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Georgia’s Strategic Interests

Georgia’s Strategic Interests

Author(s): Tornike Sharashenidze / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Similarly to other countries suffering from occupation of their territory, Georgia’s primary national security objective is to regain its lost territories. This is not an easily attainable goal. Georgia’s interests are shaped by its geographical predicament: it is situated in a region that abounds with territorial conflicts and is affected by the Russian-American great power competition. The country is neighboured by Russia – a state that views the South Caucasus as vital to its interests. As Georgia is considered the gateway of the South Caucasus, it became the subject of Russian pressure immediately following the collapse of the Soviet Union. In the early 1990s, weakened by civil war, economic collapse, and disastrous defeat in Abkhazia, Georgia had little choice but to appease Russia and rely on its goodwill. Yet this dynamic could only be sustained as long as the region remained outside of a Western sphere of influence. In the late 1990s, the U.S. and Europe rediscovered the South Caucasus, particularly as a unique opportunity to build a new energy corridor and set an example of democratic transformation. This interest was welcomed by the Georgian public but was met with profound concern in Russia.

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Russia’s Strategic Interests in Georgia

Russia’s Strategic Interests in Georgia

Author(s): Nana Kalandarishvili / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This paper presents a comprehensive analysis of Russia’s strategic interests in Georgia. It focuses on Russia’s global and regional goals as laid out in Russian strategic documents adopted following the August War of 2008 with Georgia and the annexation of Crimea in 2014. Namely, the Military Strategy of 2014, the National Security Strategy of 2015, the Foreign Policy Concept of 2016, and the Doctrine of Information Security of the Russian Federation issued in 2016. It examines how Moscow set out to create an alternative to the liberal west – a traditionalist, nationalistic-patriotic centre of gravity with an ambition to spiritual and moral superiority – and how that plays out in Russia’s strategic interests in the South Caucasus and Georgia in particular. Georgia is not pivotal to strengthening Moscow’s position in the world. In fact, the current situation in the Caucasus is already favourable for Russia. Yerevan’s political and military dependence on Moscow, economic ties with Baku, and financially subsidised loyalty of the Northern Caucasus allow Russia to maintain stable influence over these countries. Annexation of Crimea in 2014 strengthened Russia’s control over the Black Sea. The currently irreversible occupation of Georgia’s territories of Abkhazia and Tskhinvali/South Ossetia as well as cautious approach by the current Georgian government not to escalate any tensions with Moscow allows Russia to focus comfortably on its ambitions globally.

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Intelektualna obrada „Kosova“: srpske recepcije, rezignacije i reakcije

Intelektualna obrada „Kosova“: srpske recepcije, rezignacije i reakcije

Author(s): Predrag Krstić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The paper follows the reactions of Serbian professional, cultural and intellectual public on the developments in Kosovo and about Kosovo in the last three decades, focusing in particular on the period of its unilateral declaration of independence. The first part of the article expose emotional responses to the challenge that the events in Kosovo provoked. The central section is devoted to explanations or rationalizations that tend theoretically to interpreted them, with special emphasis on two characteristic models of understanding of „Kosovo“: the “Gnostic” and the “critical” one. The conclusion suggests that the impenetrability of rival discursive systems and argumentative flows of an already predefined conflict does not provide the hope not only for reconciliation, but even for a responsible dialogue among them.

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RAT SE NIJE MOGAO IZBJEĆI

RAT SE NIJE MOGAO IZBJEĆI

Author(s): Mladen Bosić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

Interview with Mladen Bosić

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Atatürk ve Mustafa Suphi Olayı

Atatürk ve Mustafa Suphi Olayı

Author(s): Girayalp Karakuş / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

TBMM Hükümeti ile Sovyetler Birliği arasındaki ilişkilerin başlangıcı, Birinci Dünya Savaşı sonrasında Avrupa’nın yeniden düzenlenmesi sürecinde yer alır. Birinci Dünya Savaşı’ndan sonra Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Türk-İslâm coğrafyasındaki gelişmeleri Enver, Talat ve Cemal Paşa aracılığıyla takip etti. Bu süreçte Sovyetler Birliği’nin izlediği dış politika ikiye ayrılabilir. 1917-1921 ve 1921-1923 arası dönem. Birinci dönemde iç savaş koşulları hüküm sürerken ikinci dönemde devrimin ihraç edilmesi söz konusu olmuştur. Yani Doğu halklarıyla işbirliği süreci başladı. Sovyetler 3 Aralık 1917 tarihli kararıyla Doğu Müslümanları aleyhine yapılan bütün anlaşmaları tanımadığını beyan etti.

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Kıbrıs’ın İngiltere’ye Geçici Olarak Devrine Giden Süreçte İngiliz Parlamentosu ve Kamuoyundaki Tartışmalar

Kıbrıs’ın İngiltere’ye Geçici Olarak Devrine Giden Süreçte İngiliz Parlamentosu ve Kamuoyundaki Tartışmalar

Author(s): Gül Çakır / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Cyprus fell out of the hands of the Ottoman Empire after a series of crises towards the end of 19th century, which originally had been under the rule of the empire since 1571. Lands of the Ottoman Empire, defeated in the 1877-1878 Ottoman-Russian War known as the 93 War, came under Russian danger with the Treaty of San Stefano. The fact that the capital of the Ottoman Empire and eastern lands were under Russian threat, and the Russian pressure in the Balkans alarmed England. The British Administration, considering a new mission for the future of India, the Mediterranean and Europe, created a great sensation with the request to use Cyprus as a military base. Britain led the convening of the congress in Berlin to nullify San Stefano and entered a new era in its policies regarding Ottoman Empire. With the Cyprus Convention of June 4, 1878, the British promised to help Ottomans against a possible Russian attack on the Ottoman lands, and aimed to use Cyprus as a base to fulfill this promise. On July 1, 1878, the British gained the right to temporarily settle in Cyprus with an additional agreement. Through this process British Prime Minister Beaconsfield was subject to criticism by liberal wing at the British Parliament. The general arguments of the liberals were as follows. The Cyprus Convention imposed responsibilities on Britain that were difficult to fulfill. It was not a proper method to finalize the agreement secretly before it was presented to the British public. It was believed that the settlement of the British in Cyprus was not a peaceful policy. This project would bring costs and serious liabilities to England. It was believed that there was not enough research before decisions on the island were made. It was implied that the administration added territory to its lands with an imperialist motivation. These were some of the common points of the parliament and the press. When the British landed on the island, the opposition's accuracy in these predictions emerged one by one. They could not achieve their goals. Due Liberals taking power in 1880, and the occupation of Egypt, Cyprus was no longer suitable for British goals. However, the Liberals neither left Cyprus when they came to power, nor they give it back to the Ottoman Empire.

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Sosyal Değişim Teorisi Bağlamında Örgütsel Vatandaşlık Davranışına Tarihsel ve Politik Bir Bakış

Sosyal Değişim Teorisi Bağlamında Örgütsel Vatandaşlık Davranışına Tarihsel ve Politik Bir Bakış

Author(s): Özge Mehtap / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

In today's post-modern world, where uncertainty and chaos prevail, rule-based hierarchical organizations are giving their place to businesses where expert power and knowledge, and therefore people, are more important. In these new structures, where continuous change is required, the effect of individuals' behaviors within the organization on performance and the importance of directing these behaviors in a positive way increase even more in order to manage individuals and institutions. In this study, the concepts of organizational citizenship behavior and organizational politics, which are two important research areas of the organizational behavior literature, are discussed over the relationship between each other and on the basis of Social Exchange Theory. Although research on politics in the management literature has increased in recent years, it does not receive the importance it deserves. Researches generally associate politics only with manipulation and behavior aimed at protecting the interests of managers or management. This negative perception leads to an incomplete understanding and explanation of the organizational politics. But political behavior includes both positive and negative behaviors. The policies implemented by the managers and the political behaviors they exert are closely related to the potential and existing organizational citizenship behaviors of the employees. In the context of the Social Exchange Theory, it is seen that the citizenship behaviors of the employees increase to the extent that the managers meet the expectations and needs of the employees.

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MICRO-PERSPECTIVE: THE RISE OF THE NEW COMMISSARS—AN ASSESSMENT OF RUSSIAN INFLUENCE CAMPAIGNS ON THE EVE OF THE WAR IN UKRAINE

MICRO-PERSPECTIVE: THE RISE OF THE NEW COMMISSARS—AN ASSESSMENT OF RUSSIAN INFLUENCE CAMPAIGNS ON THE EVE OF THE WAR IN UKRAINE

Author(s): Charlie Winter / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Shortly after 21.30 MST on 21 February 2022, Russian president Vladimir Putin declared that Moscow was set to recognise the Donetsk People’s Republic (DPR) and Luhansk People’s Republic (LPR) in eastern Ukraine as independent territories. Moments later he gave the order for Russian ‘peacekeepers’ to deploy across the border into eastern Ukraine. Putin’s statement came just four days after a sustained surge in ceasefire violations by Russian and pro-Russian forces, which was reported by the Ukrainian Ministry of Defence on 17 February, and amid widespread, months-long speculation regarding the prospect of a full-fledged war on Kyiv.

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MACRO-PERSPECTIVE: STRATEGY WITHOUT DESIGN

MACRO-PERSPECTIVE: STRATEGY WITHOUT DESIGN

Author(s): Ofer Fridman / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

‘Modern Westerners,’ argues cultural psychologist Richard E. Nisbett, ‘like the ancient Greeks, see the world in analytic, atomistic terms; they see objects as discrete and separate from their environments; they see events as moving in linear fashion when they move at all; and they feel themselves to be personally in control’. Therefore, it is not surprising that the Western approach to strategy is dominated by the notion of linear progression towards objectives defined in advance, as Western ‘institutionalized habits focus only upon analytic and linear models’. Strategy is commonly perceived as a combination of ‘calculation and control to effect planned movement over a predictable but fast-moving environment in order to realize well-designed aims’. Consequently, the application of this linear thinking to the Kremlin’s behaviour has repeatedly led Western researchers to characterize President Putin as ‘astrategic’ or a ‘tactical’ player who is ‘adept at short-term tactical responses to setbacks, but less talented at long-term strategy’. Moreover, when applied to Russia’s hybrid media environment, these linear models would understand it in terms of pre-thought plans which were then orchestrated and coordinated to achieve the desired control over the media or the narrative.

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REFLECTIONS ON DISCOURSE FORMATION AND INFLUENCE

REFLECTIONS ON DISCOURSE FORMATION AND INFLUENCE

Author(s): Neville Bolt / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

At this point the discussion broadens to include a wider consideration of how discourses move in relation to one another in societies. Discourse shaping seeks to create a new norm. As the philosopher Timothy Garton Ash observes: ‘The deepest power is that of determining what people consider normal. If you can persuade others that your way of doing things is normal, you have won. At the moment many mature democracies are experiencing the normalization of the anti-liberal far right.’ And ‘normalization’ as a term now widely employed, he reminds us, ‘came to prominence after the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968. It meant the attempt to return a European society to Soviet communist norms.’ Here we emphasise that any two-dimensional representation misses an important component in creating new norms. Communicators rarely seek to influence a single mainstream conversation but several aspects of the same conversation simultaneously.

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RUSSIA’S 2022 INVASION OF UKRAINE: THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT AND THE INFORMATION ENVIRONMENT ON KREMLIN-CONTROLLED DOMESTIC TELEVISION

RUSSIA’S 2022 INVASION OF UKRAINE: THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT AND THE INFORMATION ENVIRONMENT ON KREMLIN-CONTROLLED DOMESTIC TELEVISION

Author(s): Max Levin / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This report is focused on the relation-ship between Russia’s actions in the physical environment and its behaviour in the information environment (with a particular focus on Kremlin-aligned television) in the period leading up to the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. In the months before the invasion, many reports appeared in the media of Western countries claiming that Russia intended to invade Ukraine. Such reports were typically based on briefings from government sources (which were in turn ostensibly based on assessments made by intelligence agencies) or on open-source intelligence analyses. In either case, assessments were primarily founded on Russia’s behaviour in the physical domain3, such as movements of its troops and military equipment to areas adjacent to the Ukrainian border. This report is based on a desire to better understand how the information domain ought to fit into this dynamic of intelligence interpretation. It attempts to answer the following two questions...

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How Has Covid-19 Impacted China’s Geopolitical Strategic Communications?

How Has Covid-19 Impacted China’s Geopolitical Strategic Communications?

Author(s): Aurelio Insisa / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Crossing the shatterbelts of Eurasia and the commercial sea-lanes of the Indo-Pacific, the Belt and Road Initiative has put the distinctively geopolitical outlook of China’s strategy into the spotlight. Beijing articulates this strategy through the deployment of multidimensional diplomacy, Leninist ‘propaganda work’ and ‘united front work’, economic statecraft, and deterrence signalling. By framing the deployment of this vast array of tools as a strand of ‘geopolitical strategic communications’, this chapter examines the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on Beijing’s attempt to shape the perceptions and choices of foreign countries’ decision-makers and public opinions. The chapter explores how the pandemic has both expanded and created avenues for influence, with a focus on the Global South. At the same time, it examines how Beijing’s concern for regime security and diverging national strategies in containing the pandemic have emboldened China’s geopolitical strategic communications vis-à-vis other regional and global powers.

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Friendly Hand – Accusing Finger. Metaphors in the Persian Political Discourse

Friendly Hand – Accusing Finger. Metaphors in the Persian Political Discourse

Author(s): Sirma Kostadinova / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Subject of this paper are metaphorical linguistic expressions, which reflect the relation between the target domains of NATION and COUNTRY and the source domain of HUMAN BODY in Persian. Media analyses on Iranian policy, speeches, and statements of government officials of the Islamic Republic of Iran are the main source for the research. The corpus of the collected phraseological units is analysed and classified in the light of the Conceptual metaphor theory. Metaphorical linguistic expressions containing the terms 𝑑𝑎𝑠𝑡 “hand”, 𝑎𝑛𝑔𝑜š𝑡 “finger” and 𝑚𝑜š𝑡 “fist” are in the focus of the paper. It discusses the question if Persian political discourse demonstrates features of cultural conceptualisations, providing comparative analysis with English and Bulgarian. It is a part of a broader research on conceptual metaphors in contemporary Persian.

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OPĆI PRISTUP PROBLEMU AGRESIJE NA REPUBLIKU BOSNU I HERCEGOVINU

OPĆI PRISTUP PROBLEMU AGRESIJE NA REPUBLIKU BOSNU I HERCEGOVINU

Author(s): Ermin Kuka,Almir Grabovica / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

In the period 1992‒1995, the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina was subjected to a classic armed aggression by the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) and the Republic of Croatia. This was the aggression of colossal extent, which was followed by the commission of a numerous mass and individual crimes, primarily against Bosniacs. To scientifically study the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina is extremely complex and demanding scientific and methodological task. The mere aggression is an empiric fact, which requires a scientific approach to the aggression, both in terms of theoretical and the empiric position. The aggression against the Republic. Of Bosnia and Herzegovina was systematically prepared, and to the smallest detail, as well as planned and organized, which included the political and military leadership of the neighboring country, as well as their supporters in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (political and military leadership of the self proclaimed Serb Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina). Also, the role of the academic, cultural, and other circles cannot be disregarded, as they had the task to prepare ideological foundation and basis for the execution of the aggression. Serbian Academy of Science and Arts (SANU) can be particularly singled out in this regard with their Memorandum from 1986. All these listed actors became the basis for the advocacy and execution of the great-Serbian ideology and policy which in practical terms meant creation of ethnically cleansed Serbian territories, that is the creation of the so-called great Serbia. This fascistic and genocidal ideology could not have been implemented without the commission crimes, including the crime of genocide. Due to the complexity of circumstances, context, and the extent of the mere aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the general approach to this problem requires primarily a scientific approach based on knowledge and findings of the contemporary methodology of the social studies, through the implementation of the contemporary methods and techniques of the scientific study.

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USKLAĐIVANJE VANJSKE POLITIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE PREMA EVROPSKOJ UNIJI
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USKLAĐIVANJE VANJSKE POLITIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE PREMA EVROPSKOJ UNIJI

Author(s): Asmir Mujanović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Accession to the European Union for Bosnia and Herzegovina means improving the life and work of all citizens. The processes and procedures of European integration require adaptation of the institutional framework and legal system in all areas, but also economic development, and more intensive foreign policy action in areas that affect the dynamics of relations between BiH and the EU. In all activities, the active role of all segments of society, especially young people, who have an interest in BiH's membership in the EU, is necessary, given that it will affect all aspects of life. Integrating requires activism and the commitment of everyone in the processes that must make changes in the entire society. All this is possible with the activism and engagement of all social factors and competent, public, private and civil sectors. The European integration process of Bosnia and Herzegovina requires significant reforms in all spheres of life, where a special place should be taken in the preparation of the institutions and administrative bodies of Bosnia and Herzegovina in order to be efficient in performing the tasks that are set. This work has the primary goal of pointing out the importance of foreign policy action in areas that affect the dynamics of relations between Bosnia and Herzegovina and the European Union.

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Vlado Singer i Stjepan Rubinić – od visokih policijskih dužnosnika Nezavisne Države Hrvatske do zatočenika koncentracijskih logora
4.90 €

Vlado Singer i Stjepan Rubinić – od visokih policijskih dužnosnika Nezavisne Države Hrvatske do zatočenika koncentracijskih logora

Author(s): Davor Kovačić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

With the establishment of the Independent State of Croatia, Vlado Singer and Stjepan Rubinić became high ranking officials of the security and police apparatus of the state. Due to their actions both fell afoul of their superiors and were removed from their positions. They served roughly the same amount of time at the concentration camps in Jasenovac and Stara Gradiška. In distincti-on to Singer, who was killed at the Stara Gradiška camp, Rubinić was released after spending a year in the camp. After his release from the camp he did not formally belong to the Ustaša movement, but he was allowed to conduct busi-ness with Jewish mercantile houses. Following the collapse of the Independent State of Croatia, he withdrew toward Austria, where he lived for some years, after which time information about him becomes unreliable. It is assumed that he lives out of the public eye, as a well-situated man, either in South America or Australia.

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Istraživačke dopune o pobuni 5. prosinca 1918. godine
4.90 €

Istraživačke dopune o pobuni 5. prosinca 1918. godine

Author(s): Stjepan Matković / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Based on research conducted using previously unknown archival documents, the author examines the transition in Croatian history made by the fall of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The author pays the greatest attention to the mutiny of 5th December 1918 which still induce much discussion in the historiography. The number, significance and behaviour of the people who conspired against the new regime provide a good indication of how this event was used by pro-Yugoslav forces in Croatia for reckoning with the old structures in the Croatian army and opposition politicians who upheld the idea of republicanism. The biggest opposition parties – such as the Croat People Peasent Party and the Party of Right – openly called for peaceful solutions and tried to avoid any form of armed conflict. On the other hand, some officers and soldiers who served in the Croatian Home Guard units were not content with the new situation. They spontaneously decided to organize a public demonstration in the center of Zagreb which turned into a violent confrontation. This bloody event led to the dissolution of the old army units. However, the fallen of the 5th December 1918 uprising are remembered in Croatia as the first victims of resistence to the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.

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Politika zapadnih velesila prema južnim Slavenima 1918. i 1919. godine
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Politika zapadnih velesila prema južnim Slavenima 1918. i 1919. godine

Author(s): Andrej Rahten / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The disintegration of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in 1918 and the end of the First World War the political elites of the South Slav peoples awaited with fear for the loss of large portions of their ethnic territory, but also with the expectation that the western Great Powers would support their ambitions for statehood. The expectations arose mostly after the proclamation of American President Thomas Woodrow Wilson’s famed “Fourteen Points.” Above all, South Slav political elites in the Monarchy believed that Wilson’s notion of defense for the rights to people to self-determination would trump the Italian territorial demands based on the “London Agreement” of 1915. However, the attitude of the United States, Great Britain, and France at the peace conference in Paris (1919–1920) did not fulfill the expectations of Slovene and Croatian politicians. Wilson did, indeed, put pressure on the Italian delegation on the issue of territorial delimitation with the newly created South Slav state in Istria and Dalmatia, but without great success. With regard to the northern border of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, Wilson’s politics in fact contributed to the inclusion of a large portion of ethnic Slovene territory in Carinthia into the Republic of Austria. The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes had more support from the western Great Powers in delimiting its border with Hungary and in other sectors. In its final phase the diplomacy of the western Great Powers was disappointing in the eyes of the South Slav political elite, established as it was on the territory of what was once the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. However, from the point of view of the Karađorđević state, the peace conference merely confirmed the trend toward realizing Greater Serbian territorial pretensions which, with the support of Great Britain and France, was begun during the Balkan wars in 1912 and 1913.

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Rušenje Austro-Ugarske Monarhije (1914.–1918.). Svjedočanstvo dr. Mate Drinkovića
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Rušenje Austro-Ugarske Monarhije (1914.–1918.). Svjedočanstvo dr. Mate Drinkovića

Author(s): Ivica Zvonar / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

In this article the author provides a short review of the political activities of a prominent member of the Croatian political elite, Dr. Mate Drinković, in the period from the eve of World War One to the end of 1918. A better understanding of his life and activities in this dynamic period is provided by an appendix which contains a transcription of an archival document written by Mate Drinković which is held in the diocesan archives of Đakovo, among the papers of Mons. Dr. Fran Barac. From this previously unpublished and until now unknown document something can be learned of Drinković’s activities during the war, especially at the end of 1917 and during 1918, on the eve of the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and the creation of the new South Slavic state.

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Imperijalni imaginarij 1918.–2008. Velikosrpstvo Radikalne stranke
4.90 €

Imperijalni imaginarij 1918.–2008. Velikosrpstvo Radikalne stranke

Author(s): Tihomir Cipek / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

This text supports the thesis that Great Serbian imperialism represents a “structure of long duration” which vitally determines Serbian politics in the 19th and 20th century. It has already been shown why the manner and form that defined the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes in 1918 proves that the Serbian political elite saw it as an expanded Serbia, a kind of Serbian empire. The example of the politics of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Serbian hi-story textbooks, and especially the contemporary politics of the Serbian Radical Party with emphasis on its electoral slogans for the Serbian parliamentary elections of 2006 and 2008 point to the basic arguments which prove the thesis that Serbian imperialism is a structure of long duration. It is concluded that the widespread acceptance of Greater Serbian ideology in Serbian society re-presents an “epistemological catastrophe” which is the reason that Serbia is a divided society and an incomplete state.

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