България от Бтенберг до Стамболов: италианската гледна точка

Author(s): Francesco Guida / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

In the exposition of this article the author is focused on the Bulgarian international statute in the years after 1886 (In their diplomatic activities great powers were very concerned with this issue in that period), he is also describing some of the internal policy issues of Bulgaria and some aspects of the person that was Stambolov. The purpose of this analysis is to give a vivid and definitive rating regarding the relation of the Italian government (and part of the public opinion as well) towards the Bulgarian question and the Bulgarian national aspirations.

Италианската политика спрямо Княжество България от Освобождението до признаването на Фердинанд за български княз (1878-1896)

Author(s): Rita Tolomeo / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The Italians strongly sympathized the liberation of Bulgaria. Briefly after the Liberation Ferdinand arrived to Bulgaria. This article presents the complex political affiliations that many countries like England, the Ottoman empire, Italy, Serbia, Austria-Hungary and others held towards the new country. The Italian diplomats from the nineteenth century tried to held their objectivity and not take sides in the political problems that occurred between Bulgaria and the Ottoman Empire and so did not support the exaggerated claims the Ottoman Empire held against the new country.

BETON - Kulturno propagandni komplet br. 072, god. IV, Beograd, utorak, 2. jun 2009.

Author(s): Tonči Valentić,Nataša Govedić,Nataša Petrinjak,Mario Slugan,Vinko Barić / Language(s): Croatian,Serbian

MIXER, Tonči Valentić: No pasaran; CEMENT, Nataša Govedić: Špek i luk; antiCEMENT, Nataša Petrinjak: Roman koji moramo naučiti napamet; ARMATURA, Mario Slugan: Više od glasova; BULEVAR ZVEZDA, SEDLAR, Jakov; BLOK BR. V, Vinko Barić: Zločin u fjordu

BETON - Kulturno propagandni komplet br. 083, god. IV, Beograd, utorak, 3. novembar 2009.

Author(s): Lea David,Goran Cvetković,Marko Matić,Predrag Lucić,Lazar Bodroža / Language(s): Croatian,Serbian

MIXER, Lea David: Porcija boračke ideologije; CEMENT, Goran Cvetković: Kulise za nesrećnog Pirandela; ARMATURA, Marko Matić: Jedan dan u životu Dmitrija Medvedeva; VREME SMRTI I RAZONODE, Predrag Lucić: Poji Mile volove na ražnju; BLOK BR. V, Lazar Bodroža: Patrijarhov bolnički dnevnik

The Citizens on the Serbian-Albanian Relations and the Regional Security Cooperation

Author(s): Florian Qehaja,Arjan Dyrmishi / Language(s): English

Security Research Forum Belgrade-Prishtina-Tirana is a joint project of the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, the Kosovar Center for Security Studies (KCSS) and the Institute for Democracy and Mediation (IDM), three independent think-tanks from Belgrade, Prishtina and Tirana, specialised in security issues. The project aims to initiate research-based discussion on possible ways to improve the relations among Serbia, Kosovo and Albania. The debate should include think-tanks, academia, politicians and the media.

Public Perception of Serbia’s Foreign Policy

Author(s): Miloš Popović,Sonja Stojanović Gajić / Language(s): English

Serbia and Hungary: Hammering Democracy

Author(s): Marko Drajić / Language(s): English

Hungary is currently Serbia’s closest international partner. Bilateral relations between the two countries are no longer marred by any disputes and their political and economic interests increasingly coincide. The values underpinning the administrations of both countries have converged to such an extent that a similar modus operandi is evident in their attitudes to issues such as democracy, the rule of law, institutions, foreign policy priorities, political opposition, the media, non-governmental organisations and the migrant crisis. According to the latest Freedom House report, these values and the political systems they have given rise to categorise these two countries as hybrid regimes – one step closer to authoritarian systems of government.

RUSSIA AND CHINA: FRIENDS AND BROTHERS OF THE CAPTURED STATE

Author(s): Vuk Vuksanović / Language(s): English

WRITTEN CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION 2013 PROGRESS REPORT ON SERBIA

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

“prEUnup” (ser. prEUgovor) is the first coalition of civil society organizations formed in order to monitor implementation of policies related to the Accession Negotiations between Serbia and EU, with an emphasis on Chapters 23 (Judiciary and Fundamental Rights) and 24 (Justice, Freedom and Security). “prEUnup” is formed on the initiative of Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP) with the mission to propose measures to improve the condition in the fields relevant for the negotiation process. In doing so, the coalition aims to use the process of EU integration to help accomplish substantial progress in further democratization of Serbian society.

Attitudes of Serbian Citizens Regarding Relations with Kosovo and Albania

Author(s): Maja Bjeloš / Language(s): English

Relations between Serbia and Kosovo are currently reduced to the EU-facilitated talks in Brussels. The long-stalled talks went “back on track” after the appointment of EU Special Representative Miroslav Lajcak. The resumption of the dialogue was influenced by a different US approach to the Balkans following the presidential election and the appointment of Special Envoy Gabriel Escobar. Despite the international community’s strong desire for the leaders of Serbia and Kosovo to return to the negotiating table, it seemed that Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić and Kosovo’s Prime Minister Albin Kurti were unwilling to take a step forward. Their first meeting in June 2021 in Brussels was not encouraging, as it revealed personal animosities that threatened to bring the dialogue to another impasse. With an accession perspective that includes no date, i.e. without a tangible ‘carrot at the end of the stick’, leaders seem less motivated to make bold decisions. The actors were more engaged in the production and management of a crisis than in taking an effort to reach a final solution and progress towards EU membership. All in all, ten years after the dialogue began, there is little room for optimism as relations between Serbia and Kosovo are now at their lowest level. Many agreements have not been fully implemented, while the implementation of Brussels’ provisions concerning the association of Serb-majority municipalities is still pending.

Breakdown of Social Science Research in Russia. Impact on the Capacity for Understanding Russia in the West

Author(s): Dimitry Kokorin / Language(s): English

While the Russian regime is keen to create intentional informational asymmetries and wage propaganda campaigns, the impact of such actions is being reinforced by the deterioration of independent research in Russian academia, the emigration of social scientists, and diminishing possibilities for collecting data in Russia, which affect scholars worldwide. The unintended consequences of measures aimed at isolating the Russian state-owned academic institutions triggered the cancellation of scientific cooperation at many levels. These processes bring a risk of diminishing opportunities for building a better understanding of events happening in Russia and the development of subsequent evidence-based policy responses. These implications can be partially mitigated by creating refuges for ‘scholars at risk’, monitoring which valuable research projects were cancelled, recreating these projects in new institutional settings, supporting groups of independent scholars, and keeping some channels of scientific communication open.

Narůst Činskeho vlivu na Blizkem Vychodě. Odmítání Západu, nebo politický a ekonomický Pragmatismus?

Author(s): Jan Daniel / Language(s): Czech

China has significantly increased its economic role in the Middle East over the past decade, and has strengthened its political position among local states. China's engagement in the region has brought finance and know-how that have responded to the demand of Middle Eastern states for development and modernization projects. Middle Eastern states do not necessarily share the view of China as a systemic rival and do not share the need to choose sides in the rivalry between individual blocs. Beijing's involvement varies significantly from country to country, and the motivations for cooperating with China also vary. The European Union and the Czech Republic may be able to take advantage of the efforts of Middle Eastern states to diversify their foreign policy partnerships, but they must be able to understand the interests of regional states and have sufficient capacities to operate in the region.

Jak komunikovat Zahranični Rozvojovou Spolupraci. Narativy, Nastroje, Navaznosti

Author(s): Ondřej Horký-Hlucháň,Michal Procházka / Language(s): Czech

Direct communication of foreign development cooperation (FDC) and humanitarian aid by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Czech Republic (MFA) and the allocation of the relevant budget is a necessary condition for maintaining the declining support for its financing from public budgets: the absence of communication is a bigger problem than its quality, a quick analysis of the current sample of media outputs arouses positive or neutral sentiments. Solidarity narratives may be implicit, but pragmatic arguments do not work for the majority of the Czech, skeptical public. The key to positive messages seems to be to show the specific impact of Czech aid on the basic needs of active, self-sufficient recipients as well as the expertise and financial supervision of Czech entities. A number of modified and newly identified narratives and attitudes towards Czech development aid need to be tested in focus groups and subsequent representative surveys. The main tools are primarily television and news servers. The MFA needs to systematically insert the government's position into the insufficient information and supplement it with expertise from the OECD international network of development communicators.

Western Sahara. An Unfrozen Conflict with Global Implications

Author(s): Clément Steuer / Language(s): English

The Western Sahara conflict has become a pressing issue since 2020. It has increased regional tensions, and it threatens to get internationalized with an alignment on the East/West confrontation. In the last couple of years, several states – including some EU member states – decided to switch from neutrality regarding the conflict to backing the Moroccan position. They seem motivated primarily by economic interests and concerns over the stability of the Southern neighbourhood. Yet, in the long term, the stability of the region requires a solution that would conform to international law and be acceptable to all concerned. Moreover, such a solution would be crucial for global food security due to the fact that Morocco controls more than 70% of the world’s supply of phosphate (including the share in the Western Sahara territory), a required component in the production of synthetic fertilizers. Czechia should remain neutral in this conflict, support the UN-led process, and develop a trade and scientific cooperation with Morocco on the basis of the Green Partnership.

THE FUTURE OF BELGRADE-PRISTINA RELATIONS: A Comparative Critical Analysis of Suggested Policies, Solutions and Guidelines

Author(s): Jovica Pavlović / Language(s): English

Kosovo is one of the key issues that Serbia needs to address on its path to becoming a European Union member state – Negotiating Chapter 35 clearly states that Serbian accession to the EU depends on its capability to normalizeits relations with Kosovo. With this in mind, the following comparative critical analysis – which is conceived as a comprehensive political document – aims to provide a policy paper that, if implemented, has the potential to contribute to the European integration efforts of the Republic of Serbia.

KA TRAJNOM REŠAVANJU OTVORENIH PITANJA SRBIJE SA SUSEDIMA

Author(s): Milan Igrutinović,Miloš Paunović / Language(s): Serbian

Since the end of 2016, the Center for Applied European Studies has analyzed Serbia's bilateral relations with neighboring countries, focusing on existing open, problematic areas in bilateral relations and ways to overcome them, as part of the project Towards a Strategy for Serbia's Foreign Policy: relations with the countries. During the work on the project, a significant difference was quickly noticed in the nature and dynamics of the relations between Serbia and the countries that formed on the territory of Yugoslavia in contrast to the relations of Serbia with its "old" neighbors - Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria. The analyzes came to the conclusion that the relations of the countries in the post-Yugoslav space are specific and complex enough to have to be followed over a long period of time, and the thematic framework of the new project is dedicated to the analysis of the relations of Serbia with Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and Macedonia.

Simultanka na Bliskom istoku: Regionalne strateške posledice rata Izraela i Hezbolaha

Author(s): Bušra Žaber / Language(s): Serbian

Since the end of the First World War and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the symbol of wars, conflicts, invasions and instability has been the Middle East. However, the events in this region are not happening in isolation from the rest of the world. Domestic problems intertwine with regional dynamics, and vice versa, while international actors strive to preserve interests and expand their influence. This means that the consequences of developments in one country can be reflected in the entire region, with the possibility of causing a number of stacked dominoes to fall.

Izgradnja uticaja – Turska kao bezbednosni provajder na Zapadnom Balkanu

Author(s): Vuk Vuksanović / Language(s): Serbian

In July 2023, Serbian Minister of Defense and now Serbian Prime Minister Miloš Vučević publicly accused Turkey of training, arming and holding military exercises with the Kosovo Security Forces (KSF), Kosovo's crisis response formation, with the explicit aim of transforming the KSF into a full-fledged army by 2028. It is a process that Serbia opposes, continuing to invoke UN Security Council Resolution 1244, which does not accept any other armed formation on the ground except the NATO peacekeeping force, the Kosovo Force (KFOR).

Migrants are leaving, but hatred remains – the anti-migrant extreme right in Serbia

Author(s): Marija Ignjatijević,Predrag Petrović / Language(s): Serbian

The extreme right has been present in Serbia since the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia disintegrated during the war of the 1990s. Its thematic backbone is based on Serbian nationalism and chauvinism, preserving the patriarchal family and opposing same-sex marriage, anti-globalism and strengthening ties with Russia. Migrants were not the topic of extreme right-wingers even during the “migrant crisis” of 2015 and 2016, when about a million refugees passed through Serbia. This changed three years ago, when the right-wing political parties Dveri and Dosta je bilo [Enough is enough] started to scare citizens by telling them that they would become a minority as a result of the mass settlement of migrants in Serbia. A number of extreme right-wing groups accepted this rhetoric, which soon grew into ‘civil arrests’, interception and intimidation of “illegal” migrants. Apart from the immediate consequences, such as harassment and intimidation of migrants, such activities of the extreme right have long-term, less visible consequences for society in Serbia, such as influencing the spread of views and values that are contrary to the democratic order.

Public perceptions towards regional cooperation and EU integration

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

Serbia’s cooperation with some neighboring countries is hampered by conflicts during the 1990s, while citizens’ attitudes are burdened by a negative perception of neighboring countries’ political influence on Serbia. This have not been surprising, taking into account a very belligerent narrative about other regional actors that have dominated the pro-government mainstream media landscape in Serbia in recent years. Citizens are either unaware of the current level of cooperation with Kosovo security institutions or are dissatisfied with certain segments of cooperation. An exception to the dominant view on security cooperation is that most Serbian citizens would accept assistance from Kosovo security institutions in case of a state of emergency or natural/ humanitarian disaster in Serbia.