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TREĆE ZASJEDANJE ZAVNOBIH-a I PRVI USTAV NARODNE REPUBLIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE – NADOGRADNJA BOSANSKOHERCEGOVAČKE DRŽAVNOSTI

Author(s): Denis Bećirović / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

At the First and Second Session of ZAVNOBiH, the representatives of the peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina laid the foundations of the modern statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the sessions of ZAVNOBiH, the peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina jointly created their federal unit, which became part of the federal Yugoslavia with the political will of its delegates at the Second Session of AVNOJ. The Third Session of ZAVNOBiH in Sarajevo marked the end of the state-building process in Bosnia and Herzegovina within the second Yugoslav state. ZAVNOBiH was transformed into the National Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina in accordance with legislative acts adopted at the session, while the Presidency of ZAVNOBiH turned into the Presidency of the National Assembly. Bosnia and Herzegovina also received its first post-war government. Legislation adopted at the Third Session of ZAVNOBiH, i.e. the National Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina, created the independent state organisation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was equally positioned with other federal units in the Yugoslav state. An additional enhancement to the statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina was made by the adoption of the first Constitution of the People’s Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Thus, immediately after the end of the Second World War, Bosnia and Herzegovina defined its internal structure by the highest legal act, in accordance with the then political and economic circumstances. It was defined as a people’s republic that conferred sovereign rights and statehood. With the adoption of the Constitution, Bosnia and Herzegovina completed the state-building process and it can be stated that from 31 December 1946, it fully existed and functioned as a state organisation. At the same time, it is necessary to not lose sight of the fact that Bosnia and Herzegovina, by the will of its representatives, was part of a wider state - Yugoslavia. The sovereignty and statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina were limited by the sovereignty of the federal state. These are the sovereign rights that Bosnia and Herzegovina transferred to the FPRY, given that it was an integral part of the unified socioeconomic and political system of AVNOJ Yugoslavia.

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PRILOG POLITIČKOJ BIOGRAFIJI AVDE HUME – VIJEĆNIKA TREĆEG ZASJEDANJA ZEMALJSKOG ANTIFAŠISTIČKOG VIJEĆA NARODNOG OSLOBOĐENJA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE

Author(s): Dženita Sarač-Rujanac / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

One of the councillors of the third session of the State Anti-fascist Council for the National Liberation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (orig. abbrev. ZAVNOBiH; April 26-28, 1945 in Sarajevo), who participated in the preparation and work of the previous two sessions (in Mrkonjic Grad in 1943 and Sanski Most in 1944), was Avdo Humo, a writer from Mostar, an illegal and a professional revolutionary. Humo is undoubtedly one of the most important intellectuals and politicians of the 20th century in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This paper points out the key biographical data following Avdo Humo from his student days. As a graduate of the Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade, he has been an active member of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) since the mid-1930s and also an organizer of anti-fascist resistance during World War II. Humo had great merit in the process of constituting and institutionalizing Bosnia and Herzegovina as one of the six equal republics in federal Yugoslavia. After the war, he participated in numerous prominent political and social roles, both in the Republic and in the federal centre. However, Avdo Humo was politically marginalized and morally disqualified in the context of a strong wave of self-criticism within the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) in the early 1970s, during the reconstruction of the Republican leadership and the removal of the so-called spring followers and liberals, i.e. significant re-Stalinization of the system. The parting of the League of Communists of Bosnia and Herzegovina with Avdo Humo, Hajro Kapetanovic, Osman Karabegovic, and Cedo Kapor at the end of 1972 followed their sharp criticism of the dominant current, undemocratic relations, unprincipledness, firm-hand leadership, management by a narrow circle of leaders and the more. The Republican leadership assessed them as a synchronized group, as a faction within the League of Communists that cooperates with ”liberals, informers, and bearers of hegemonic tendencies” and that has ”insatiable lust for personal power in realization of dominant influence on the policy of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina.” The party leadership unanimously assessed their criticism as groundless and stated that their target was the destabilization of the leadership and causing a rift within it.

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POLITIČKI PLURALIZAM I PARLAMENTARNA DEMOKRATIJA U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI U POSTDEJTONSKOM VREMENU

Author(s): Mirko Pejanović / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

This paper elaborates the genesis of the establishment and development of political pluralism in Bosnia and Herzegovina starting from the hypothesis that the power of the ruling ethnic parties did not allow the building of consensus in the adoption of laws necessary for the development of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the post-Dayton period. Three ethnic parties: SDA, HDZ and SDS, after winning the first multiparty elections in 1990, based the exercise of authority by the Parliament of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s on the principle of partnership, and not on the democratic principle of establishing a coalition political agenda for the exercise of power in the won mandate. The partnership between the parties in government took place on matters where there was mutual consent. In the first post-war elections, held in September 1996, the same three ethnic parties won again: SDA, HDZ BiH and SDS, with 86% of votes of the electorate. Ethnic parties thus again after the war gained the dominant power in the entity parliaments and the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina, to which the constitutional structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina defined in Dayton also contributed. In Parliament of Bosnia and Herzegovina they applied this power in the form of partnership in government. What lacked was the determination of the coalition agreement and the political program of the coalition as the indispensable basis for consensus in the adoption of laws. As a result, in the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina there was no consensus between the ruling parties on the most important issues for the development of the state of BiH. It was not possible to strengthen the power of the Parliament and to develop parliamentary democracy. Laws promulgated by the OHR enabled major reforms in the process of integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina into the European Union. Instead of the power of the Parliament, we see the power of party elites. Instead of parliamentary democracy, we see partitocracy.

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Demokratska tranzicija i izborni sistem u Bosni i Hercegovini: ideje za jačanje predstavničke funkcije Parlamentarne skupštine Bosne i Hercegovine

Author(s): Elmir Sadiković / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

As the highest legislative body, the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina is the central institution of the political system and the only sovereign authority in the state. In exercising its basic constitutional competencies: political representation, law-making and control over the executive, the Parliamentary Assembly does not fulfill its role in full capacity. The lack of democratic parliamentarism tradition and especially the inability of the party elites to reach consensus on the most important issues of the political and social development diminish the political power of parliament as a center of political decision-making. In political practice, this leads to inappropriate domination of the executive and the concentration of real power in the hands of bureaucratized political party elites. Reforms of electoral legislation can contribute to the democratization of the parliamentary institution and strengthen its role in the political system. These reforms would include a structural change in the way parliament is constituted by: redefining electoral boundaries; change the method of electing representatives by applying the open list system; to ensure a balanced political representation of marginalized social groups. This can create the basis for strengthening interest-civic political organization political behavior and at the same time amortize ethno-territorial political and social divisions.

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CONCLUSION

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The case studies of Latvia and Sweden offer a test case for analysing China’s influence in the Nordic-Baltic information environment. Although limited in scope, the findings can provide valuable insight into China’s potential to influence public discourse in the specific countries of the region. Both case studies illustrate the main channels of the CCP’s communication efforts and demonstrate how tactics differ depending on the nature of relationship and reaction to China’s perceived ‘red’ lines by the country of analysis. China’s communication efforts towards Latvia thus far can be characterised as non-confrontational, focusing on prospective cooperation between the two countries. In instances of criticism levelled against China, it is not confronted publicly. By contrast, Sweden has experienced a more confrontational side of China’s public communication, with Chinese diplomats publicly reacting to Swedish criticism regarding human rights abuses and aggressive foreign policy.

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Georgia’s Strategic Interests

Author(s): Tornike Sharashenidze / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Similarly to other countries suffering from occupation of their territory, Georgia’s primary national security objective is to regain its lost territories. This is not an easily attainable goal. Georgia’s interests are shaped by its geographical predicament: it is situated in a region that abounds with territorial conflicts and is affected by the Russian-American great power competition. The country is neighboured by Russia – a state that views the South Caucasus as vital to its interests. As Georgia is considered the gateway of the South Caucasus, it became the subject of Russian pressure immediately following the collapse of the Soviet Union. In the early 1990s, weakened by civil war, economic collapse, and disastrous defeat in Abkhazia, Georgia had little choice but to appease Russia and rely on its goodwill. Yet this dynamic could only be sustained as long as the region remained outside of a Western sphere of influence. In the late 1990s, the U.S. and Europe rediscovered the South Caucasus, particularly as a unique opportunity to build a new energy corridor and set an example of democratic transformation. This interest was welcomed by the Georgian public but was met with profound concern in Russia.

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Russia’s Strategic Interests in Georgia

Author(s): Nana Kalandarishvili / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This paper presents a comprehensive analysis of Russia’s strategic interests in Georgia. It focuses on Russia’s global and regional goals as laid out in Russian strategic documents adopted following the August War of 2008 with Georgia and the annexation of Crimea in 2014. Namely, the Military Strategy of 2014, the National Security Strategy of 2015, the Foreign Policy Concept of 2016, and the Doctrine of Information Security of the Russian Federation issued in 2016. It examines how Moscow set out to create an alternative to the liberal west – a traditionalist, nationalistic-patriotic centre of gravity with an ambition to spiritual and moral superiority – and how that plays out in Russia’s strategic interests in the South Caucasus and Georgia in particular. Georgia is not pivotal to strengthening Moscow’s position in the world. In fact, the current situation in the Caucasus is already favourable for Russia. Yerevan’s political and military dependence on Moscow, economic ties with Baku, and financially subsidised loyalty of the Northern Caucasus allow Russia to maintain stable influence over these countries. Annexation of Crimea in 2014 strengthened Russia’s control over the Black Sea. The currently irreversible occupation of Georgia’s territories of Abkhazia and Tskhinvali/South Ossetia as well as cautious approach by the current Georgian government not to escalate any tensions with Moscow allows Russia to focus comfortably on its ambitions globally.

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How Does Russia Target the Physical Domain to Achieve Its Strategic Goals in Georgia?

Author(s): Ketevan Chachava / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The choice of Georgian citizens is evident: the majority wants Georgia to join the European Union (EU) and NATO. This aspiration is even reflected and enshrined in the constitution of Georgia, which states that Georgia’s accession to the EU and NATO is an overarching priority for the country. However, Georgia’s road to European integration has not been easy. Russia, which considers the post-Soviet space to be its own ‘backyard’ where it should exercise control, has repeatedly sought to undermine Georgia’s European integration process. To that end, Russia has exerted an influence upon Georgia’s information environment through several approaches, including by targeting the physical domain through cyber-attacks, the occupation of 20 per cent of Georgia’s internationally recognised territory, and the application of active measures through influence networks, among others. As a tool for influencing Georgia’s information environment, disinformation has historically been deployed by the Kremlin and gained newfound relevance since the Russo-Georgia War in 2008. Disinformation is often used to manipulate Georgian identity to imply closeness to Russia or to appeal to identity politics in order to amplify the position of those social groups that promote Russia’s interests. In this regard, physical social networks and interconnectivity become crucial.

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Intelektualna obrada „Kosova“: srpske recepcije, rezignacije i reakcije

Author(s): Predrag Krstić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The paper follows the reactions of Serbian professional, cultural and intellectual public on the developments in Kosovo and about Kosovo in the last three decades, focusing in particular on the period of its unilateral declaration of independence. The first part of the article expose emotional responses to the challenge that the events in Kosovo provoked. The central section is devoted to explanations or rationalizations that tend theoretically to interpreted them, with special emphasis on two characteristic models of understanding of „Kosovo“: the “Gnostic” and the “critical” one. The conclusion suggests that the impenetrability of rival discursive systems and argumentative flows of an already predefined conflict does not provide the hope not only for reconciliation, but even for a responsible dialogue among them.

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RAT SE NIJE MOGAO IZBJEĆI

Author(s): Mladen Bosić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

Interview with Mladen Bosić

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Atatürk ve Mustafa Suphi Olayı

Author(s): Girayalp Karakuş / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

TBMM Hükümeti ile Sovyetler Birliği arasındaki ilişkilerin başlangıcı, Birinci Dünya Savaşı sonrasında Avrupa’nın yeniden düzenlenmesi sürecinde yer alır. Birinci Dünya Savaşı’ndan sonra Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Türk-İslâm coğrafyasındaki gelişmeleri Enver, Talat ve Cemal Paşa aracılığıyla takip etti. Bu süreçte Sovyetler Birliği’nin izlediği dış politika ikiye ayrılabilir. 1917-1921 ve 1921-1923 arası dönem. Birinci dönemde iç savaş koşulları hüküm sürerken ikinci dönemde devrimin ihraç edilmesi söz konusu olmuştur. Yani Doğu halklarıyla işbirliği süreci başladı. Sovyetler 3 Aralık 1917 tarihli kararıyla Doğu Müslümanları aleyhine yapılan bütün anlaşmaları tanımadığını beyan etti.

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Kıbrıs’ın İngiltere’ye Geçici Olarak Devrine Giden Süreçte İngiliz Parlamentosu ve Kamuoyundaki Tartışmalar

Author(s): Gül Çakır / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Cyprus fell out of the hands of the Ottoman Empire after a series of crises towards the end of 19th century, which originally had been under the rule of the empire since 1571. Lands of the Ottoman Empire, defeated in the 1877-1878 Ottoman-Russian War known as the 93 War, came under Russian danger with the Treaty of San Stefano. The fact that the capital of the Ottoman Empire and eastern lands were under Russian threat, and the Russian pressure in the Balkans alarmed England. The British Administration, considering a new mission for the future of India, the Mediterranean and Europe, created a great sensation with the request to use Cyprus as a military base. Britain led the convening of the congress in Berlin to nullify San Stefano and entered a new era in its policies regarding Ottoman Empire. With the Cyprus Convention of June 4, 1878, the British promised to help Ottomans against a possible Russian attack on the Ottoman lands, and aimed to use Cyprus as a base to fulfill this promise. On July 1, 1878, the British gained the right to temporarily settle in Cyprus with an additional agreement. Through this process British Prime Minister Beaconsfield was subject to criticism by liberal wing at the British Parliament. The general arguments of the liberals were as follows. The Cyprus Convention imposed responsibilities on Britain that were difficult to fulfill. It was not a proper method to finalize the agreement secretly before it was presented to the British public. It was believed that the settlement of the British in Cyprus was not a peaceful policy. This project would bring costs and serious liabilities to England. It was believed that there was not enough research before decisions on the island were made. It was implied that the administration added territory to its lands with an imperialist motivation. These were some of the common points of the parliament and the press. When the British landed on the island, the opposition's accuracy in these predictions emerged one by one. They could not achieve their goals. Due Liberals taking power in 1880, and the occupation of Egypt, Cyprus was no longer suitable for British goals. However, the Liberals neither left Cyprus when they came to power, nor they give it back to the Ottoman Empire.

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Sosyal Değişim Teorisi Bağlamında Örgütsel Vatandaşlık Davranışına Tarihsel ve Politik Bir Bakış

Author(s): Özge Mehtap / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

In today's post-modern world, where uncertainty and chaos prevail, rule-based hierarchical organizations are giving their place to businesses where expert power and knowledge, and therefore people, are more important. In these new structures, where continuous change is required, the effect of individuals' behaviors within the organization on performance and the importance of directing these behaviors in a positive way increase even more in order to manage individuals and institutions. In this study, the concepts of organizational citizenship behavior and organizational politics, which are two important research areas of the organizational behavior literature, are discussed over the relationship between each other and on the basis of Social Exchange Theory. Although research on politics in the management literature has increased in recent years, it does not receive the importance it deserves. Researches generally associate politics only with manipulation and behavior aimed at protecting the interests of managers or management. This negative perception leads to an incomplete understanding and explanation of the organizational politics. But political behavior includes both positive and negative behaviors. The policies implemented by the managers and the political behaviors they exert are closely related to the potential and existing organizational citizenship behaviors of the employees. In the context of the Social Exchange Theory, it is seen that the citizenship behaviors of the employees increase to the extent that the managers meet the expectations and needs of the employees.

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MICRO-PERSPECTIVE: THE RISE OF THE NEW COMMISSARS—AN ASSESSMENT OF RUSSIAN INFLUENCE CAMPAIGNS ON THE EVE OF THE WAR IN UKRAINE

Author(s): Charlie Winter / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Shortly after 21.30 MST on 21 February 2022, Russian president Vladimir Putin declared that Moscow was set to recognise the Donetsk People’s Republic (DPR) and Luhansk People’s Republic (LPR) in eastern Ukraine as independent territories. Moments later he gave the order for Russian ‘peacekeepers’ to deploy across the border into eastern Ukraine. Putin’s statement came just four days after a sustained surge in ceasefire violations by Russian and pro-Russian forces, which was reported by the Ukrainian Ministry of Defence on 17 February, and amid widespread, months-long speculation regarding the prospect of a full-fledged war on Kyiv.

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MACRO-PERSPECTIVE: STRATEGY WITHOUT DESIGN

Author(s): Ofer Fridman / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

‘Modern Westerners,’ argues cultural psychologist Richard E. Nisbett, ‘like the ancient Greeks, see the world in analytic, atomistic terms; they see objects as discrete and separate from their environments; they see events as moving in linear fashion when they move at all; and they feel themselves to be personally in control’. Therefore, it is not surprising that the Western approach to strategy is dominated by the notion of linear progression towards objectives defined in advance, as Western ‘institutionalized habits focus only upon analytic and linear models’. Strategy is commonly perceived as a combination of ‘calculation and control to effect planned movement over a predictable but fast-moving environment in order to realize well-designed aims’. Consequently, the application of this linear thinking to the Kremlin’s behaviour has repeatedly led Western researchers to characterize President Putin as ‘astrategic’ or a ‘tactical’ player who is ‘adept at short-term tactical responses to setbacks, but less talented at long-term strategy’. Moreover, when applied to Russia’s hybrid media environment, these linear models would understand it in terms of pre-thought plans which were then orchestrated and coordinated to achieve the desired control over the media or the narrative.

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REFLECTIONS ON DISCOURSE FORMATION AND INFLUENCE

Author(s): Neville Bolt / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

At this point the discussion broadens to include a wider consideration of how discourses move in relation to one another in societies. Discourse shaping seeks to create a new norm. As the philosopher Timothy Garton Ash observes: ‘The deepest power is that of determining what people consider normal. If you can persuade others that your way of doing things is normal, you have won. At the moment many mature democracies are experiencing the normalization of the anti-liberal far right.’ And ‘normalization’ as a term now widely employed, he reminds us, ‘came to prominence after the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968. It meant the attempt to return a European society to Soviet communist norms.’ Here we emphasise that any two-dimensional representation misses an important component in creating new norms. Communicators rarely seek to influence a single mainstream conversation but several aspects of the same conversation simultaneously.

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RUSSIA’S 2022 INVASION OF UKRAINE: THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT AND THE INFORMATION ENVIRONMENT ON KREMLIN-CONTROLLED DOMESTIC TELEVISION

Author(s): Max Levin / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This report is focused on the relation-ship between Russia’s actions in the physical environment and its behaviour in the information environment (with a particular focus on Kremlin-aligned television) in the period leading up to the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. In the months before the invasion, many reports appeared in the media of Western countries claiming that Russia intended to invade Ukraine. Such reports were typically based on briefings from government sources (which were in turn ostensibly based on assessments made by intelligence agencies) or on open-source intelligence analyses. In either case, assessments were primarily founded on Russia’s behaviour in the physical domain3, such as movements of its troops and military equipment to areas adjacent to the Ukrainian border. This report is based on a desire to better understand how the information domain ought to fit into this dynamic of intelligence interpretation. It attempts to answer the following two questions...

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How Has Covid-19 Impacted China’s Geopolitical Strategic Communications?

Author(s): Aurelio Insisa / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Crossing the shatterbelts of Eurasia and the commercial sea-lanes of the Indo-Pacific, the Belt and Road Initiative has put the distinctively geopolitical outlook of China’s strategy into the spotlight. Beijing articulates this strategy through the deployment of multidimensional diplomacy, Leninist ‘propaganda work’ and ‘united front work’, economic statecraft, and deterrence signalling. By framing the deployment of this vast array of tools as a strand of ‘geopolitical strategic communications’, this chapter examines the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on Beijing’s attempt to shape the perceptions and choices of foreign countries’ decision-makers and public opinions. The chapter explores how the pandemic has both expanded and created avenues for influence, with a focus on the Global South. At the same time, it examines how Beijing’s concern for regime security and diverging national strategies in containing the pandemic have emboldened China’s geopolitical strategic communications vis-à-vis other regional and global powers.

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Friendly Hand – Accusing Finger. Metaphors in the Persian Political Discourse

Author(s): Sirma Kostadinova / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Subject of this paper are metaphorical linguistic expressions, which reflect the relation between the target domains of NATION and COUNTRY and the source domain of HUMAN BODY in Persian. Media analyses on Iranian policy, speeches, and statements of government officials of the Islamic Republic of Iran are the main source for the research. The corpus of the collected phraseological units is analysed and classified in the light of the Conceptual metaphor theory. Metaphorical linguistic expressions containing the terms 𝑑𝑎𝑠𝑡 “hand”, 𝑎𝑛𝑔𝑜š𝑡 “finger” and 𝑚𝑜š𝑡 “fist” are in the focus of the paper. It discusses the question if Persian political discourse demonstrates features of cultural conceptualisations, providing comparative analysis with English and Bulgarian. It is a part of a broader research on conceptual metaphors in contemporary Persian.

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OPĆI PRISTUP PROBLEMU AGRESIJE NA REPUBLIKU BOSNU I HERCEGOVINU

Author(s): Ermin Kuka,Almir Grabovica / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

In the period 1992‒1995, the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina was subjected to a classic armed aggression by the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) and the Republic of Croatia. This was the aggression of colossal extent, which was followed by the commission of a numerous mass and individual crimes, primarily against Bosniacs. To scientifically study the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina is extremely complex and demanding scientific and methodological task. The mere aggression is an empiric fact, which requires a scientific approach to the aggression, both in terms of theoretical and the empiric position. The aggression against the Republic. Of Bosnia and Herzegovina was systematically prepared, and to the smallest detail, as well as planned and organized, which included the political and military leadership of the neighboring country, as well as their supporters in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (political and military leadership of the self proclaimed Serb Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina). Also, the role of the academic, cultural, and other circles cannot be disregarded, as they had the task to prepare ideological foundation and basis for the execution of the aggression. Serbian Academy of Science and Arts (SANU) can be particularly singled out in this regard with their Memorandum from 1986. All these listed actors became the basis for the advocacy and execution of the great-Serbian ideology and policy which in practical terms meant creation of ethnically cleansed Serbian territories, that is the creation of the so-called great Serbia. This fascistic and genocidal ideology could not have been implemented without the commission crimes, including the crime of genocide. Due to the complexity of circumstances, context, and the extent of the mere aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the general approach to this problem requires primarily a scientific approach based on knowledge and findings of the contemporary methodology of the social studies, through the implementation of the contemporary methods and techniques of the scientific study.

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