#10 Smuggling in Southeast Europe. The Yugoslav Wars and the Development of Regional Criminal Networks in the Balkans

Author(s): Marko Hajdinjak / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2002

Smuggling in Southeast Europe analyzes and reviews the connection between the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia and the growth of the trans-border crime in the region, and also looks at the related issue of corruption. The paper highlights the decisive impact the Yugoslav wars had on the development of the regional criminal networks, which were often set up and maintained not only with the knowledge, but even with active participation of the highest state officials. The research also represents a contribution to the study of conflicts in the Western Balkans. The majority of existing interpretations of causes, course and consequences of the Yugoslav wars try to provide the answers through ethno-political explanations. They unjustly ignore the importance that interweaving of interests of political elites, the organized crime groups, which appeared in this period, and the "mediating class" of corrupt state officials had in this process. The paper is divided in three parts: • An analysis of the causes and course of emergence of Balkan smuggling channels in the context of Yugoslav wars and international sanctions; • A review of the recent developments in trans-border crime in Southeast Europe; • An overview of prevention efforts, undertaken both by the regional governments and the international community’ The first part analyzes the emergence of officially sanctioned "state-building" smuggling in those parts of the former Yugoslavia, which were involved in the war. The intermediary role of Albania, Bulgaria, Macedonia and Romania is also discussed. In these four countries, smuggling networks were not developed under open patronage of the governments, but the role of high-positioned politicians was nevertheless extremely important. The second part traces the evolution of the initial semi-official smuggling channels and their transformation into "classical" criminal networks. The so-called "suitcase trade," cigarette smuggling, smuggling of narcotics, and the trafficking in human beings are discussed in more detail.

#14 Weapons under Scrutiny: Implementing Arms Export Controls and Combating Small Arms Proliferation in Bulgaria

Author(s): Philip Gounev,Emil Tsenkov,Bernardo Mariani,Larry Attree / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2004

The report concludes that despite the evolution of Bulgaria’s arms export controls and its relatively clean record, compared to most of the 1990s, there is still room for improvement. The best approach to tackling all the issues raised in this report is through stricter implementation of the new export control mechanism adopted in 2002. The report is divided into five parts. Part one provides an analysis of the social and economic reasons that have contributed to the reluctance among Bulgarian politicians to strengthen arms controls. It describes the transformation of the defense industry in the post-Communist transition period, as well as its current state. Part two provides an analytical description of Bulgaria’s arms control mechanism. Part three examines the factors contributing to illegal arms exports from Bulgaria and offers some data from recent cases. Part four focuses on the potential social, economic, and political effects of stronger arms controls. The last section offers a number of recommendations for the improvement of the export-control system.

#14bg Българският износ на оръжие: оценка на контролния механизъм върху експорта на малки оръжия и леко въоръжение

Author(s): Philip Gounev,Emil Tsenkov,Bernardo Mariani,Larry Attree / Language(s): Bulgarian / Publication Year: 2004

The report concludes that despite the evolution of Bulgaria’s arms export controls and its relatively clean record, compared to most of the 1990s, there is still room for improvement. The best approach to tackling all the issues raised in this report is through stricter implementation of the new export control mechanism adopted in 2002. The report is divided into five parts. Part one provides an analysis of the social and economic reasons that have contributed to the reluctance among Bulgarian politicians to strengthen arms controls. It describes the transformation of the defense industry in the post-Communist transition period, as well as its current state. Part two provides an analytical description of Bulgaria’s arms control mechanism. Part three examines the factors contributing to illegal arms exports from Bulgaria and offers some data from recent cases. Part four focuses on the potential social, economic, and political effects of stronger arms controls. The last section offers a number of recommendations for the improvement of the export-control system.

(AVRUPA) ORTAK GÜVENLİK VE SAVUNMA POLİTİKASI

Author(s): Sait Yılmaz / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 27/2015

Lisbon Agreement on Dec 1st, 2009 has remarked the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) of EU instead of European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). European Union has suffered from vital incapabilities in her defense structure although took part in some military operations in World wide such as peace keeping in Africa and police missions in Afghanistan. Hard power gap between EU and USA has drastically widen in recent decades. EU countries provided modest contributions into NATO operation in Afghanistan. EU makes much more effort to develop her soft power and aims transformations in near geographies. However, it is fact that EU system is bulky as witnessed in Arab movements. NATO and EU have to reconsider their defense policies in common understanding.

(Ne)etičnost i (ne)legalnost upotrebe dronova u ratu protiv terorizma

Author(s): Ivica Kelam,Darija Rupčić / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 73/2016

Powerful increase in the use of drones in fight against terrorism through the tactic of targeted killings, especially after the arrival of President Obama to power, causes increasingly ethical and legal issues. The intention of this paper is to investigate exactly these issues. The basic hypothesis is that the US use of drones in war against terrorism is a major threat to international security, human rights and democracy. Instead of reducing the threat of terrorism, drones uses additionally incites hatred and desire for revenge, since it leaves severe adverse consequences on the lives of civilians. The expected contribution of this paper lies in the demystification of drones activities and questioning the many dangers that the use of drones in the fight against terrorism carries.

(NOT SO) SPECIAL RELATIONSHIPS EXPLAINING ALLIANCE BEHAVIOUR IN THE ENGLISH SPEAKING WORLD

Author(s): Dylan Kissane / Language(s): English / Issue: 4/2010

Throughout the 20th century, the major powers in the global Anglosphere often found themselves allies in armed conflict. These war-time alliances – sometimes temporary, more often part of a longer term cooperation – are sometimes held to arise because of common histories, common values, similar national ideologies and similar notions of international right and wrong. Indeed, the political rhetoric surrounding the declarations of war has often cited such factors as colonial history, international friendship and “special relationships” as motivators for joining armed coalitions against third party states. Yet while there stand stark examples of these major English speaking powers acting entirely in congress there exist numerous instances where one or more of these powers chose not to join a coalition alongside their Anglophonic associates. This article argues that explanations of Anglophonic coalitions that rely on notions of a shared history, similar political ideologies, common political and social values or similar notions of international morality all fall short of explaining the coalition joining/rejecting behaviour of the major powers of the Anglosphere in war-time during the 20th century. Drawing on data from the Correlates of War (CoW) project, this article will show that pure national interest drove the decisions of states to join or reject coalitions, lending strong support to a structural realist explanation for their behaviour, with this conclusion presenting opportunities for re-assessing alliance politics in Eastern Europe and South America.

(Re)focusing the Atlantic Alliance: Reframing Security Readings into a Peace Agenda

Author(s): Maria Raquel Freire,Licínia Simão / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2016

Bringing a new reading to collective defence after the Cold War allowed, among other things, an expansion of NATO’s tasks as well as membership. This being said, it is high time for deep reflection about the opportunities and limitations for the Alliance from the perspective of the promotion of peace, more than 25 years after the end of the bipolar order. Drawing on the introductory remarks to this special issue, the paper will focus on 1) the strategic differences between a security versus a peace agenda for NATO in the context of increasingly transnational and complex threats, 2) Russia as both a necessary ally and a challenger at NATO’s borders, including its positioning regarding a “shared neighbourhood” with the European Union (EU) and the Atlantic Alliance, as well as Moscow’s investment in the development of military alliances to the east (the Collective Security Treaty Organisation, or CSTO), 3) the Middle East as a geostrategic area where the conflation of competing interests, norms and values has revealed complex dynamics, both in-country and regional, and impacted on the NATO space (for example, the effect of the Syrian conflict), and 4) whether the conceptualisation on a “European security architecture” remains useful or has become meaningless in face of current challenges.

(Не)реална очекивања југословенско-совјетски војни преговори 1948.

Author(s): Aleksandar Životić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2014

Yugoslav-Soviet military negotiations were initiated in an already tensed relations related to Yugoslav attitude towards the question of Balkan federation, Greek civil war and Yugoslav presence in Albania. Ambitious plans of economical and military development were contrary to country's actual possibilites as well with potential Soviet assistance. Unreallistic and overambitious Yugoslav plans for strenghtening of military industry, creation of strong, numerous and up to date equiped army, as well navy capable to react not only to defend its own coast encountered the Soviet restraint. In several occasions Soviets demonstrated willingnes to help Yugoslavs within the boundaries of their own reallistic possibilities. Disagreements between the two concepts of development, as well Yugoslav insisting on realization of their own plans resulted in Soviet denial of further assistance. Failure in military negotiations coincided with the beggining of Yugoslav-Soviet conflict which finaly led to complete interruption of military cooperation.

,,Смем ли се ја, син таквог оца осрамоћен вратити у Србију“: Александар, син Живојина Мишића у руском јункерском училишту

Author(s): Vasily Borisovich Kashirin / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1/2008

This article looks at an interesting and as yet completely unknown episode in the life of Aleksandr Mishich, son of a prominent Serbian commander field-marshal Zhivoin Mishich (1855-1921). Aleksandr Mishich (1891-1941) served as an officer in the Balkan wars of 1912-13 and in the First World War. In 1941 he died heroically as one of the leaders of the chethnic movement in Yugoslavia. One of the blank pages in his biography is the time he spent in Russia from 1908 to 1912, where he tried to receive a military education. This article, based on previously unknown documents from the Russian State Military History Archive and the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Empire looks at how Mishich and his two Serbian friends joined the Vilna Infantry Junker school, their subsequent expulsion, acute conflict with the college’s authorities and the long and unsuccessful efforts of the three Serbs to obtain a review of their case from the military-bureaucratic machine of the Russian empire. The article also examines the discussions which took part between Russian authorities at interdepartmental level concerning the education of southern Slavs in military institutions of the Russian empire, which coincided with Mishich’s presence in Russia. The difference in opinion of representatives from the Russian military and diplomatic institutions on the problems of raising the effectiveness and the goals of Russian military-educational policy towards southern Slavs is shown. Also covered are the circumstances regarding the preparation of the Rules of admission of subjects of south Slavic states into Russian military-educational institutions, approved in 1912. This article can be of interest to all those interested in the life of field-marshal Zhivoin Mishic and his family, as well as in the questions of Russo-Serbian cooperation in the sphere of military education at the start of the 20th century.

10 lat Polski w NATO

Author(s): Anna Szymańska-Klich / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 3/2009

100 dni Donalda Trumpa – próba oceny polityki zagranicznej nowej administracji

Author(s): Patrycja Sasnal / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 2/2017

130 година организованих војноисторијских истраживања у Србији - Избор излагања са округлог стола о решавању статуса Војноисторијског института (1. фебруар 2006.)

Author(s): Ljubodrag Dimić,Milan Ristović,Miroslav Jovanović,Dragan Bogetić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1-2/2006

Уочи обележавања 130-те годишњице организованих војноисторијских истраживања у Србији (5. фебруар 1876, дан оснивања Историјског одељењa Главног ђенералштаба српске војске), одржан је, 1. фебруара 2006. године, Округли сто у Дому војске Србије и Црне Горе, у организацији Војноисторијског института (ВИИ). Повод за његово одржавање биле су најаве и планови за решење статуса Војноисторијског института, односно његовог укидања као самосталне установе. [...]

1979-2014 Yıllarında Afganistan Siyasetinde General Dostum’un Rolü ve Bunun Afganistan Türk Toplumuna Etkileri

Author(s): Abdulbashir Azad / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 1/2019

This study examines the role of General Rashid Dostum in political life of Afghanistan between 1979-2014 and its effects on Turkish society in Afghanistan. The study investigates the subject under three main titles. Firstly, the position and importance of Dostum in political life of Afghanistan before 1991 is examined. In the second part,information on the role of Dostum in the period of civil war and the struggle against the Taliban is given. Finally, the effect of Dostum and Turks on the Constitutional Loya Jirga is analyzed. Accordingly, some suggestions are presented in order deal with the problems that Dostum and Turks of Afghanistan face nowadays.

2008 US Presidential Elections: The Iraq War, Party Platforms and Social Polarization

Author(s): Anca Parmena Olimid / Language(s): English / Issue: 17/2008

La guerre d’Irak est le principal facteur de la campagne présidentielle de 2008. Aujourd’hui elle représente le problème central de l’opinion publique Américaine. Cet article est une approche analytique intégrative de cette campagne, portant surtout trois questions: les sondages concernant les préférences des Americains pour l’élection présidentielle de 2008, le vote de la population hispanique et les déclarations des candidats sur le problème Irakien.

2013’ten Sonra Mısır’daki Sivil-Askerî İlişkiler

Author(s): Özüm Sezin UZUN,Ahmed ELERIAN / Language(s): English / Issue: 32/2019

The military has been a powerful and active actor in Egyptian politics since Naser period. By the collapse of the Mobarak regime as a result of the popular demonstrations in 2011, hopes for democratization increased; however, the military coup against Morsi administration once again changed the balance in civil- military relations in favor of the military and led the military to become dominant actor in both Egyptian politics and economics. This article analyzes civil-military relations in Egypt since July 2013 and attempts to understand to what extent the military was empowered by the privileged rights in both politics and economics. Within that framework, given rights and power by the constitution to the military, gained privileged rights at the executive, legislative and judiciary levels, economic power and activities of the military, and its influence over media and civil society were examined. This article argues that on the one hand military has been certainly consolidating its dominancy in Egyptian politics and economics since 2013, on the other hand the military involvement in politics and economics has been deteriorating institutionalism and efficiency of the Army itself.

2014 NATO SUMMIT – FUTURE IMPLICATIONS

Author(s): Daniel-Nicolae Bănică / Language(s): English / Issue: 4/2014

A war ended and another has begun. Like a bridge between Afghanistan and Ukraine, the NATO summit 2014 held at Newport brought in spotlight the force, cohesion, unit of action and the Allies wish of defend and preserve the organization. If the NATO summit held in 2008, at Bucharest, was marked by the conflict in Georgia and Chicago summit in 2012 marked the Arabian Spring, the Newport summit was marked by the unaligned, hybrid and atypical war in Ukraine. The exponential development of military techniques and technology, as well as the introduction in the warfare equation of the newest doctrinal concepts imply a prompt and adequate reaction of the Alliance, proving that NATO remains the basic pillar of global stability. NATO Readiness Action Plan to increase the responsiveness capability shows a chess reaction on the chessboard of the present world polarity and emphasis the fact that forces assume a posture or change it for another depending on the anticipated movements of the adversary. By implementing the rapid reaction force, collective defence gains coherence, vision, and training and enhanced exercises to meet a capability able to be credible, reactive and effective. At the beginning of a century characterized by technological boom in all fields, especially in the military, the Newport referential signifies the Alliance command and control redefinition in terms of cyber space a resettlement of power balance in terms of forces.

21. Yüzyıl için Caydırıcılık: Teori ve Pratikte Neler Değişti?

Author(s): Hakan Mehmetcik / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 22/2015

Deterrence/Nuclear deterrence, which was theoretically the most developed and practically the best-applied strategy in the Cold War era, became one of the most important tools for the states to conduct foreign policy at the strategic level. Deterrence, as a product of the Cold War, which was itself a product of bipolar world order and mutual assured destruction between two heavily nuclear-armed super powers, had been developed gradually and studied heavily. Yet, with the end of the Cold War, it somehow lost its attraction for a while. However, with the 9/11 and recent developments in the Eastern Europe and wider Asia, it reiterated its position as the interests on deterrence studies extend. The aim of this article is to analyze the requirement of 21st century deterrence by presenting a brief of the nature and development of deterrence theory and practice. To this end, this article presents a comparative analysis of today’s deterrence theory and practice by analyzing deterrence as a concept, classic deterrence theory, and critics to the classic deterrence theory with a comparative methodology. As an integrated analysis, which is inadequate in Turkish literature on deterrence, the article has a unique contribution to existing literature.

27 Mayıs’ın “Zoraki Diplomatları”: 14’lerin Yurtdışı Faaliyetleri

Author(s): Ferit Salim Sanlı / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 23/2018

While the May 27, 1960 coup ended the DP government, it brought new debates on the relationship between the army and politics. In this respect, the dispute between politics and civilians was immediately passed on 13 November 1960 with the view that the army continued to rule the country within the National Union Committee established after the coup d’état, resulting in the liquidation of 14 members of the committee. This group, which will be called 14’s, brought those “artificial” formations both at home and abroad, which did not come from the 14 people who were formed before May 27 or within the National Unity Committee and agreed with each other, but lived in November 13. However, this group, which cannot provide any coexistence due to artificiality, has entered into various activities while abroad, but it is inevitable that two different clubs will be formed within the group. One of the sides in two different positions, Alparslan Türkeş and Orhan Kabibay were the others. In the process, the two groups considered their activities, their ideas, and their close proximity to each other, that they were involved in two different “sects” in various aspects of the 14’s. The second half of the 60’s and the subsequent process will confirm this statement.

38. конгрес Међународне комисије за војну историју „Технологија и ратовање“

Author(s): Dmitar Tasić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1/2012

38. конгрес Међународне комисије за војну историју „Технологија и ратовање“, Софија, Република Бугарска, 25–31. август 2012. године / Congress of International Commission for Military History “Technology and Warfare”, Sofia, Bulgaria, 25–31 August 2012

8. конференција Радне групе за војну историју (MHWG) „Experience of War“

Author(s): Dmitar Tasić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2008

8. конференција Радне групе за војну историју (MHWG) „Experience of War“, Љубљана, 20-24. април 2008. године / 8th Conference of Military History Working Group (MHWG) „Experience of War“, Ljubljana, April 20–24 2008