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"Islam" u anti-multikulturnoj retorici političara i antropologa Zapadne Evrope: kongruencija ili koincidencija?

Author(s): Marko Pišev,Miloš Milenković / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 4/2013

The recent rhetoric of the "end" or "failure" of multiculturalism in Europe and beyond came as no surprise to anthropologists. Moreover, the statements made by leading politicians of key European economies seem as though they are based on the decades old anthropological critique of the consequences of the failed implementation of multicultural policies in Europe and on the global level. It is as though the messages we have been getting over the course of the last few years – that multicultural policies are contraindicated, that they weaken the contacts between cultures, rob individuals of the right to change and chose their identities and strengthen intra-cultural mediators of power, with patriarchy, violence against women and children, leaving school, religious fundamentalism and even terrorism as main consequences – are being read by politicians from anthropological analyses of abuses of collective "cultural" rights. The paper considers the nature of this similarity between the discourse of politicians and anthropologists with a special emphasis on the status of "Islam" in them, and discusses whether it is congruence or mere coincidence of stances toward minorities, immigrants and cultural differences, as toward the regulations which were tasked with protecting this diversity as a fundamental European value which today, at least at the rhetorical level, seems to be fading.

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(NON)RELIGIOUS FREEDOM: A CRITICAL PERSPECTIVE ON THE CONTEMPORARY UNDERSTANDING OF FREEDOM OF CONSCIENCE AND RELIGION

(NON)RELIGIOUS FREEDOM: A CRITICAL PERSPECTIVE ON THE CONTEMPORARY UNDERSTANDING OF FREEDOM OF CONSCIENCE AND RELIGION

Author(s): Rafał Prostak / Language(s): English / Issue: 71/2021

Nowadays, liberty of conscience as an inalienable right is a standard of demoliberal constitutionalism. It is an obvious component of a well-organized society and state. However, at the very beginning of its presence in the political discourse, it was more a product of Christian theology (the free conscience perceived as a gift of God) than a legal category; more an endowment of divinity than an intrinsic human value. In the contemporary, secularized world, our understanding of freedom of religion includes not only free exercise of religion but also freedom from religion. An increasing number of non-believers changes our expectations of the state that is obliged to protect the freedom of conscience of all citizens regardless of their beliefs. The goal of the article is to consider the difficulties faced by people with a theistic worldview in the reality of a state founded on the principle of ideological neutrality.

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(Not) Developing a Reference of the Second Vatican Council in Slovakia (The History and Operation of Movements and Lay Associations)

(Not) Developing a Reference of the Second Vatican Council in Slovakia (The History and Operation of Movements and Lay Associations)

Author(s): Damian Saraka / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2019

Church movements and lay associations are one of the admirable fruits of the Second Vatican Council. However, it was not simple to inject the recommendations and regulations of the council into the life of the Catholic Church. In Eastern Europe and especially in former Czechoslovakia the Catholic Church had to confront a massive external conflict against totalitarian communist regimes which openly restrained implementing the fruits of the council into practical life. The Greek Catholic Church, which was prohibited by the totalitarian regime in Czechoslovakia for 18 years, became caught in the centre of that conflict. Despite the period of darkness and many conflicts, there came a period of freedom and blossoming of new movements and communities, which involve new forms of communication with modern people and answer their need for strong and personal experiences with God. However, also in the middle of the free society and continuous activity and blossoming of movements there are internal conflicts, which are the consequence of adolescence, development of structures and applying of charismas of particular movements and communities in the Catholic Church environment. It is the period of adolescing to ‘Church maturity’ which cannot be without conflicts. Despite the conflicts, church movements and lay associations are the answer to dramatic calls of the present-day period induced by The Holy Spirit.

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(V čom) sú médiá náboženstvom?
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(V čom) sú médiá náboženstvom?

Author(s): Terézia Rončáková / Language(s): Slovak / Issue: 3-4/2021

In the more recent scholarly literature on media, pop culture or celebrity studies, there has been a growing tendency to identify media, stardom and other pop culture forms of cult with religion. An increasing number of concepts have sprung up such as “media as religion” or “stardom as religion”. The primary aim of this paper is to examine whether there are essential intrinsic similarities between religion and media. To answer this question, we have examined the structural similarities between media and religion (by comparing their use of ritual and liturgy; emotions; cosmology; myth and archetype). We came to the conclusion that media religion is a non-theistic religion without God, with an exclusive emphasis on social cohesion. The absence of verticality, lack of transcendence to eternity as well as the non-existing relationship with God as a person – have determined the remaining partial conclusions presented herein.

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200 godina Friedricha Engelsa
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200 godina Friedricha Engelsa

Author(s): / Language(s): Croatian,Serbian

This anthology book is published on the occasion of the bicentennial of the birth of Friedrich Engels, an exceptional thinker and theorist of the revolution. Editors Maroje Višić and Miroslav Artić gathered renowned domestic and international scientists who tried to reevaluate Engels' works and his scientific contribution. The idea behind the book is to point out the everlasting value and significance of Engels’ revolutionary philosophy. Contributing authors offered analytical reading of Engels' ideas, addressing pressing issues in economics, politics, religion, feminism, ideology and in other segments of contemporary society. The papers in an anthology are organized under the chapters: The Reception of Engel’s Philosophy, Actuality of Engels Today with subchapters on working-class and precariat, peasantry as the subject of change, early Christianity as an inspiration; and the last chapter is Revalorization of Family and State. The first chapter tackles the questions if Engels was more than an interpreter of Marx or simply the first Marxist who contributed to the banalization of Marx. It then investigates reception of Engels’ philosophy in ex-Yugoslavia specifically and in philosophical theory in general. The second chapter demonstrates actuality and relevance of Engels today by discussing the topics of working-class and precariat, by making comparison between early industrial society and contemporary society and by tracking development of socialism from utopia to a science. Chapter also deals on the peasantry whose role as a subject of change is thoroughly problematized. Special part of the chapter is dedicated to the influence of the practice of early Christianity on the formation of Engels’ revolutionary idea and to what extent original Christian community served affected the development of Engels’ thought. Final chapter brings papers that, under new circumstances, re-examine the understanding of the state-family relation and their dynamic. This comprehensive anthology attempted to revalorize and appraise Engels’ own contribution to science and philosophy 200 years after his birth. For this it was necessary to “divorce” Engels from Marx so that the fallacy of statement that Engels was second violin to Marx becomes striking.Chapter one tackle the question of whetherEngels was more than an interpreter of Marx or simply the first Marxist to contribute to the banalization of Marx.= Engels' reception is then examined both in the former Yugoslavia and in philosophical theory in general.Special part of the chapter is dedicated to influence of the practice of early Christianity on the formation of Engels’ revolutionary idea. That is, to what extent the examples of the original Christian communities influenced the development of Engels' thought

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30. kongres Evropského konsorcia pro výzkum vztahu církve a státu, Certosa di Pontignano (Siena), listopad 2018

30. kongres Evropského konsorcia pro výzkum vztahu církve a státu, Certosa di Pontignano (Siena), listopad 2018

Author(s): Záboj Horák / Language(s): Czech / Issue: 74/2019

Univerzita v toskánském městě Siena, založená roku 1240, hostila ve dnech 15. – 18. listopadu 2018 letošní mezinárodní konferenci uvedeného konsorcia. Konference se konala v malebném prostředí univerzitního zařízení, osamělé budovy bývalého kláštera Carthusia Pontiniani (Certosa di Pontignano), vzdáleného více než 5 km vzdušnou čarou od města. Téma konference znělo The Legal Status of Old and New Religious Minorities in the European Union.

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31. kongres Evropského konsorcia pro výzkum vztahu církve a státu, Esch-sur-Alzette (Lucembursko), listopad 2019

31. kongres Evropského konsorcia pro výzkum vztahu církve a státu, Esch-sur-Alzette (Lucembursko), listopad 2019

Author(s): Záboj Horák / Language(s): Czech / Issue: 78/2020

Od čtvrtka 14. do neděle 17. listopadu 2019 se v Lucembursku konala letošní mezinárodní konference uvedeného konsorcia. Jejím tématem bylo postavení náboženských společenství jako daňových poplatníků v členských státech Evropské unie.

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55. kongres Essener Gespräche zum Thema Staat und Kirche, Mülheim an der Ruhr, březen 2020

55. kongres Essener Gespräche zum Thema Staat und Kirche, Mülheim an der Ruhr, březen 2020

Author(s): Záboj Horák / Language(s): Czech / Issue: 79/2020

Na začátku březnu 2020 počala v Evropě, zejména v severní Itálii, řádit nákaza koronavirem, která přišla z Wu-chanu v Čínské lidové republice.

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60. rocznica pielgrzymki prymasa Polski kard. Stefana Wyszyńskiego do Barda (1959–2019)

60. rocznica pielgrzymki prymasa Polski kard. Stefana Wyszyńskiego do Barda (1959–2019)

Author(s): Mirosław Grakowicz / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 17/2019

The article presents a pilgrimage of the Polish Primate, cardinal Stefan Wyszyński to the sanctuary of Our Lady Guardian of the Holy Faith in Bardo. The pilgrimage took place in 15th August 1959 i.e. in the Assumption Day. The Primate’s pilgrimage was greatly celebrated in the Lower Silesia churches, the more so because of growing intense fight of the communist authorities against the Catholic Church at that period. For the better understanding of the historical context of the cardinal Wyszyński’s pilgrimage, firstly, complicated Church history of western Poland after the second world war is discussed. It is also impossible to understand the personal and pastoral aspects of the Primate’s pilgrimage without at least cursory knowledge of his devotion to the Mother of Christ. The second part of the article is devoted to this issue. In the third one a short history of the Bardo sanctuary is presented. The four point describes the Primate’s pilgrimage on the basis available archival sources followed by the personal note of the cardinal Wyszyński concerning the pilgrimage in the final point.

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A Critical Analysis of the Political Discourse of Exceptionalism in the American Sniper Movie

A Critical Analysis of the Political Discourse of Exceptionalism in the American Sniper Movie

Author(s): Hamdallah Akvani,Abdolvahed Zarifi,Hossein Fakhraei / Language(s): English / Issue: 21/2020

Political discourse usually tends to diffuse itself in other discursive fields. One of the areas through which the political field can be reproduced is the field of popular culture, especially films. Moreover, language serves as the intermediate variable in which political discourses in the media offer themselves more or less ideologically. In this paper, the language of the film American Sniper and its relation to the exceptionalism discourse in the politics of the United States is reviewed. It addresses the major question of how the discourse of American Sniper is related to the three layers of exceptionalism discourse. The analysis of the three discursive levels of description, interpretation and explanation of the film based on Fairclough’s model reveals that, by following Hollywood’s dominant framework of discourse towards Islam and the Middle East, i.e., the ‘Islamophobia’ discourse, the film depicts Islam as ‘Other’. The discourse of the film ultimately resides in a wider social action that is congruous with the concept of the political language of exceptionalism.

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A Dangerous Nexus? History, Ideology and the Structure of the Contemporary Chetnik Movement

A Dangerous Nexus? History, Ideology and the Structure of the Contemporary Chetnik Movement

Author(s): Nejra Veljan,Maida Ćehajić / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2020

During the Yugoslav era (1945–1992), the Serb ethno-nationalist Chetnik movement and its motivating ideology were unambiguously condemned in public discourse. This followed the defeat of foreign occupiers, including Italian fascists and German Nazis, who had been aided by collaborationists within Ustasha (Croat ethno-nationalist and fascist) and Chetnik ranks. Thus, in the period after World War Two, public accusations of Chetnik membership were levelled pejoratively in Yugoslavia, and it was clear: to be a Chetnik was to be a traitor. Many former members of Chetnik detachments tried to conceal or minimize their participation in the movement, but some continued fostering Chetnik ideals in the privacy of their homes, even as a shared Partisan/Yugoslav identity was publicly nourished.

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A Discourse on Machiavelli’s New Rome

A Discourse on Machiavelli’s New Rome

Author(s): Davorin Žagar / Language(s): English / Issue: 04/2021

In the first part of the paper the author presents the key theses of Vickie Sullivan’s reading of Machiavelli. Sullivan argues that, in order to prevent corruption, Machiavelli innovatively reworks elements of Christian teaching for entirely temporal purposes and offers a specific, modern solution, ‘new Rome’, in the form of an irreligious, fearful republic which early and effectively punishes the ambitious few seeking to establish tyranny. In the internal realm of the city, the Florentine reduces class desires of the plebs and the greats under the common goal of acquisition. A bellicose, tumultuous republic satisfies the desires of all the social actors, resulting in a lasting political order. In the second part the author critically engages with Sullivan’s interpretation, drawing on Claude Lefort’s interpretation of Machiavelli. Surprisingly, Lefort’s groundbreaking work on Machiavelli has been absent in Straussian readings of the Florentine. By highlighting the authentically democratic nature of Machiavelli’s project, in contrast with Sullivan’s reading, an entirely different ‘new Rome’ arises on the horizon.

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A Religious Movement on Trial: Transformative Years, Judicial Questions and the Nation of Islam

A Religious Movement on Trial: Transformative Years, Judicial Questions and the Nation of Islam

Author(s): Sultan Tepe / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2020

The Nation of Islam (NOI) is one of the most controversial political-religious groups in the United States. Some define it as an exclusionary race-based group, while others see it as a genuine empowerment movement. Although it has been viewed as an unconventional fringe group, NOI represents an important syncretic movement of its time. Its approach to Islam was marked by a range of currents from the anti-colonial interpretive framework of the Ahmadiyya to Marcus Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association forging a highly dynamic narrative to explain the racial injustices and individual and collective requirements of future emancipation. Despite its strong anti-establishment discourse, NOI operates within the parameters legal and judicial system and seeks to reach out to new groups. As NOI faces the challenge of balancing its clashing inner currents rooted in its commitments to orthodox vs. vernacularized Islam or anti-systemic vs. accommodationist policies and often stigmatized by outside observers, it constitutes one of the most promising and precarious black movement.

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AFGHANISTAN UNDER TALIBAN: A NEW REGIME POSES A THREAT TO INTERNATIONAL STABILITY

AFGHANISTAN UNDER TALIBAN: A NEW REGIME POSES A THREAT TO INTERNATIONAL STABILITY

Author(s): Valeri Modebadze / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2022

The purpose of this study was to see whether the Taliban regime poses a threat to the international community. The research primarily examined the threats that the formation of a theocratic regime in Afghanistan poses to neighboring countries and the international community. With regards to research methods, a document analysis method was used to obtain valid information and to analyze and describe the complex situation in Afghanistan. A wide array of documents and scholarly articles were analyzed to obtain reliable and objective information. This research revealed that the Taliban has not changed at all and still rules Afghanistan with medieval methods and strategies. Since the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan, the economic situation has deteriorated considerably and people face severe hardship. Therefore, hundreds of thousands of Afghans want to leave their homeland and migrate to the West. The Taliban violates constantly human rights and discriminates against women, ethnic and religious minorities. The Taliban has transformed Afghanistan into a narco-state. Neighboring countries fear that Afghanistan might become a hotbed of terrorism and extremism again.

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AFIRMAREA DEMNITĂȚII UMANE, DREPT FUNDAMENTAL AL OMULUI, ÎN CONTEXTUL RELAȚIEI DINTRE TEOLOGIE ȘI POLITICĂ ÎN ÎNVĂȚĂTURILE LUI NEAGOE BASARAB CĂTRE FIUL SĂU TEODOSIE

AFIRMAREA DEMNITĂȚII UMANE, DREPT FUNDAMENTAL AL OMULUI, ÎN CONTEXTUL RELAȚIEI DINTRE TEOLOGIE ȘI POLITICĂ ÎN ÎNVĂȚĂTURILE LUI NEAGOE BASARAB CĂTRE FIUL SĂU TEODOSIE

Author(s): Cristian Petcu / Language(s): Romanian / Issue: 1/2021

This study aims to bring to the present the specificity of Neagoe Basarab’s humanism, with its defining Christian features, on the basis of which we can evaluate and highlight his attitude in affirming human dignity. To this aim, we take into account his perspective on the relationship between theology and politics, which will help us understand both the complex character of Neagoe Basarab’s personality and the way in which, as a Christian leader, he defends human dignity.

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AFRICANS IN THE MODERN UK: RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL ASPECTS

AFRICANS IN THE MODERN UK: RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL ASPECTS

Author(s): Grigory Karpov / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2021

The article is devoted to the study of the African diasporas of modern Great Britain. The focus is primarily on the political and religious characteristics of these communities on the eve of the 2021 census, their similarities and differences. Special attention is paid to the specifics of statistics on Africans from censuses and interim reports. The number and influence of these minorities is steadily increasing, which in the short term will contribute to a change in the ethnic and religious structure of modern British society.

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Ahlâk ve Siyasetin Belirleyici İlkesi Olarak Adâlet: Mâverdî Merkezli Okuma

Ahlâk ve Siyasetin Belirleyici İlkesi Olarak Adâlet: Mâverdî Merkezli Okuma

Author(s): Fatih Aydın / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 42/2020

In this article, it is aimed to examine the understanding of justice in the context of al-Māwardī’s moral and political thought. In the tradition of Islamic thought, although justice is generally examined with its philosophical / theoretical content, the works written on its application in practical life are limited. In this study, we will trace al-Māwardī’s approach to how justice should be applied in practical life, from ethics to politics and state administration, based on his own works. In al-Māwardī’s thought, ethics and politics that united in the virtue of justice, are considered as two basic fields that complement each other. Besides being a virtue in itself, justice as a moral concept is the main virtue from which the virtues originate. He emphasizes that the person must first be just to himself by establishing a relationship be-tween the justice and moderate. This is possible if a person stands in moderate between excess and deficiency/inadequacy, directs oneself to the good and the right, and prevents oneself from bad deeds. Since justice is the preference of the balanced in one’s behavior, a person who cannot show good and right behaviors torment himself.al-Māwardī’s discusses the justice under two headings as justice against into oneself and others. Being, being on the right path, avoiding nasty things and not exceeding the limits in his behavior, etc. can be listed as justice to oneself. Justice towards others me-ans that people act in a balanced way in accordance with social life/etiquette. The fairness of the administrator in approaching his/her citizens is also considered within this scope. Because in politics, justice is the basic principle that determines the principles that regulate the individual-individual, individual-state, state-individual relationship. Justice that the indispensable principle of living together has many aspects such as from the words and actions of the individual to the rule of law and income distribution. Recognizing the need for morality in politics, al-Māwardī aimed to establish an effective and realistic administration theory based on moral principles in politics, and therefore urge the justice as the first principle of state administration. In this respect, justice is regarded as a basic principle that determines the rules of the relationship between the ruler and the ruled, as a fundamental duty of the state, as well as being a moral virtue. al-Māwardī emphasized the comprehensive justice principle in order the justice encompass the entire society within the framework of the rule of law. He also acknowledge the justice as a balancing factor for the power and legitimacy of power. According to him, justice that encompasses everyone is an important principle that ensures order and unity in society. Thanks to the comprehensive justice, the people's commitment to the administration increases, the country becomes prosperous, so the administrator can be safe. In this way, justice becomes a tool that ensures the legitimacy of the actions of political administration. al-Māwardī, who sees justice as the balancing factor of the power, associates the ideal practice of justice with religious values and the qualities of the ruler.In order for the state administration to function in a healthy and purposeful way, al-Māwardī emphasizes principles rather than institutions, and he states that the state organs that will exercise justice should not give up the principles on the distribution of justice. The administrator should act on the principle of equality by starting with himself, and then pay attention to the appointment of judges who will execute the distribution of justice and to speed up the trial. Likewise, al-Māwardī sees justice as a principle limiting the powers of the ruler. In this respect, justice is an important balancing factor that determines the limits of the ruler’s approach to his people and ensures the legitimacy of the government. This approach of Mâverdî has been considered valuable by some political philosophers since it aims to establish an authority based on rights and justice instead of authority based on power. As a result, it seems that according to Mâverdî, who emphasizes justice everywhere in his works, justice is a unchanging fundamental virtue in every field from individual life to state administration.

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AHMED SMAJLOVIĆ I POKRET IMAMA

AHMED SMAJLOVIĆ I POKRET IMAMA

Author(s): Šaćir Filandra / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 13/2009

Takozvani pokret imama je u jesen 1988. godine počeo kao izraz opravdanog nezadovoljstva imama svojim materijalnim primanjima. Zašto se organizirano i javno ispoljavano nezadovoljstvo imama svojim statusom unutar IZ pojavilo baš te godine, a ne recimo ranije, odgovor treba tražiti u političkoj klimi tih godina koja je takve istupe jednostavno omogućavala ili sprječavala. Izražavanje nezadovoljstva imama država ni na koji javni način nije uvjtovala. Imami su se kao posebna interesna grupa pojavili unutar IZ-e i bosanskohercegovačkog društva u startu pokazujući visok nivo staleške samosvijesti i organiziranosti. Tim aspektom pokreta svi su bili iznenađeni. Da se pokret pojavio samo koju godinu ranije, bio bi označen fundamentalističkim i panislamističkim, te bi sigurno na samom početku bio brutalno sankcioniran.

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Al Jazeera and Al Arabiya: Understanding Media Bias

Al Jazeera and Al Arabiya: Understanding Media Bias

Author(s): Dominika Kosárová / Language(s): English / Issue: 4/2020

Several studies have been dealing with the question of whether state-sponsored Al Jazeera and Al Arabiya are biased. Their findings suggest that the message of both media reflects the interests of their respective state-sponsors. This article aims to validate this assumption, however in contrast to already existing literature it will test the hypothesis on a non-conflict related case study: the coverage of Muslim Summit which was held in December 2019 in Kuala Lumpur. To achieve the objective, we seek to first identify Al Jazeera’s and Al Arabiya’s bias, its specific features and the message delivered by means of comparative discourse analysis, namely manipulative strategies and ideological square as defined by Blass and van Dijk, respectively. Afterwards, we examine how the identified bias fits into the strategic interests of Qatar and Saudi Arabia, their respective state-sponsors. The analysis shows that both media, when covering Muslim Summit, used manipulative techniques to deliver the opposite message about the Summit, which is in line with their state-sponsors’ often incompatible regional ambitions and foreign policy. This article contributes to already existing literature on Arab media discourse analysis by focusing on a specific non-conflict-related issue not covered by other studies making thus the hypothesis applicable more broadly.

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Aliya İzzetbegoviç Ve Bilgeliğin Tezahürleri

Aliya İzzetbegoviç Ve Bilgeliğin Tezahürleri

Author(s): Hüseyin Bal / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 9/2019

Aliya Izzetbegovic is called ‘the King of Wisdom’ by his countrymen. In this paper we will argue about the validity of this nickname for him. To be more specific, is wisdom only a nickname that his fans have given; or does this wisdom have concrete demonstrations? Aliya Izzetbegovic never rejected any duty that his nation demanded him, therefore; we mostly know him for his political identity. Whereas, history would record him as a well-known writer and a dissident intellectual in Europe and all over the world if the independence struggle had not taken place at all. To me, his intellectual identity prevails his political identity. He had developed peculiar notions during his imprisonment period by associating the books he read with his experience. Izzetbegovic’s charismatic personality lies in his being a thinker and head-worker. Being a thinker is voluntary, but having a political identity is a historical compulsion. So, he is a real wise person due to his notions and life-style. His nation adores this man of action and notion, and has justly called him ‘The Wise King’.

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