(011) SHAPING EUROPE’S AFGHAN SURGE

Author(s): Daniel Korski / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2009

Unnoticed by many, the last few years have seen something of a European military surge in Afghanistan. Since late 2006, 18 of the 25 EU countries participating in the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), NATO’s Afghan mission, have increased their troop contributions, and as a result EU member states now account for 43% of ISAF’s total deployment. This military surge has been accompanied by a steady growth in European efforts to contribute to Afghanistan’s reconstruction, from development aid to police training – although not every EU member state is pulling its weight. These measures have made the EU a major stakeholder in Afghanistan. Yet the EU’s real impact on the country has been limited. In the face of a likely request from the Obama administration to do more, European governments should now formulate a hard-headed political strategy as a complement to the coming US military surge. The overall aim of this strategy should be to begin systematic outreach to Afghanistan’s insurgency groups. To prepare the ground, the 2009 presidential elections will have to be safeguarded from insurgent attack and fraud. After the election, EU governments should push for the twin processes of reconciliation and constitutional change. But European governments cannot revert to a purely civilian role. They should continue improving their training of the Afghan army and police, and assist US and local forces in emphasising “human security” in military operations. This should be backed up by well-funded and long-term aid commitments, the launch of a European provincial reconstruction team in Kabul, a developmentbased approach to counter-narcotics, and a revived Pakistan strategy.

(AVRUPA) ORTAK GÜVENLİK VE SAVUNMA POLİTİKASI

Author(s): Sait Yilmaz / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 27/2015

Lisbon Agreement on Dec 1st, 2009 has remarked the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) of EU instead of European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). European Union has suffered from vital incapabilities in her defense structure although took part in some military operations in World wide such as peace keeping in Africa and police missions in Afghanistan. Hard power gap between EU and USA has drastically widen in recent decades. EU countries provided modest contributions into NATO operation in Afghanistan. EU makes much more effort to develop her soft power and aims transformations in near geographies. However, it is fact that EU system is bulky as witnessed in Arab movements. NATO and EU have to reconsider their defense policies in common understanding.

(Ne)etičnost i (ne)legalnost upotrebe dronova u ratu protiv terorizma

Author(s): Ivica Kelam,Darija Rupcic / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 73/2016

Powerful increase in the use of drones in fight against terrorism through the tactic of targeted killings, especially after the arrival of President Obama to power, causes increasingly ethical and legal issues. The intention of this paper is to investigate exactly these issues. The basic hypothesis is that the US use of drones in war against terrorism is a major threat to international security, human rights and democracy. Instead of reducing the threat of terrorism, drones uses additionally incites hatred and desire for revenge, since it leaves severe adverse consequences on the lives of civilians. The expected contribution of this paper lies in the demystification of drones activities and questioning the many dangers that the use of drones in the fight against terrorism carries.

(Re)focusing the Atlantic Alliance: Reframing Security Readings into a Peace Agenda

Author(s): Maria Raquel Freire,Licínia Simão / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2016

Bringing a new reading to collective defence after the Cold War allowed, among other things, an expansion of NATO’s tasks as well as membership. This being said, it is high time for deep reflection about the opportunities and limitations for the Alliance from the perspective of the promotion of peace, more than 25 years after the end of the bipolar order. Drawing on the introductory remarks to this special issue, the paper will focus on 1) the strategic differences between a security versus a peace agenda for NATO in the context of increasingly transnational and complex threats, 2) Russia as both a necessary ally and a challenger at NATO’s borders, including its positioning regarding a “shared neighbourhood” with the European Union (EU) and the Atlantic Alliance, as well as Moscow’s investment in the development of military alliances to the east (the Collective Security Treaty Organisation, or CSTO), 3) the Middle East as a geostrategic area where the conflation of competing interests, norms and values has revealed complex dynamics, both in-country and regional, and impacted on the NATO space (for example, the effect of the Syrian conflict), and 4) whether the conceptualisation on a “European security architecture” remains useful or has become meaningless in face of current challenges.

10 razloga za NATO

Author(s): Jelena Milic / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 2014

100 dni Donalda Trumpa – próba oceny polityki zagranicznej nowej administracji

Author(s): Patrycja Sasnal / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 2/2017

10x in Favor NATO

Author(s): Jelena Milic / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2014

The initial provision of the North-Atlantic Agreement defines the principles, conditions and standards that countries aspiring for membership need to achieve in order to become a NATO member...So far, NATO countries have not gone to war against each other. Historical experience offers us strong evidence that NATO membership, and its expansion, leads to historic reconciliation (France, Germany) stability and democratization of states (Spain, Greece, Portugal..)...Many relevant comparative research unquestionably shows that, in the long-term, the countries with such an inner-political establishment are by rule of thumb the most stable, not only socially, but also economically, because independent institutions, division of powers and rule of law and protection of human rights...Through full-fledged NATO membership, a country becomes an integral part of the decision-making mechanism in NATO... The first and most basic direct benefit of membership is enjoyment of the rights, as well as obligations, arising from Article 5 of the North-Atlantic Agreement which states that an attacked Member State will be defended by the entire Alliance...According to Article 4 provisions of the North Atlantic Agreement, each state has a right to call for consultations whenever it considers necessary and when, according to its assessment, her territorial integrity, political independence or security of that NATO Member State is threatened.NATO Member States have transparent defense budgets. They try to strategically plan these expenditure together, thus forming mechanisms of joint participation in procurement of equipment and other joint use of resources...In the North-Atlantic world, NATO has no alternative, as it is often argued in Serbia. There is no other military-political alliance with a clearly defined method of decision-making and a developed joint command structure. Although it is hard to detect the exact proportion that only NATO membership brings in economic terms, all new Member States agree that they have experienced a so-called “NATO effect” after joining – starting with an increase in GDP...Therefore – join NATO!

20 Years of Security Sector Reforms in Albania. …towards a new generation of reforms. A National Conference

Author(s): / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2012

In 1992 Albania started a long road towards democratisation and modernisation. Reform of the security sector is an important part of the democratic transformation in Albania. Important standards are achieved in establishing civilian control of the Armed Forces, and in reforming and improving their ability to partici-pate in international peace-making operations and other international military exercises. Other security sec-tor institutions have also achieved higher European standards. However, comprehensive democratic gov-ernance of the security sector and continued modernisation of the legal framework for such sector still remain a challenge. Despite all these achievements Security Sector Reform in Albania is still an unfinished business. In particular, there is a need to improve democratic governance of the security sector in terms of parliamentary and public oversight, openness and transparency. Further reforms are needed in order to improve management, coordination, and division of labour between the different security actors. Another key area for further reforms is the development of an effective accountability system. To fully meet the required NATO and EU standards, a new generation of reforms is needed. These particular fields of re-forms over the years, with a special focus on the current status in Albania’s reform process and the way ahead stand at the centre of this overwhelming initiative.

21. Yüzyıl için Caydırıcılık: Teori ve Pratikte Neler Değişti?

Author(s): Hakan Mehmetcik / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 22/2015

Deterrence/Nuclear deterrence, which was theoretically the most developed and practically the best-applied strategy in the Cold War era, became one of the most important tools for the states to conduct foreign policy at the strategic level. Deterrence, as a product of the Cold War, which was itself a product of bipolar world order and mutual assured destruction between two heavily nuclear-armed super powers, had been developed gradually and studied heavily. Yet, with the end of the Cold War, it somehow lost its attraction for a while. However, with the 9/11 and recent developments in the Eastern Europe and wider Asia, it reiterated its position as the interests on deterrence studies extend. The aim of this article is to analyze the requirement of 21st century deterrence by presenting a brief of the nature and development of deterrence theory and practice. To this end, this article presents a comparative analysis of today’s deterrence theory and practice by analyzing deterrence as a concept, classic deterrence theory, and critics to the classic deterrence theory with a comparative methodology. As an integrated analysis, which is inadequate in Turkish literature on deterrence, the article has a unique contribution to existing literature.

A Comparative Analysis of Mutual Defence and Collective Defence Clauses

Author(s): Stan Anton,Cristina Bogzeanu / Language(s): English / Issue: 4/2015

The present paper constitutes a comparative analysis of Article 42(7) of Treaty of Lisbon (mutual defence clause) and of Article 5 of the North-Atlantic Treaty (common defence), from the perspective of the consequences their invocation triggers. It approaches the implications entailed by the above mentioned articles concerning the type of measures they can determine, taking into account the nature of the organisations within which they were designed, the decision-making procedure, the operational planning and the use of force. The present demarche was motivated by the necessity of identifying the possible repercussions of France’s invocation of mutual defence clause in the context of the terrorist attacks of November, 13th, 2015.The hypothesis of this study is that the respective articles are substantially different as far as their force and effects are concerned, the gap between them emerging from the nature of the organisations having developed and adopted them, from the institutional framework characteristic to NATO and EU, from the decision-making process, from the available forces, as well as from the significance of the security concepts they enshrine.

A Few Things to Be Considered in View of the Warsaw Summit

Author(s): Vincenzo Camporini / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2016

First of all, the summit should reaffirm in practical and concrete terms NATO solidarity, calling on the nations to provide their contribution outside their specific geographical proximity. In organisational terms, a thorough reconsideration of the financial mechanisms of the Alliance appears to be necessary, stopping to keep the “costs lie where they fall” principle as a truth of faith. Also, a new task should be given to the Secretary General to revise and possibly partially reverse the recent reorganisation of the NATO Command Structure in order to grant effectively a consistent match with the agreed level of ambition, which, in the present strategic scenarios, seems to be more realistic than ever. And finally, on the political side, a new approach should be tested with Russia, making it clear that there are no hostile intentions from NATO and that Moscow has no reason to be aggressive in countries such as Ukraine and Georgia, with whom negotiated agreements must be found and complied with in order to solve the controversies.

A grassroots grown military

Author(s): Milan Lelich / Language(s): English / Issue: 3-4/2016

In a matter of just two years, the devastated Ukrainian army has turned itself into one of the most efficient armies in Europe, mostly thanks to volunteers and private donations. However, reform of the defence system has lagged due to the rampant corruption and bureaucracy of the state, forcing many volunteers to give up.

A Middle Eastern Perspective on Partner Capacity Building

Author(s): Habib M. Sayah / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2016

Overall, counterinsurgency should be rethought from the perspective of Arab-Muslim host states facing a domestic or regional insurgency, far from orthodox conceptions of this paradigm. A renewed, indigenous understanding of COIN could become the strategic operating concept, guiding the “positioning and application of kinetic (military) and political (non-military) uses of power to achieve national (strategic) aims,” underpinning MENA states’ national efforts to address their domestic and regional challenges and improving cooperation between them and their NATO allies. For these purposes we should adopt a holistic, flexible approach to COIN, and train and prepare armies and civilian players to respond adequately to complex insurgencies.

A Multi-Criteria Analysis of Air Communication Platforms within the Hybrid Operational Environment

Author(s): Catalin Cioaca,Daniel Stefanescu / Language(s): English / Issue: 3/2015

The air communication platforms, using the accelerated technological progress with spectacular effects in the field of developed performance, takes an important role in providing information regarding connectivity in this field. The requirements which the military communications systems must fulfill are formulated in connection with mission objectives. Quantification of the utility for air communications platforms using binomial multi-criteria analysis and analytic hierarchy process provides decision makers with the basic knowledge needed to increase the operational capabilities of forces. The planning process must integrate the requirement of continuous, secure distance communications under any circumstances. The designed model gives the opportunity to identify the best solutions for increasing the utility of aerial communications platforms (tactical satellites, high, medium and low altitude aerial platforms) in various contexts and scenarios.

A new science on human security

Author(s): Leszek Fryderyk Korzeniowski / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2016

Subjective security (security of a subject) is a state of a subject, its potential and abilities of adequate reaction to hazards as well as an issue of protecting a subject from any hazards. The first scientific analyses of security issue have been known for eighty years now, however, formally science on security as an academic subject was registered (in Poland) just in 2011, in a new distinguished area and field of social science. One observes a wide diversification of the security sciences. Giv-en these facts the goal of the paper is to present a selected aspects associated with human security.

A Political History of Civil-Military Relations in Yemen

Author(s): Khaled Fattah / Language(s): English / Issue: Special/2010

Civil-military relations are power relations that encompass not only the relations between the military and political elite, but further all relations between the military and society at all levels. In the case of Yemen, the poorest, least developed and weakest political entity in the Middle East, such relations are articulated on the basis and within the context of a tribal state. This article analyzes the complex role played by tribal-military networks in shaping the current state-society relations in Yemen. The article highlights how, throughout its modern history, the central authority in Yemen has seen its power limited by its military weakness, in comparison to the armed strength of the tribes. The article argues that politics of survival and regional structural factors are at the heart of the failure of Yemen‟s military to perform its task as a modernizing agent. To achieve its objectives, the article traces the historical roots of the establishment of Yemen‟s modern army, marks the interventions of Yemen‟s military in politics, identifies the ideological currents within its officer corps, and analyzes the patterns of cooperation and control between the military, tribal elites and the political administration.

A shell-shocked city: two years on

Author(s): Wojciech Kozmic / Language(s): English / Issue: 5/2016

In a tiny asphalt alley, located not far from the airport in Donetsk, it is easy to spot traces of the explosions from the infamous Grad shelling. The houses located along the street near the airport have either been destroyed or severely damaged. There are virtually no people in the area. The atmosphere of apparent calmness, so discernible in the city centre, is also absent. After all, only a dozen or so kilometres separate these two places. What then differentiates the tidy central streets of Donetsk to the suburbs of the city, which used to be home to a million inhabitants?

A Stubenringtől Limanowáig

Arthur Arz von Straussenburg altábornagy a keleti fronton (1914. szeptem-ber – 1914. december)

Author(s): Dávid Ádám Ligeti / Language(s): Hungarian / Publication Year: 0

A weak link? Germany in the Euro-Atlantic security system

Author(s): Justyna Gotkowska / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2015

The political, military and economic parameters of German power influence the vision of the international order that Berlin favours. Politically, Germany is a regional power in the EU with considerable diplomatic potential. Economically, it is the world's third largest power with growing global trade and investment links. At the same time, Germany's military potential is limited and the German strategic culture makes the country sceptical about the use of military instruments. Berlin is thus essentially interested in maintaining peace and stability, both in Europe and globally, and in developing diplomatic mechanisms to manage regional and global crises and conflicts. The German preference for dialogue and compromise in conflict situations in the regional and global dimensions may increasingly pose a risk to maintaining the cohesion and credibility of NATO – both from the perspective of the USA and Germany’s allies from Central-Eastern and Northern Europe.

A zone of limited freedom

Author(s): Pawel Pieniazek / Language(s): English / Issue: 5/2016

The last time I came to Luhansk was in October 2014. It was a month after the Ukrainian offensive had been halted for the first time. Two years later, I returned to find that the Luhansk of 2014 no longer exists. What remains is an almost empty city, whose authorities are desperately trying to prove that life is better here than ever before.