political institutions is shaped by political interests as opposed to religious doctrine. Finally, this paper builds on the historical analysis to argue that the contemporary Islamic democratic system provides for the first time in contemporary Afghan history an autonomous Islamic religio-order via the Afghan judiciary.

AGNOSTICIZAM I VJERSKI INDIFERENTIZAM

Author(s): Lino Veljak / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 2/2013

This paper will try to investigate the nature of relation between secularization, agnosticism (as well as atheism) and the growth of religious indifferentism and practical indifference concerning the questions of faith and transcendental dimensions of being. Secularization didn’t produce indifferentism (with the exception of the growth of relativism and pluralization of conceptions of world), but the Enlightenment influenced the progression of religious indifferentism and in the same time the growth of practical indifference; modern materialistic atheism produced antitheistic practices, especially in the countries of socalled real socialism. The repression against religion and religious practice didn’t produce the marginalization of religiosity, but practical materialism of modern and postmodern consumerist societies is producing the progression of contemporary moral relativism and indifference. The open question whether religious people are in the moral sense better than irreligous people could be resolved through the answer to the question: are evil, violence and inhumanity in our times of progression of theoretical agnosticism and practical indifferentism more visible than in classic times of unity between State and Church? The question of morality could be resolved only through practice, not through doctrinarian discussions about faith and agnosticism.

AK PARTİ DÖNEMİ SÜNNİ VE ALEVİ ZAZALARIN SEÇMEN DAVRANIŞLARI

Author(s): Murat Kaçer,Yilmaz BINGÖL / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 15/2018

This study aims to examine the political behavior of Zazas living in Turkey in the frame of their sectarian differences during the AK Party era. The voting behavior of Sunni and Alevi Zazas in general and local elections (municipal presidency, provincial council membership, municipal council membership), referendums and presidential election results between 2002 and 2017 were examined during this period. Considering the purpose and scope of the work, Tunceli was chosen as the representative of Turkey's Alevi Zazas and Bingol as Turkey's Sunni Zazas. This study is concluded as follows: In all general and local elections, Sunni Zazas voted for the AK Party; Alevi Zazas voted for the leftist parties and ethnic Kurdish parties. In the referendums,  while Sunnis Zazas voted "yes" in favor of the AK Party and therefore the government; Alevi Zazas voted "no". In the presidential elections, Sunni Zazas voted for Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who is also a candidate for the AK Party and also its former chairman, while Alevi Zazas voted for Selahattin Demirtas, the candidate of the ethnic Kurdish movement, for the most part.

Akomodacija ideologije političnega katolicizma na Slovenskem - primer Ušeničnikove "teorije vrednosti", Mahničeve "definicije naroda" in "suverenosti ljudstva"

Author(s): Egon Pelikan / Language(s): Slovenian / Issue: 1-2/1995

In the paper the author deals with the question of the ideological accommodation of political Catholicism in Slovenia, from the end of the nineteenth century to World War II. He presents the attitude of two leading Slovene ideologists of political Catholicism (Anton Mahnič and Aleš Ušeničnik) towards some crucial social questions (those regarding national identity, sovereignty and value theory), exposes their common features and strategies with regards to modernisation, and arrives at a conclusion that their views were changing and even became self-contradictory. The process of accommodation was conditioned by individual political interests and ideological disorientation in the Catholic camp caused by rapid modernisation.

Aktualność reformacyjnego przesłania we współczesnej etyce ewangelickiej

Author(s): Marcin Hintz / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 11/2017

The Ethical Issue of the Reformer Martin Luther is still an important impulse for the Protestant Churches today. The article shows that Ethics does not belong to the largest part of Luther’s writing. There some different models of interpretation of Luther`s Ethics especially in the understanding of the relationship of Christians to the politics.The article is an attempt to find relevance of Luther`s Moral Thinking to the postmodern World. His moral advice is still present in the theological and Church discussion. On the other hand, the moral teaching of Luther is completely irrelevant to philosophical discourse.

Alevi Diasporası ve ‘resmi din’ olarak Alevilikte çoklu kimlik

Author(s): Zeynep Arslan / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 2/2017

This paper focuses on the Anatolian Alevis, whose identity is often defined externally by others and they face political manipulation as a leverage group against fundamentalist Islamic tendencies. The way in which Alevism is commonly defined in contrast to Sunni-Orthodox Islam, an institutional and hegemonic faith in Turkey continues with Alevi Diaspora in Europe49 too. In particular, in the case of Austria (German: Anerkennung als Religionsgesellschaft), where the recognition of Alevism as a religion dates back to 2008/2009 and it shows how the state manipulates the Alevi population’s goals for her own purposes (Amendment of the 1912 Islam Law). This study focuses on the way in which Alevi faith group is divided into two at the end of this process of regcognition in Austria. These groups are the Islam Alevis and the (Syncretic) Alevis. This paper analyses the roles of the Austrian Alevi associations and the Austrian state in this process of division and official recognition. The analyses are based on content analysis of documents on current political and judicial decisions and benefits from critical discourse analysis approach. The intersectional theoretical approach is tested when the dominance and hegemony aspects, mutual influences of internal and external factors as well as identity buildings through categorization are analysed.

Ali drugog puta nema

Pluralnost Sarajeva između odgovorne i neodgovorne religioznosti

Author(s): Adnan Silajdžic / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 74-75/2016

Poznato je da Bosna i Hercegovina dugi niz godina prolazi kroz veoma ozbiljan proces društvenoga, političkoga, nacionalnoga i vjerskoga raslojavanja. U tom procesu, između mnogih drugih tema koje se tiču budućeg razvoja bosanskohercegovačkoga društva, pitanje pomirenja i tolerancije, odnosno međureligijskoga dijaloga zauzima najistaknutije mjesto. Zauzima, jer je, prema mom mišljenju, jedan od najvažnijih instrumenata vjerskog i nacionalnog pomirenja autentično poimanje i dosljedno provođenje načela vjerske slobode i tolerancije bez kojih nije moguće graditi niti i jedan drugi oblik tolerancije u našemu društvu. Reafirmiranjem načela tolerancije, kakvog poznaje tradicionalna religijska metafizika (lex aeterna – sveta predanja), stvorile bi se mogućnosti otklanjanja tragičnih posljedica rata i učvršćivanja mira na prostoru Bosne i Hercegovine, pa tako i u njenome glavnome gradu Sarajevu.