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4.90 €

The Political Background in Hungary of the Campaign of Jajce in 1463

Author(s): Tamás Pálosfalvy / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Following the 1458 accession of the young Matthias Hunyady (Corvinus) to the throne of Hungary-Croatia, the Hungarian public opinion as well as the papacy expected from the king to continue an active anti-Ottoman politics. Yet he had not been coronated and his position was threatened for several reasons. A number of leading barons turned against him in the early 1459 while the Ottoman pressure, culminating in the occupation of Serbia, continued to rise. The success of his Jajce campaign thus represented the first turning point in the reign of Matthias Corvinus. The unsuccessful siege of Zvornik that followed must have convinced the king to question the wisdom of continuing traditional offensive warfare against the Ottomans. This essay examines political-military processes that resulted in the Jajce campaign, Matthias’s plans in Bosnia after the fall of Serbia, political problems after 1459 as well as the slow consolidation of the king’s position that eventually made possible active intervention in Bosnia.

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FRANJO TUĐMAN I SAMOODREĐENJE NARODA

Author(s): Albert Bing / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Franjo Tuđman, the first president of the Croatian independent state, was the central figure of Croatian politics in the 1990s. His personal views on politics and his intellectual preoccupations, characterized by strong influences of historicism (as defined by K. Popper), had the decisive influence on all important aspects of Croatian politics and social life in the period of the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the constitution of the Croatian state. In this historical context, the process of Croatia’s positioning in the international community was closely tied with the problem of articulating the legitimacy and legality of Croatian demands for national independence. The problem of self-determination of peoples surfaced in the argumentation of Croatia’s position and the position of other successors of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. As it had been the case at the time of Yugoslavia’s establishment, the self-determination of peoples became the subject of political, legal, historical, and other debates in which different understandings and interpretations of this principle surfaced. This article considers and analyzes individual aspects of Tuđman’s views and of his political articulation of the idea about the self-determination of peoples in this context. The article is a part of a broader study that discusses the self-determination of peoples in the context of the establishment and disintegration of the Yugoslav state.

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STJEPAN RADIĆ U DJELIMA DR. FRANJE TUĐMANA

Author(s): Hrvoje Čapo / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Franjo Tuđman covered Stjepan Radić’s activities in most detail in the context of the history of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and in papers for the most part written in the 1960s. The papers basically approached their topics from the Croatian point of view and reconstructed the repressive system of Serbian centralist and hegemonist rule. It had been a novelty in historiography that introduced some new views on the matters in question, and his approach still holds its value today. Tuđman agreed with certain judgments about Radić that had already been made in historiography, but he also made a considerable headway in the understanding of his personality with his detailed study of Radić’s work. The detachment from the prevalent ideas of the time that saw the Croatian Peasants’ Party (HSS) as a party of landlords that had played its most important role in preventing clericalism among the peasantry, and that saw Radić as a naïve and opportunistic politician whose only concern was being in power, was certainly a considerable contribution on Tuđman’s part. Franjo Tuđman was particularly interested in the consistency of Radić’s fight for Croatian sovereignty, which had always rested on the idea about Croatia’s independence. Statehood options in Radić’s mind progressed from federalism to confederalism, depending on different political and historical contexts, but they had always been a part of the context of Slavic solidarity. In addition to their Pan-Slavism, Franjo Tuđman drew attention to two other important features of Radić and his HSS: the idea about a folk enlightenment movement with a broad basis in the peasantry, and the politics of peaceful resistance. Even though he felt some of Radić’s moves had been less than prudent, his overall judgment of Stjepan Radić was positive, mainly due to Radić’s commitment to Croatian sovereignty.

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OCJENA SPORAZUMA CVETKOVIĆ-MAČEK I DRŽAVNOG UDARA 27. OŽUJKA 1941.

Author(s): Krešimir Regan / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Banovina Hrvatska was Croatian nation’s political and territorial unit in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia that enjoyed a high level of autonomy from the central government. It was established on August 26, 1939 when Vladko Maček, the president of the Croatian Peasants’ Party and the representative of the Peasant-Democratic Coalition, signed an agreement with Dragiša Cvetković, the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the representative of the Yugoslav Radical Union. By granting Croats this autonomy, the political circles in Belgrade with the regent Prince Pavle at the helm aimed to solve the question of Croatian national and territorial individuality in the Yugoslav state (the Croatian question), and thus give the Kingdom of Yugoslavia internal political stability in the circumstances of growingly tense political relations in Europe in the eve of World War II. The establishment of Banovina Hrvatska was the beginning of an internal political reform whose ultimate objective was to transform the Kingdom of Yugoslavia from a unitary country into a federation. In this project Dravska banovina was supposed to be converted into Banovina Slovenija with Slovenes as its dominant population, and the entire territory east of Banovina Hrvatska, in which the Serbs constituted the relative majority, was supposed to be joined into a political and territorial unit called The Serbian Territories. This plan had its opponents both on Serbian and on Croatian side. Croats felt that they had a historical right to Vrbaska banovina, as this territory had been a part of the Kingdom of Croatia throughout the Middle Ages, and they also felt that they had a right to entire Syrmia, as it had been a part of the former Austro-Hungarian Triune Kingdom of Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia until 1922. Serbs, on the other hand, felt that they had a historical right to the entire Bosnia and Herzegovina, Slavonia, and Dalmatia. Opponents of the reform assembled around the Serbian Cultural Club were especially active among the latter, and so were some officers of the Yugoslav Army, who brought down the Cvetković-Maček government in a coup on March 27, 1941, thus putting an end to the reform that had just begun. There is no dilemma that these events were the subject of Tuđman’s professional interest, but some of his close friends and political associates (Stipe Mesić, Josip Manolić, Dušan Bilandžić, Petar Kriste) and some of the journalists (Branko Tuđen, Tihomir Ponoš, Darko Hudelist, Marinko Čulić, and others) advocate the thesis that Banovina Hrvatska was an obsession for Tuđman, that he was burdened by historicism, Banovina Hrvatska in particular, that he moved into «the field of conservative Croatian ideology and politics» by «identifying» himself with Maček and by studying the agreement on Banovina Hrvatska, and that he had accordingly striven to set up the independent Republic of Croatia within the historical boundaries of Banovina Hrvatska in the first half of the 1990s.

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PRVI HRVATSKI PREDSJEDNIK DR. FRANJO TUĐMAN O JUGOSLAVENSKOM PREDSJEDNIKU JOSIPU BROZU TITU

Author(s): Nikica Barić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Based on his speeches and other statements, the article analyzes Croatian president’s Franjo Tuđman’s views about the Yugoslav president Josip Broz Tito. We many conclude that Tuđman’s opinions about Tito had been for the most part positive, occasionally encroaching on noncritical apologia of the communist Yugoslavia’s former leader. We may also conclude that Tuđman’s partialness to Tito was, among other reasons, motivated by the fact that Tuđman had been a part of Tito’s Partisan movement in his young days, and that he had later been a member of the Yugoslavian communist nomenclature. To give a better illustration of Tuđman’s interpretation of Tito, the article also describes Tuđman’s insistence on the politics of national reconciliation of the Croatian people, with which he planned to overcome the ideological differences between Croats stemming from the events of World War II.

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SUKOB VLADIMIRA BAKARIĆA I FRANJE TUĐMANA 1961.-1967.

Author(s): Dino Mujadžević / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Vladimir Bakarić was at the helm of the Communist Party of Croatia and the League of Communists of Croatia since September 1944. The function, combined with the fact that he was one of Yugoslav president Josip Broz Tito’s most trusted men, made him the person of highest authority and the personification of the communist regime in Croatia. Some authors feel he had very skillfully walked the tightrope between loyalty to Yugoslavia and the efforts to protect Croatia’s interests, between Marxist dogmatism and relative liberalism. He supported Franjo Tuđman’s struggles for the affirmation of the Croatian Partisan movement in The Military Encyclopedia in Belgrade as early as in the 1950s, and in 1961 he arranged for Tuđman to be moved to Zagreb and appointed the director of the Institute for the History of the Workers’ Movement. Bakarić supported Tuđman’s efforts as a counterbalance to Belgrade’s centralist and unitarianist ambitions, but still judged that Tuđman had veered from the «line» of the League of Communists of Croatia in his comments about The History of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in 1964, having started to advocate nationalist ideas. He was particularly troubled by Tuđman’s favorable disposition toward the Cvetković-Maček agreement of 1939, which Tuđman proclaimed to have practically solved «the Croatian question». Bakarić felt that the politics of the Croatian Peasants’ Party (HSS) and their allies at the Court in the eve of World War II not only had not solved the Croatian question, but had also brought Yugoslavia closer to the Axis Powers and had sabotaged the Partisan uprising. Bakarić attacked Tuđman fiercely at the meeting of the Commission for History of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in the spring, but Tuđman would not be dissuaded; he even managed to secure the support of several high-ranking officials of the League of Communists. After Tuđman promoted his ideas in a number of lectures he delivered in 1964 and 1965, Bakarić opened up Party investigation against him, and Tuđman quieted down for the moment without suffering any consequences. Bakarić had him removed from the helm of the Institute only in 1967 when he set out to eradicate «nationalism» from Croatian cultural institutions after the publication of The Declaration on the Status and Name of the Croatian Literary Language.

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FRANJO TUĐMAN I ISTRA

Author(s): Nevio Šetić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The author discusses Franjo Tuđman’s contribution to the analysis and understanding of historical and political processes and events that took place in the Croatian national territory in the 19th and 20th centuries. He describes the particularity of the Croatian national question and the Croatian national integration process, the understanding of the antifascist and national liberation movement, and the fundamental human and national values and the right of the Croatian nation to self-determination and independence, nationwide and in the Istrian region alike. As a historian, Franjo Tuđman had not studied Istrian history directly, but he addressed it within his studies of the recent Croatian, Southern Slavic, and European history. The article also discusses Franjo Tuđman’s conduct towards Istria and its residents in the capacity of the President of the Republic of Croatia and the President of the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) based on an analysis of the reports published in the local daily Glas Istre and four speeches Tuđman had delivered in Istria at the beginning of the 1990s, as well as looks into the political views of the Istrian Democratic Assembly’s (IDS) elite on Franjo Tuđman and the politics of the Croatian Democratic Union, at whose helm he had been.

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DR. FRANJO TUĐMAN U SRPSKOJ HISTORIOGRAFIJI

Author(s): Jakša Raguž / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The portrayal of Franjo Tuđman in 88 analyzed publications by Serbian historiographers of different provenance and ranking, academician or lower, who analyzed the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the wars that had accompanied the process, is pronouncedly negative. Tuđman is given a negative verdict as a person (chauvinist), historian (lacks objectivity, uses historiography in service of political goals, plagiarist), and politician (follower of the fascist regime of the Independent State of Croatia, autocrat, warmonger, creator and enforcer of politics of genocide and ethnical cleansing, and so on). The authors of such diagnoses mostly try to avoid parts of his biography that could compromise the uniformity of their verdicts (his participation in the antifascist movement during World War II, for instance, or his endeavors to find an amicable solution for the Serbian rebellion in Croatia 1990/1995). The views of Serbian historiographers are not surprising given the political and social climate in Serbia, which has not changed much throughout the past decades.

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Disidentstvo kao istraživačka tema – pojam i pristupi

Author(s): Katarina Spehnjak / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The concept of “dissidence’’ is most often used to denote critical activities directed toward the communist governments of the countries of Eastern Europe and Yugoslavia in the time after Stalin’s death. Its connection to the politics of the Cold War speaks to the fact that the definition was subjected to the widest interpretations and that dissidents were considered individuals or groups ranging from deserters from the communist movement to all those who were dissatisfied with one party rule. From a research point of view the selection of the best definition complicates the politicization of the historical context to which dissidence belongs, the question of value judgments, the problem of “measuring’’ dissident activities, and the personal perceptions of participants/dissidents. For the purposes of this conference a suitable definition of dissidence is any activity which attempted to constitute an autonomous public sphere outside of the official institutions of the party state and by which it opposed the desire of the regime to completely control the public sphere. This opens the possibility of analyzing the complexity of the mosaic of themes exploring different segments of activism in politics and culture: critical approaches, creative detachment from prevailing or official positions – whether the fruit of personal initiative or a group of like-minded individuals – in the recent past. While on a theoretical level dissidence is relatively clear, the attempt to apply some of the concepts in the analysis of historical practice in Croatia/Yugoslavia, or to compare these to situations in other countries of realist socialism, raises many uncertainties, which indicates caution in using historiographical models without regard to specific historical context or period.

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Dinamika političke promjene unutar komunističke vlasti: primjer SFRJ

Author(s): Krsto Cviić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Just as the governments of the other communist countries in Europe, the Yugoslavian government operated within the formula of “challenge and response’’, which was first devised by the once fashionable yet today almost totally forgotten British philosopher of history, Arnold Toynbee. For a long time dissidents were a relative minor threat to the powerful and proud Yugoslav authorities, but gradually, owing to the combination of internal and external events, the dissidents gained in importance and came to play a significant role in the defeat of the political system and the destruction of the Yugoslavian state. This process is the theme of this article.

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(Ne)Tolerisani disidenti / specifičnost jugoslovenskog socijalizma 1953-1985.

Author(s): Srđan Cvetković / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The work deals with the phenomenon of political repression in Yugoslavia and the analysis of the state`s attitude towards dissidents in the context of complex and changeable inner and foreign factors. One can notice the diversity of dissident front in Serbia and Yugoslavia as well as the levels of ideologically and hierarchically limited criticism and a number of other specific qualities wich result from the special nature of Yugoslav regime after 1953. Also an effort was made to distinguish the similarities and differences in treating the dissidents in relation to the countries of real socialism as well as different attitude towards political delinquents in different republics of Yugosloavia.

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Razilaženja u SKJ – marginalizacija Vicka Krstulovića

Author(s): Josip Mihaljević / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

On the basis of existing literature and previously unknown source material, this article examines the work of politician Vicko Krstulović. Born in Split in 1905, he died there in 1988. His life followed an interesting path; from a worker in a rock quarry he reached the highest positions in government and the Communist Party. However, his activities from the late 1960s until his death are not well known, especially in the historiography. During this period an number of important historical-political changes took place, but through all of these events Krstulović, a man with the longest record of service in the Communist Party of Croatia, was not mentioned. Differences of opinion with Vladimir Bakarić, as well as other highly positioned members of the Communist Party, led to Krstulović’s marginalization. Especially after his declaration at the Fifth Party Congress of the Communist Party of Croatia in 1965, he was discreetly removed from significant roles in government. This author also analyzes Krstulović’s earlier conflicts with the Communist Parties of Croatia and Yugoslavia and points out certain unresolved issues.

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“Slučaj Mihajlov’’ u bilješkama diplomatskih predstavnika Velike Britanije 1966.

Author(s): Katarina Spehnjak / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

This article provides a brief overview of the activities of Mihajlo Mihajlov in 1966, while documents about his activities found among the diplomatic papers of Great Britain form the basis of an understanding of British attitudes toward dissidents in Yugoslavia. An academic assistant at the University of Zadar, Mihajlov, due to his literary work (the travel-essay Ljeto moskovsko 1964) and his political activities, was from 1965 to 1975 sentenced and jailed on a few occasions. Ideologically similar to dissident Milovan Djilas, Mihajlov in 1966 gathered around himself a group of intellectuals and artists from several Yugoslavian cities with the aim of launching an independent opposition newspaper. There was great interest in his literary work and political analysis in the west. In 1978 he moved to the United States. On the basis of documents from British diplomatic representatives in Yugoslavia in 1966 the second part of this article provides a study of the British attitude toward the “Mihajlov case.” Though partial, this analysis shows that the official politics of the western countries approached the theme of Yugoslav dissidents more carefully than in the case of dissidents from the eastern bloc. An evaluation of the activities of Mihajlov as well as the reaction of the Yugoslavian authorities is seen to indicate a certain amount of restraint.

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Otpadništvo 1968. – radikalizacija komunističkih rješenja

Author(s): Igor Graovac / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Over forty years after the student unrest of 1968 occurred, it is still variously interpreted. Mystifications concerning the first emergence of democratic, liberal and other similar denotations are attached to the era of the revolt, while the radical communist solutions proposed by the participants in the revolt are mentioned least of all. The Zagreb demonstrations, under the banner slogan of “eminent communist solutions,” confirmed the later intent of the revolt, which – despite official criticism that it was led by “Demagogic-Anarcho-Liberal phrase-makers” (the so-called ‘DALF’ovists) – was in fact led by individuals who considered themselves “the last SKOJevists” (leaders of the communist youth movement). Thus the revolt was not the work of dissidents, but rather of schismatics characterized by their demand for the further radicalization of communist solutions.

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Disidenti/”divergenti”, ljudska prava i osamostaljivanje Hrvatske

Author(s): Albert Bing / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

With the affirmation of political pluralism at the beginning of the 1990s in Croatia and Yugoslavia a new political (administrative) elite was created in which various types of political (communist) dissidents had a central role. Their life and political experiences, value systems and intellectual capabilities directly affected the dynamism and quality of their management of the turbulent circumstances of war and the implementation of radical social changes as well as the question of national emancipation. In this framework some of the most important social changes are analyzed and especially the issue of Croatian independence. This article highlights the attitude of the new (ex-dissident) political elite toward political and other freedoms, that is, the complex of the-mes associated with various aspects of human rights, as one of the most important components of the democratization of Croatian society. These matters were not only closely related to the internal development of Croatian society, but also of exceptional importance to the positioning of the Croatian state in the international community. Since the issue of dissidents generally represents one of the most important components of 20th century communism, this work encompasses a summary analysis of the typologies and historical pretexts of the peculiarities of Yugoslavian and Croatian dissident movements (it is in this context that the notion of “divergent” makes an appearance).

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Don Ivo Prodan u procijepu između talijanske okupacije i nove jugoslavenske države (1917.–1919.)

Author(s): Ante Gverić,Ante Bralić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Great political events such as was the First World War led to a metamorphosis of the political tenets of Don Ivo Prodan. On the eve of the War he was a vehement opponent of any notion about state unification with Serbia. During the War, and especially towards its end, he accepted the idea of a Yugoslavian state. It must be emphasized that Prodan’s metamorphosis was conditioned upon a radical shift in political circumstances, but it never went so far as to negate the existence of Croatianness. At the moment of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy’s destruction he accepted the idea of forming a Yugoslav state, though he never clearly defined his position on how this new state should be organized. During November 1918 he supported a decentralization of this state and its organization on republican lines, but faced with a growing and more comprehensive Italian occupation in northern Dalmatia he avoided expressing this view and accepted a monarchy under the Karađorđević dynasty. Prodan was far from any notion of an integral Yugoslavism.

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Pravaški župnik Juraj Tomac i seljački vođa Stjepan Radić: prilog povijesti jedne borbe za hrvatsko seljaštvo

Author(s): Ivica Miškulin / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The conflict between Juraj Tomac and Stjepan Radić analyzed in this text had many causes. The first and foremost was determined by their various parties’ differing views of the place and role of the peasantry in political and public life. To the followers of Josip Frank, regardless of what their party was formally called, the Croatian peasantry was only one class within the Croatian nation and it was indivisible from the whole of the Croat political people. Certainly, due to its difficult political and social situation it required particular attention. To the Radić brothers, especially the younger Stjepan, the peasantry was the most important class of the Croatian people, to which, because of its national consciousness and numerical majority, the leading role belonged. Indeed, because of this the Catholic priest Juraj Tomac most oft en pointed out the negative consequence to which this principle of Radić’s could logically lead, a weakening of the ‘Rightist’s’ main goal, that is, the unification and independence of the Croatian lands. An important difference also existed between these men in terms of their views on the political and legal position of the Serbs in the Croatian lands: Tomac often criticized what he felt were Radić’s naïve views on Slavic and South Slavic reciprocity, in which he saw the opportunity for Serbian expansionism. In Monarchist Yugoslavia both of the men found themselves in the same situation, as a result of which Tomac demonstrated his preparedness to recognize the growth in power of Radić’s party. Similarly, Tomac, unlike Radić, demonstrated a higher degree of commitment to his political principles, which was especially obvious after Radić recognized the Monarchy officially. Radić’s pragmatic use of attacks against clericalism was likewise criticized by Tomac; in it he saw nothing more than yet another naïve attempt by Radić to rely on Slavic reciprocity in an attempt to weaken his political opponents. The preference of the Croatian peasantry, mostly because of reasons Tomac could in no way have an influence on, fell on Radić and his party.

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Suradnja Frana Barca s političarima pravaške orijentacije

Author(s): Ivica Zvonar / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Croatian priest, theologian, and politician Dr. Fran Barac (1872–1940) has to be counted among those prominent individuals attached to the Church who at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century began their work in the social and political life of Croatia. He used his position as a public figure, a professor of the Theological Faculty and Rector of the University of Zagreb, as well as editor of numerous Church publications, to broaden his public activities. During the First World War he actively involved himself in political life as an adherent of Starčević’s Party of Right, but he did so also as a person who enjoyed the confidence of the Archbishop of Zagreb at the time, Antun Bauer. At this time Barac’s political activity was very instrumental as he maintained the link between representatives of some of the political parties in Croatia with the members of the Yugoslav Committee and the representatives of the Serbian government in Switzerland. During the war years Barac took part in a series of meetings with politicians of ‘Rightist’ orientation (V. Spinčić, M. Laginja, A. Pavelić sr., I. Peršić, M. Drinković, and others). He continued his cooperation with pre-War ‘Rightists’ following the war in Monarchist Yugoslavia, working within the framework of the political platforms of the various parties – the Croatian Union and the Croatian Federalist Peasant Party – in whom leading roles were played by former members of the Party of Right (A. Trumbić, M. Drinković, I. Peršić, and others). At the time of the 6th of January dictatorship, Barac’s curia in Zagreb was used to hold political meetings of like-minded politicians in which former members of the Party of Right took part.

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Nova država, novi putevi (Predratni dalmatinski pravaši u političkim zbivanjima 1918.–1920. godine)

Author(s): Zdravka Jelaska Marijan / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The politics of national concentration in Dalmatia were initiated in 1918 by politicians from the Party of Right, the Croatian Party, and the Serbian Party. Leading roles were played by Ivo Prodan, Juraj Biankini, and Dušan Baljak. But their efforts later proved worthless. At the 2 July 1918 meeting in Split, the notion of national concentration adopted in Croatia-Slavonia by the group around the journal Glas SHS pre-dominated. This notion called for the dissolution of all previous political parties and the creation of a unified National Organization. In time, as the work of the National Organization attempted to remove all elected representatives from the political scene; the movement of national concentration turned into a farce. This situation was made worse because the Dalmatian Sabor was not called to sit. Thus, instead of equitable representation of all the previous political parties, only certain political groups were represented; this became especially evident during the selection of representatives from Dalmatia to the National Council of Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs in Zagreb. Politicians from the prewar Croatian People’s National Party obtained far greater influence than they would have if more equitable representation had been made. An important role was also played by the ‘Rightist’ dissidents Mate Drinković and Ivo Krstelj. The core members of the Dalmatian Party of Right were ignored even though they were among the first who had voiced their support for the politics of national concentration. The Croatian Party also fared poorly, despite the fact that in prewar election results they were a leading party in the region. Neither did the cooption of certain prominent politicians in the National Council lead to a more equitable representation of delegates from various parties and groups from Dalmatia, while the core of the Dalmatian Party of Rights was totally ignored even then. A lack of consideration for the principle of equitable representation of all political forces was also evident during the creation of the Regional Government for Dalmatia at the beginning of November 1918.

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Žrec muslimanskog starčevićanstva: Munir Šahinović i sarajevska Muslimanska svijest o Anti Starčeviću i pravaštvu (1936.–1938.)

Author(s): Zlatko Hasanbegović / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Munir Šahinović Ekremov entered Sarajevo public life at the time of the 6th of January dictatorship as a young participant in the Muslim cultural, national and political scene, formed on the basis of Croatian (‘Rightist’) national thought during the Austro-Hungarian period. He expressed his political-national views in Sarajevo’s Muslimanska svijest (1936–1941), though they can be summarized in two elements: the demand for the indivisibility of Bosnia and Hercegovina and its administrative-political autonomy as long as the Kingdom of Yugoslavia perseveres as well as the promotion of cultural-national and social renewal of the Bosnian-Hercegovinian Muslims on the basis of the symbiosis of Islam and the legacy of Croatian national ‘Starčevićism.’

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