(AVRUPA) ORTAK GÜVENLİK VE SAVUNMA POLİTİKASI

Author(s): Sait Yılmaz / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 27/2015

Lisbon Agreement on Dec 1st, 2009 has remarked the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) of EU instead of European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). European Union has suffered from vital incapabilities in her defense structure although took part in some military operations in World wide such as peace keeping in Africa and police missions in Afghanistan. Hard power gap between EU and USA has drastically widen in recent decades. EU countries provided modest contributions into NATO operation in Afghanistan. EU makes much more effort to develop her soft power and aims transformations in near geographies. However, it is fact that EU system is bulky as witnessed in Arab movements. NATO and EU have to reconsider their defense policies in common understanding.

(Ne)etičnost i (ne)legalnost upotrebe dronova u ratu protiv terorizma

Author(s): Ivica Kelam,Darija Rupčić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 73/2016

Powerful increase in the use of drones in fight against terrorism through the tactic of targeted killings, especially after the arrival of President Obama to power, causes increasingly ethical and legal issues. The intention of this paper is to investigate exactly these issues. The basic hypothesis is that the US use of drones in war against terrorism is a major threat to international security, human rights and democracy. Instead of reducing the threat of terrorism, drones uses additionally incites hatred and desire for revenge, since it leaves severe adverse consequences on the lives of civilians. The expected contribution of this paper lies in the demystification of drones activities and questioning the many dangers that the use of drones in the fight against terrorism carries.

(NOT SO) SPECIAL RELATIONSHIPS EXPLAINING ALLIANCE BEHAVIOUR IN THE ENGLISH SPEAKING WORLD

Author(s): Dylan Kissane / Language(s): English Issue: 37/2010

Throughout the 20th century, the major powers in the global Anglosphere often found themselves allies in armed conflict. These war-time alliances – sometimes temporary, more often part of a longer term cooperation – are sometimes held to arise because of common histories, common values, similar national ideologies and similar notions of international right and wrong. Indeed, the political rhetoric surrounding the declarations of war has often cited such factors as colonial history, international friendship and “special relationships” as motivators for joining armed coalitions against third party states. Yet while there stand stark examples of these major English speaking powers acting entirely in congress there exist numerous instances where one or more of these powers chose not to join a coalition alongside their Anglophonic associates. This article argues that explanations of Anglophonic coalitions that rely on notions of a shared history, similar political ideologies, common political and social values or similar notions of international morality all fall short of explaining the coalition joining/rejecting behaviour of the major powers of the Anglosphere in war-time during the 20th century. Drawing on data from the Correlates of War (CoW) project, this article will show that pure national interest drove the decisions of states to join or reject coalitions, lending strong support to a structural realist explanation for their behaviour, with this conclusion presenting opportunities for re-assessing alliance politics in Eastern Europe and South America.

(Re)focusing the Atlantic Alliance: Reframing Security Readings into a Peace Agenda

Author(s): Maria Raquel Freire,Licínia Simão / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2016

Bringing a new reading to collective defence after the Cold War allowed, among other things, an expansion of NATO’s tasks as well as membership. This being said, it is high time for deep reflection about the opportunities and limitations for the Alliance from the perspective of the promotion of peace, more than 25 years after the end of the bipolar order. Drawing on the introductory remarks to this special issue, the paper will focus on 1) the strategic differences between a security versus a peace agenda for NATO in the context of increasingly transnational and complex threats, 2) Russia as both a necessary ally and a challenger at NATO’s borders, including its positioning regarding a “shared neighbourhood” with the European Union (EU) and the Atlantic Alliance, as well as Moscow’s investment in the development of military alliances to the east (the Collective Security Treaty Organisation, or CSTO), 3) the Middle East as a geostrategic area where the conflation of competing interests, norms and values has revealed complex dynamics, both in-country and regional, and impacted on the NATO space (for example, the effect of the Syrian conflict), and 4) whether the conceptualisation on a “European security architecture” remains useful or has become meaningless in face of current challenges.

(Не)реална очекивања југословенско-совјетски војни преговори 1948.

Author(s): Aleksandar Životić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2014

Yugoslav-Soviet military negotiations were initiated in an already tensed relations related to Yugoslav attitude towards the question of Balkan federation, Greek civil war and Yugoslav presence in Albania. Ambitious plans of economical and military development were contrary to country's actual possibilites as well with potential Soviet assistance. Unreallistic and overambitious Yugoslav plans for strenghtening of military industry, creation of strong, numerous and up to date equiped army, as well navy capable to react not only to defend its own coast encountered the Soviet restraint. In several occasions Soviets demonstrated willingnes to help Yugoslavs within the boundaries of their own reallistic possibilities. Disagreements between the two concepts of development, as well Yugoslav insisting on realization of their own plans resulted in Soviet denial of further assistance. Failure in military negotiations coincided with the beggining of Yugoslav-Soviet conflict which finaly led to complete interruption of military cooperation.

,,Смем ли се ја, син таквог оца осрамоћен вратити у Србију“: Александар, син Живојина Мишића у руском јункерском училишту

Author(s): Vasily Borisovich Kashirin / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2008

This article looks at an interesting and as yet completely unknown episode in the life of Aleksandr Mishich, son of a prominent Serbian commander field-marshal Zhivoin Mishich (1855-1921). Aleksandr Mishich (1891-1941) served as an officer in the Balkan wars of 1912-13 and in the First World War. In 1941 he died heroically as one of the leaders of the chethnic movement in Yugoslavia. One of the blank pages in his biography is the time he spent in Russia from 1908 to 1912, where he tried to receive a military education. This article, based on previously unknown documents from the Russian State Military History Archive and the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Empire looks at how Mishich and his two Serbian friends joined the Vilna Infantry Junker school, their subsequent expulsion, acute conflict with the college’s authorities and the long and unsuccessful efforts of the three Serbs to obtain a review of their case from the military-bureaucratic machine of the Russian empire. The article also examines the discussions which took part between Russian authorities at interdepartmental level concerning the education of southern Slavs in military institutions of the Russian empire, which coincided with Mishich’s presence in Russia. The difference in opinion of representatives from the Russian military and diplomatic institutions on the problems of raising the effectiveness and the goals of Russian military-educational policy towards southern Slavs is shown. Also covered are the circumstances regarding the preparation of the Rules of admission of subjects of south Slavic states into Russian military-educational institutions, approved in 1912. This article can be of interest to all those interested in the life of field-marshal Zhivoin Mishic and his family, as well as in the questions of Russo-Serbian cooperation in the sphere of military education at the start of the 20th century.

1 Mart Tezkeresi Bağlamında Türkiye'nin Irak Politikası

Author(s): Muhammed Türkmen / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 1/2021

The US invasion of Iraq, the occupation stipulating the Prime Minister’s permit to supportGrand National Assembly of Turkey was presented to the March 1, 2003. Despite the effortsof the AK Party, said resolution didn’t pass through parliament. AK Party during the event topass the motion, first troubled development of Turkish-American relations have been foundin Turkey’s positive and negative effects of various policies on Iraq. This article is examinedhow the March 1 Motion also affect Turkey’s Iraq policy. The study includes a method basedon literature review. The argument of the article March 1 memorandum AK Party is that atouchstone for shaping Turkey’s Iraq policy.

10 lat Polski w NATO

Author(s): Anna Szymańska-Klich / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3/2009

10 razloga za NATO

Author(s): Jelena Milić / Language(s): Serbian

100 dni Donalda Trumpa – próba oceny polityki zagranicznej nowej administracji

Author(s): Patrycja Sasnal / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2017

10x in Favor NATO

Author(s): Jelena Milić / Language(s): English

The initial provision of the North-Atlantic Agreement defines the principles, conditions and standards that countries aspiring for membership need to achieve in order to become a NATO member...So far, NATO countries have not gone to war against each other. Historical experience offers us strong evidence that NATO membership, and its expansion, leads to historic reconciliation (France, Germany) stability and democratization of states (Spain, Greece, Portugal..)...Many relevant comparative research unquestionably shows that, in the long-term, the countries with such an inner-political establishment are by rule of thumb the most stable, not only socially, but also economically, because independent institutions, division of powers and rule of law and protection of human rights...Through full-fledged NATO membership, a country becomes an integral part of the decision-making mechanism in NATO... The first and most basic direct benefit of membership is enjoyment of the rights, as well as obligations, arising from Article 5 of the North-Atlantic Agreement which states that an attacked Member State will be defended by the entire Alliance...According to Article 4 provisions of the North Atlantic Agreement, each state has a right to call for consultations whenever it considers necessary and when, according to its assessment, her territorial integrity, political independence or security of that NATO Member State is threatened.NATO Member States have transparent defense budgets. They try to strategically plan these expenditure together, thus forming mechanisms of joint participation in procurement of equipment and other joint use of resources...In the North-Atlantic world, NATO has no alternative, as it is often argued in Serbia. There is no other military-political alliance with a clearly defined method of decision-making and a developed joint command structure. Although it is hard to detect the exact proportion that only NATO membership brings in economic terms, all new Member States agree that they have experienced a so-called “NATO effect” after joining – starting with an increase in GDP...Therefore – join NATO!

11 Eylül Terör Saldırıları Sonrası ABD Gayrinizami Harp Anlayışının Değişimi

Author(s): Emrah Özdemir / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 39/2021

The experience of the US armed forces in terms of irregular warfare goes back to the 18th century. However, periodically, traumatic events such as the Vietnam War led to such valuable experiences to be ignored and to approach irregular war with caution. In this study, how the US Army’s irregular war doctrine was shaped after the September 11 attacks and what it means in current strategic thinking is presented. Understanding the importance of irregular warfare in the changing security concept of the USA in the light of official documents, military manuals and discussions in the literature constitutes the main purpose of the study. In this sense, the method of the study was determined as qualitative document analysis. At the end of the study, it is argued that a period, in which conventional armies focus on irregular approaches to achieve political goals, and the difference between the conventional and the irregular is blurred, is experienced.

130 година организованих војноисторијских истраживања у Србији - Избор излагања са округлог стола о решавању статуса Војноисторијског института (1. фебруар 2006.)

Author(s): Ljubodrag D. Dimić,Milan Ristović,Miroslav Jovanović,Dragan Bogetić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1-2/2006

Уочи обележавања 130-те годишњице организованих војноисторијских истраживања у Србији (5. фебруар 1876, дан оснивања Историјског одељењa Главног ђенералштаба српске војске), одржан је, 1. фебруара 2006. године, Округли сто у Дому војске Србије и Црне Горе, у организацији Војноисторијског института (ВИИ). Повод за његово одржавање биле су најаве и планови за решење статуса Војноисторијског института, односно његовог укидања као самосталне установе. [...]

1921’de seyyar jandarma müfrezelerinin ilgasi meselesi

Author(s): İsmet Türkmen,Betül Tekinsoy / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 2/2020

The first initiative of the Government of the National Assembly of the Grand National Assembly, the first year of the National Struggle, the consolidation of administrative and political authority in Anatolia, aimed at the effective handling of security measures. During this period, the Gendarmerie was the priority of the Assembly. In this respect, the Gendarmerie Organization, which is deprived of qualified commander and ranking personnel, has become a necessity again. The Parliamentary Government, seeking a solution to this situation, “The Law on the Establishment of Mobile Gendarmerie Detachments” was received. Number of 5 “Infantry, Cavalry Class, Gendarmerie Platoon Formation of Gendarmerie Plates” and was adopted on June 7, 1920. When the law was put into practice, the fact that the mobile gendarmerie units were in the hands of the military authority had experienced difficulties in the administrative and political spheres as expected. The newly established mobile gendarmerie organization, although under the command of the National Defense Act. in addition, there were regular gendarmerie units under the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Following the parliamentary meetings, the proposal of Bolu Mufti Yusuf İzzet Pasha and his accompanying deputies resulted in the regulation of the issuance of the rural security works to the gendarmerie attached to the Ministry of Interior.

1923 Nüfus Mübadelesine Mizah Penceresinden Bakmak: Zümrüdüanka

Author(s): Nuray Firindioğlu Yılmaz / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 2/2017

The Greek- Turkish 1923 population exchange has played an important role in Turkish history both politically and socially. Since about 2 million Greeks and Turks were ousted from their homelands, this issue has quickly become problematic due to some main concerns and conflicts over its form and instruments, the definition and the scale of the refugees, and the legal status of their left property. These problems led the refugees to experience a number of tragic incidents from the start of the implementation of the exchange almost until it is completed. This study reviews the Greek- Turkish population exchange that has been engraved in collective memory in every respect by analyzing the texts and caricatures in the comic book, Zümrüdüanka, that reflect its idiosyncratic sense of humor.

1979-2014 Yıllarında Afganistan Siyasetinde General Dostum’un Rolü ve Bunun Afganistan Türk Toplumuna Etkileri

Author(s): Abdulbashir Azad / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 1/2019

This study examines the role of General Rashid Dostum in political life of Afghanistan between 1979-2014 and its effects on Turkish society in Afghanistan. The study investigates the subject under three main titles. Firstly, the position and importance of Dostum in political life of Afghanistan before 1991 is examined. In the second part,information on the role of Dostum in the period of civil war and the struggle against the Taliban is given. Finally, the effect of Dostum and Turks on the Constitutional Loya Jirga is analyzed. Accordingly, some suggestions are presented in order deal with the problems that Dostum and Turks of Afghanistan face nowadays.

1st German Infantry Regiment within the Army of the Moldavian Democratic Republic (1917-1918)

Author(s): Anatolie Leşcu / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2020

The increasing effort for affirming national identity was one of the consequences for the disintegration of the Russian Empire, in 1917. Basarabia, abruptly taken away from Moldova about a century before, was suddenly finding its own place, due to the total separation from Russia. Consequently,on 27 October 1917, Basarabia proclaimed its autonomy. At the same time, the Country Counsel (Sfatul Țării) was established, as a legislative body.In 1917, Southern Basarabia was engulfed in a disastrous situation, caused by the numerous acts of vandalism and disorganisation triggered by the Sovietisation of the region. In order to stabilise and calm the situation in the area, German colonists, allying themselves with the Moldavians in their fight against Tsarism, formed detachments, patrolling the towns.Even though its history was brief, the 1st German Infantry Regiment within the Army of the Moldavian Democratic Republic played its part in enforcing order, guarding goods and, last but not least, fighting anarchy.

20 Years of Security Sector Reforms in Albania. …towards a new generation of reforms. A National Conference

Author(s): / Language(s): English

In 1992 Albania started a long road towards democratisation and modernisation. Reform of the security sector is an important part of the democratic transformation in Albania. Important standards are achieved in establishing civilian control of the Armed Forces, and in reforming and improving their ability to partici-pate in international peace-making operations and other international military exercises. Other security sec-tor institutions have also achieved higher European standards. However, comprehensive democratic gov-ernance of the security sector and continued modernisation of the legal framework for such sector still remain a challenge. Despite all these achievements Security Sector Reform in Albania is still an unfinished business. In particular, there is a need to improve democratic governance of the security sector in terms of parliamentary and public oversight, openness and transparency. Further reforms are needed in order to improve management, coordination, and division of labour between the different security actors. Another key area for further reforms is the development of an effective accountability system. To fully meet the required NATO and EU standards, a new generation of reforms is needed. These particular fields of re-forms over the years, with a special focus on the current status in Albania’s reform process and the way ahead stand at the centre of this overwhelming initiative.

2008 US Presidential Elections: The Iraq War, Party Platforms and Social Polarization

Author(s): Anca Parmena Olimid / Language(s): English Issue: 17/2008

La guerre d’Irak est le principal facteur de la campagne présidentielle de 2008. Aujourd’hui elle représente le problème central de l’opinion publique Américaine. Cet article est une approche analytique intégrative de cette campagne, portant surtout trois questions: les sondages concernant les préférences des Americains pour l’élection présidentielle de 2008, le vote de la population hispanique et les déclarations des candidats sur le problème Irakien.

2013’ten Sonra Mısır’daki Sivil-Askerî İlişkiler

Author(s): Özüm Sezin Uzun,Ahmed Elerian / Language(s): English Issue: 32/2019

The military has been a powerful and active actor in Egyptian politics since Naser period. By the collapse of the Mobarak regime as a result of the popular demonstrations in 2011, hopes for democratization increased; however, the military coup against Morsi administration once again changed the balance in civil- military relations in favor of the military and led the military to become dominant actor in both Egyptian politics and economics. This article analyzes civil-military relations in Egypt since July 2013 and attempts to understand to what extent the military was empowered by the privileged rights in both politics and economics. Within that framework, given rights and power by the constitution to the military, gained privileged rights at the executive, legislative and judiciary levels, economic power and activities of the military, and its influence over media and civil society were examined. This article argues that on the one hand military has been certainly consolidating its dominancy in Egyptian politics and economics since 2013, on the other hand the military involvement in politics and economics has been deteriorating institutionalism and efficiency of the Army itself.