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TOWARDS DUALISM (1861-1868)
15.00 €

TOWARDS DUALISM (1861-1868)

Author(s): Jasna Turkalj,Branko Ostajmer / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The fall of absolutism and the restoration of the constitutional order in Austria and Hungary brought a revival of political life in Croatia as well, and in the following period, especially in 1860/61, modern Croatian political parties and ideologies emerged that would define Croatian political life over the next few decades. The basic difference between these parties was their attitude towards resolving the Croatian national question, i.e. the position of Croatia with regard to Vienna and Pest, which was to be the main subject of discussion in the “great” Croatian Sabor of 1861.

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CONSOLIDATION OF THE DUALISTIC SYSTEM
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CONSOLIDATION OF THE DUALISTIC SYSTEM

Author(s): Dinko Župan,Branko Ostajmer / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Voting on the Croatian-Hungarian Settlement in the Croatian Sabor marked the beginning of the half-century struggle of Croatian politicians against the Settlement. Only in a small part of the political and general public, especially where the unionist idea had deeper roots (Slavonia being the best example), the Settlement was enthusiastically hailed as the renewal of the ancient union with Hungary. Most of the political public was filled with indignation at the final result of the negotiations, especially the two opposition parties – Strossmayer’s National Party and Starčević’s and Kvaternik’s Party of Rights.

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CROATIA UNDER KÁROLY KHUEN-HÉDERVÁRY
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CROATIA UNDER KÁROLY KHUEN-HÉDERVÁRY

Author(s): Dinko Župan,Branko Ostajmer / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

A new crisis in the Croatian-Hungarian relations broke out in 1883 and resulted in the resignation of Ladislav Pejačević from the post of the Croatian Ban. Like his predecessor Mažuranić, Pejačević clashed with the Hungarian government in Budapest, this time the reason being the imposition of the Hungarian language in the Croatian territory. In the summer of 1883, bilingual Croatian-Hungarian inscriptions were placed at the financial offices in Croatia and Slavonia, and in relation to the Financial Administration in Zagreb provoked anti-Hungarian protests that spread beyond Zagreb, although their echo was weak in Slavonia and Osijek. In the text of the Croatian-Hungarian Settlement, Pejačević saw no basis for bilingual signs to be placed anywhere, not even in public offices, and he refused to give in to Hungarian pressure, preferring to resign on August 24, 1883.

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Vodice između križa i zvijezde
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Vodice između križa i zvijezde

Author(s): Stipe Kljajić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Due to the part it played during the wartime Partisan movement and its prewar Communist experience the town of Vodice became an important stronghold in the district of Šibenik on the road toward the creation of a tradition which was founded on communist ideology, brotherhood and unity, and partisan struggle. In such circumstances a conflict grew between the Catholic Church and the Communist Party in this Dalmatian peasant town following the Second World War. Along the lines of this campaign exemplified by the events of Good Friday 1948, the polarization of its inhabitants is analyzed around two massive gatherings (procession and kolo). The clash of these two gatherings, which served to represent the power and social mobilization of the conflicting forces, took place in the ambiance of the small and narrow kaleta of Vodice and its fields which added to the atmosphere of tension and animosity. Such an atmosphere was channelled in postwar Vodice into a long doctrinal conflict between two institutions and traditions and in some sense symbolically personified not only Vodice’s, but also Croatia’s and indeed a universal experience of their conflict. In this regard, the clash in Vodice coincided with the zenith of their conflict which was expressed in the anti-Church character of the communist regimes in Eastern Europe and in the potential expansion of communism to Italy, the centre of the Catholic Church. As far as the doctrinal differences between Catholicism, or the Church and communist traditions are concerned, they represented a particular segment of the general collision of the Church with “modernism’’. However, unlike other ‘’modernist ideas or ideologies’’, communist tradition was specific and distinct because of its ultra-radical animosity toward the Church and Catholicism, and Christianity in general.

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Razilaženja u SKJ – marginalizacija Vicka Krstulovića
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Razilaženja u SKJ – marginalizacija Vicka Krstulovića

Author(s): Josip Mihaljević / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

On the basis of existing literature and previously unknown source material, this article examines the work of politician Vicko Krstulović. Born in Split in 1905, he died there in 1988. His life followed an interesting path; from a worker in a rock quarry he reached the highest positions in government and the Communist Party. However, his activities from the late 1960s until his death are not well known, especially in the historiography. During this period an number of important historical-political changes took place, but through all of these events Krstulović, a man with the longest record of service in the Communist Party of Croatia, was not mentioned. Differences of opinion with Vladimir Bakarić, as well as other highly positioned members of the Communist Party, led to Krstulović’s marginalization. Especially after his declaration at the Fifth Party Congress of the Communist Party of Croatia in 1965, he was discreetly removed from significant roles in government. This author also analyzes Krstulović’s earlier conflicts with the Communist Parties of Croatia and Yugoslavia and points out certain unresolved issues.

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Jugoslovenska politička emigracija i disidentstvo u Jugoslaviji (Podrška Saveza “Oslobodjenje’’ demokratskoj opoziciji)
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Jugoslovenska politička emigracija i disidentstvo u Jugoslaviji (Podrška Saveza “Oslobodjenje’’ demokratskoj opoziciji)

Author(s): Mira Radojević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

In the history of the postwar Yugoslavian emigration, most often formed on antidemocratic, anti-Yugoslav, anti-Serbian, anti-Croatian, monarchist, or antimonarchist lines, and generally right-wing in orientation, the League “Oslobodjenje” [freedom] belonged to the smallest emigrant grouping – democratic and pro-Yugoslav. Struggling toward the democratic evolution of Yugoslavia, the League insisted that to achieve freedom from one party rule and economic, cultural, and political backwardness Yugoslavia needed to rely on its own political and national strengths. Help from abroad, from emigration, could have a secondary importance. Led by such principles, the League through its organ Naša reč supported every instance of critical, oppositional thinking in the country. For the longest time the most attention was given to Milovan Djilas, not only the first, but for many the only ‘true’ Yugoslavian dissident, but afterwards to many others who over several decades came into conflict with the Yugoslavian authorities, state and party leadership. Among these a particular place is accorded to Mihajlo Mihajlov, “dissident no. 2,” as he is often called. Assistance to dissidents in Yugoslavia became more prominent in the time after Josip Broz Tito’s death, when the dissident movement began to grow. Even though it usually could not be direct and concrete, this help was seen in those things that were most important to every dissident, the ability to make public their political views and get domestic and international attention. In this sense Naša reč was the most important paper of the Yugoslavian democratic dissidents.

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List Nova Hrvatska 1958.–1962.
4.90 €

List Nova Hrvatska 1958.–1962.

Author(s): Anđelko Vlašić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Among the youngest generation of Croatian emigrants who left Croatia from the mid 1950s onward through academic stipends offered by western countries or by crossing the border illegally there was a liberal-democratic current best expressed after 1958 by the journal Hrvatski bilten, which changed its name in the following year to Nova Hrvatska. The journal was published monthly in London from 1959 until 1974; from 1974 until 1990 it was published bi-weekly. Jakša Kušan was the editor of the journal during the whole of this time. Like other emigrant groups, this group supported national in-dependence for Croatia, but the realization of this ideal – unlike nationalists on the radical right – was proposed from the perspective of liberal values and with the vision of a constitutional democratic state in mind. The journal was interested in themes from national history and the life of Croats under the Communist regime, providing information about current political events in Yugoslavia and Croatia, especially about opposition activities.

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Uloga pravaša u osvajanju općinske uprave u Dubrovniku 1890.–1899.
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Uloga pravaša u osvajanju općinske uprave u Dubrovniku 1890.–1899.

Author(s): Ivo Perić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The first prominent ‘Rightists’ in Dubrovnik during the last decade of the 19th century were Ivan Matešan and Stjepan Čubretovic, instructors at the gymnasium, as well as Roko Mišetić, a doctor at the hospital. Their political activities were taken up and further expanded by Frano Supilo, at onetime the prefect of the agricultural department in Gruž, and later the founder, publisher, and editor of the ‘Rightist’ Dubrovnik weekly Crvena Hrvatska. In cooperation with Pero Čingrija, the Dubrovnik leader of the National Croat Party, Supilo aimed his political activity squarely at the coalition of the pro-Italian and Serbian parties, who since 1890 had dominated the municipal administration in Dubrovnik, negating the Croatian identity of Dubrovnik and directing it away from Croatian political ideas. This vehement struggle culminated in 1899, when the municipal administration in Dubrovnik came into the hands of Supilo’s ‘Rightists’ and Čingrija’s Nationalists, advocates of Croatian political ideas. The ‘Rightists’ proved to be the deciding factor in this struggle, who by their determination and conviction maintained the course and intensity of the struggle.

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Hrvatski propali pokušaji s kršćanskim socijalizmom
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Hrvatski propali pokušaji s kršćanskim socijalizmom

Author(s): Jure Krišto / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Following the Papal Encyclical Rerum novarum interest in social issues was raised in the Croatian lands, even though, due to weak industrialization in these lands, they were not yet ripe for such issues. Yet among Croats no great interest in Christian Socialism took root and that logically opens the question of why it did not, given that the population was overwhelmingly Catholic. The question is even more intriguing since within the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, of which the Croats were a part, Christian Socials were very prominent. Historians for the most part have been concerned with the unification of Christian Socialists with ‘Rightist’ organizations and parties. This is justified because of the fact that Christian Socialists did believe that party growth was possible by unification with ‘Rightists.’ It seems to me that despite this fact there is nonetheless room for a reconsideration of the development of Christian Socialists and the ideas of Christian Socialism. By pointing out the historical context in which Christian Socialists tried to affirm their position, this work attempts to come to a clearer understanding of the stages of development of the Croatian Christian Socialists, as well as to provide an answer to the question of why Christian Socialism did not spring to life among the Croats.

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“Planinsko hrvatstvo”: slovensko-pravaške teze i veze
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“Planinsko hrvatstvo”: slovensko-pravaške teze i veze

Author(s): Andrej Rahten / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

From the time of Ivan Tavčar’s youthful greeting of Croatian state right ideas and his declaration of being an “alpine Croat” in the 1880s, Slovene politics was based on an emphasis of cooperation with Croatian ‘Rightists.’ Thanks to Tavčar this cooperation was first prevalent among the Slovene National Progressives, but after the turn of the century, the initiative shift ed to the Catholic nationalists. In 1898, at the well-known congress in Trsat, they accepted Croatian State Right as the basis for the constitutional unification of the South Slavs of the Habsburg Monarchy. At the outset the majority of Croatian Catholic nationalists remained sceptical toward “clericals” from Carniola, despite the comments made in Croatian lands by the rather popular Christian Socialist ideologue Janez Evangelist Krek about Slovene-Croat fidelity. But because the Slovene People’s Party under the leadership of Ivan Šusteršič indisputably developed into the strongest South Slavic political party in Cisleithania, in the eyes of the Croatian ‘Rightists’ it was also a welcome partner in the struggle to establish Trialism in the south of the Habsburg Monarchy. Slovene national Catholics emphasized the commonality in views between the Slovene Catholic camp and the constitutional programme of the Croatian Party of Right. In this regard, for example, they referred to the decision of the Croatian Sabor (Parliament) of 9 March 1712, in which the Croatian estates accepted the Croatian Pragmatic Sanction under the condition that Croatia would be ruled only by those daughters of the Habsburg dynasty who ruled Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola. On the eve of the First World War the Slovene Catholic nationalists with all their effort attempted to tie their party to the ‘Rightists’ in some sort of a Trialist power bloc, so much so that in their statements of party programme they tried to prove the compatibility of Starčević’s ideas with those of Christian democracy. The height of the building of the Slovene-Croat political alliance was undoubtedly the “First Croat-Slovene parliament,” which met on 20 October 1912 in Ljubljana. The assembly was certainly a shining manifestation of Slovene-Croat alliance in the struggle for Trialism, and Mile Starčević and Ivan Šusteršič were selected as co-presidents of the Croat-Slovene Party of Right. Its foundation was personally welcomed, as a sign of South Slavic loyalty to the dynasty, by none other than heir apparent Franz Ferdinand in his memorandum directed to the Emperor and King Franz Joseph. However, the Balkan Wars which broke out that autumn wrecked the optimism of the adherents of Croatian State Right in Ljubljana: Slovene political fate was increasingly becoming subject to the growing activity of Serbian diplomacy, and less so that of cooperation with the programme of the Party of Right.

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Ideološke razlike između milinovačkih i frankovačkih pravaša uoči Prvoga svjetskog rata (1908.–1914.)
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Ideološke razlike između milinovačkih i frankovačkih pravaša uoči Prvoga svjetskog rata (1908.–1914.)

Author(s): Mislav Gabelica / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The philosophy of Ante Starčević had two components. The national component contained the contention that the Croats were a unique nation, which could not be compared to any other nation. As an expression of this contention ‘Right-ism’ denied the existence of Serbs as a unique nation, believing them to be a mix of various peoples without their own culture or common tradition. The political component of this philosophy taught that Croats, as a unique people, had the right to their own state, by which this component came into conflict with not only Yugoslav or Great Serbian political programs but also with all the programs in the Monarchy which would reduce the Croatian state to a region of either the unified Monarchy or its Hungarian part. At the end of the 19th century, limiting the territory of the Croatian state to the lands that were incorporated into the framework of the Monarchy, ‘Rightism’ recognized the existence of Serbs in lands outside of this framework, tying at the same time their political program unconditionally to the framework of the Monarchy. As a result the ‘Rightists’ viewed the Croato-Hungarian Agreement (Nagodba) and not the Austro-Hungarian Agreement as the main obstacle to the realization of their political program, clearly believing that it was possible to realize the unity of the Croat lands and the full sovereignty of the Croatian state even within Dualism. This assumption was supported by the belief, which was held by the ‘Rightists’ as well as their political opponents on the eve of the First World War, that the key tenets of ‘Rightist’ ideology was the negation of the existence of Serbs in Croatian lands and the negation of the Nagodba. In this period the wing of the Party of Right that was supporting Josip Frank (frankovci) based its work on both of these fundamental tenets of ‘Rightist’ philosophy; even if they were prepared for tactical reasons to accept the legality of the Nagodba, that is to say, at least temporarily suspend their political program. The wing of the party supporting Mile Starčević (milinovci), on the other hand, convinced that the Orthodox population of Croatia might accept the ‘Rightist’ political program, rejected that national component of ‘Rightist’ ideology and recognized the existence of Serbs in Croatian lands. Though Mile Starčević’s followers remained true to the rejection of the Nagodba, they likewise came to reject the legality of the Austro-Hungarian Agreement, attempting to replace the union of the two halves of the Monarchy with a federalist framework. Thus, indeed, they also rejected the political component of ‘Rightist’ ideology.

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Don Ivo Prodan u procijepu između talijanske okupacije i nove jugoslavenske države (1917.–1919.)
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Don Ivo Prodan u procijepu između talijanske okupacije i nove jugoslavenske države (1917.–1919.)

Author(s): Ante Gverić,Ante Bralić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Great political events such as was the First World War led to a metamorphosis of the political tenets of Don Ivo Prodan. On the eve of the War he was a vehement opponent of any notion about state unification with Serbia. During the War, and especially towards its end, he accepted the idea of a Yugoslavian state. It must be emphasized that Prodan’s metamorphosis was conditioned upon a radical shift in political circumstances, but it never went so far as to negate the existence of Croatianness. At the moment of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy’s destruction he accepted the idea of forming a Yugoslav state, though he never clearly defined his position on how this new state should be organized. During November 1918 he supported a decentralization of this state and its organization on republican lines, but faced with a growing and more comprehensive Italian occupation in northern Dalmatia he avoided expressing this view and accepted a monarchy under the Karađorđević dynasty. Prodan was far from any notion of an integral Yugoslavism.

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Pravaški župnik Juraj Tomac i seljački vođa  Stjepan Radić: prilog povijesti jedne borbe za hrvatsko seljaštvo
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Pravaški župnik Juraj Tomac i seljački vođa Stjepan Radić: prilog povijesti jedne borbe za hrvatsko seljaštvo

Author(s): Ivica Miškulin / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The conflict between Juraj Tomac and Stjepan Radić analyzed in this text had many causes. The first and foremost was determined by their various parties’ differing views of the place and role of the peasantry in political and public life. To the followers of Josip Frank, regardless of what their party was formally called, the Croatian peasantry was only one class within the Croatian nation and it was indivisible from the whole of the Croat political people. Certainly, due to its difficult political and social situation it required particular attention. To the Radić brothers, especially the younger Stjepan, the peasantry was the most important class of the Croatian people, to which, because of its national consciousness and numerical majority, the leading role belonged. Indeed, because of this the Catholic priest Juraj Tomac most oft en pointed out the negative consequence to which this principle of Radić’s could logically lead, a weakening of the ‘Rightist’s’ main goal, that is, the unification and independence of the Croatian lands. An important difference also existed between these men in terms of their views on the political and legal position of the Serbs in the Croatian lands: Tomac often criticized what he felt were Radić’s naïve views on Slavic and South Slavic reciprocity, in which he saw the opportunity for Serbian expansionism. In Monarchist Yugoslavia both of the men found themselves in the same situation, as a result of which Tomac demonstrated his preparedness to recognize the growth in power of Radić’s party. Similarly, Tomac, unlike Radić, demonstrated a higher degree of commitment to his political principles, which was especially obvious after Radić recognized the Monarchy officially. Radić’s pragmatic use of attacks against clericalism was likewise criticized by Tomac; in it he saw nothing more than yet another naïve attempt by Radić to rely on Slavic reciprocity in an attempt to weaken his political opponents. The preference of the Croatian peasantry, mostly because of reasons Tomac could in no way have an influence on, fell on Radić and his party.

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Suradnja Frana Barca s političarima pravaške orijentacije
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Suradnja Frana Barca s političarima pravaške orijentacije

Author(s): Ivica Zvonar / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Croatian priest, theologian, and politician Dr. Fran Barac (1872–1940) has to be counted among those prominent individuals attached to the Church who at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century began their work in the social and political life of Croatia. He used his position as a public figure, a professor of the Theological Faculty and Rector of the University of Zagreb, as well as editor of numerous Church publications, to broaden his public activities. During the First World War he actively involved himself in political life as an adherent of Starčević’s Party of Right, but he did so also as a person who enjoyed the confidence of the Archbishop of Zagreb at the time, Antun Bauer. At this time Barac’s political activity was very instrumental as he maintained the link between representatives of some of the political parties in Croatia with the members of the Yugoslav Committee and the representatives of the Serbian government in Switzerland. During the war years Barac took part in a series of meetings with politicians of ‘Rightist’ orientation (V. Spinčić, M. Laginja, A. Pavelić sr., I. Peršić, M. Drinković, and others). He continued his cooperation with pre-War ‘Rightists’ following the war in Monarchist Yugoslavia, working within the framework of the political platforms of the various parties – the Croatian Union and the Croatian Federalist Peasant Party – in whom leading roles were played by former members of the Party of Right (A. Trumbić, M. Drinković, I. Peršić, and others). At the time of the 6th of January dictatorship, Barac’s curia in Zagreb was used to hold political meetings of like-minded politicians in which former members of the Party of Right took part.

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Nova država, novi putevi (Predratni dalmatinski pravaši u političkim zbivanjima 1918.–1920. godine)
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Nova država, novi putevi (Predratni dalmatinski pravaši u političkim zbivanjima 1918.–1920. godine)

Author(s): Zdravka Jelaska Marijan / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The politics of national concentration in Dalmatia were initiated in 1918 by politicians from the Party of Right, the Croatian Party, and the Serbian Party. Leading roles were played by Ivo Prodan, Juraj Biankini, and Dušan Baljak. But their efforts later proved worthless. At the 2 July 1918 meeting in Split, the notion of national concentration adopted in Croatia-Slavonia by the group around the journal Glas SHS pre-dominated. This notion called for the dissolution of all previous political parties and the creation of a unified National Organization. In time, as the work of the National Organization attempted to remove all elected representatives from the political scene; the movement of national concentration turned into a farce. This situation was made worse because the Dalmatian Sabor was not called to sit. Thus, instead of equitable representation of all the previous political parties, only certain political groups were represented; this became especially evident during the selection of representatives from Dalmatia to the National Council of Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs in Zagreb. Politicians from the prewar Croatian People’s National Party obtained far greater influence than they would have if more equitable representation had been made. An important role was also played by the ‘Rightist’ dissidents Mate Drinković and Ivo Krstelj. The core members of the Dalmatian Party of Right were ignored even though they were among the first who had voiced their support for the politics of national concentration. The Croatian Party also fared poorly, despite the fact that in prewar election results they were a leading party in the region. Neither did the cooption of certain prominent politicians in the National Council lead to a more equitable representation of delegates from various parties and groups from Dalmatia, while the core of the Dalmatian Party of Rights was totally ignored even then. A lack of consideration for the principle of equitable representation of all political forces was also evident during the creation of the Regional Government for Dalmatia at the beginning of November 1918.

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Žrec muslimanskog starčevićanstva: Munir Šahinović i sarajevska Muslimanska svijest o Anti Starčeviću i pravaštvu (1936.–1938.)
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Žrec muslimanskog starčevićanstva: Munir Šahinović i sarajevska Muslimanska svijest o Anti Starčeviću i pravaštvu (1936.–1938.)

Author(s): Zlatko Hasanbegović / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Munir Šahinović Ekremov entered Sarajevo public life at the time of the 6th of January dictatorship as a young participant in the Muslim cultural, national and political scene, formed on the basis of Croatian (‘Rightist’) national thought during the Austro-Hungarian period. He expressed his political-national views in Sarajevo’s Muslimanska svijest (1936–1941), though they can be summarized in two elements: the demand for the indivisibility of Bosnia and Hercegovina and its administrative-political autonomy as long as the Kingdom of Yugoslavia perseveres as well as the promotion of cultural-national and social renewal of the Bosnian-Hercegovinian Muslims on the basis of the symbiosis of Islam and the legacy of Croatian national ‘Starčevićism.’

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Dálný východ v české zahraniční politice

Dálný východ v české zahraniční politice

Author(s): Rudolf Fürst / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Pro českou zahraniční politiku představuje Dálný východ (DV) tradičně vzdálenou oblast, kde neuplatňuje žádné specifi cké politické cíle, tím méně takové, jež by se vymykaly evropskému hlavnímu proudu. Vymezení Dálného východu v návaznosti na předchozí díly této monografie představuje Čína (Čínská lidová republika /ČLR/), Japonsko, Korejská lidově demokratická republika (KLDR) a Korejská republika (KR). Do této kapitoly – stejně jako v předchozích dílech – zahrnujeme ještě Mongolsko a Vietnam (Vietnamská socialistická republika). Zvláštní postavení má Čínská republika na Tchaj-wanu (tj. Tchaj-wan), se kterou ČR udržuje kontakty na neoficiální úrovni.

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Hospodářský rozměr české zahraniční politiky

Hospodářský rozměr české zahraniční politiky

Author(s): Štěpánka Zemanová / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Vzhledem ke zvýšení výkonu světové ekonomiky jako celku, i k obnovení reálného růstu HDP v Evropské unii, nasvědčovalo na sklonku roku 2009 vše tomu, že globální hospodářská krize dosáhla svého dna a že se začaly projevovat výsledky protikrizových opatření. Výhled do roku 2010 byl proto optimističtější než v předcházejícím období – očekávalo se mírné oživení. Skutečný vývoj se v průběhu roku jevil ještě příznivěji, a to přes zvýrazňující se problémy v některých státech (po Řecku též ve Španělsku, Portugalsku nebo Irsku). Pozitivní roli sehrávala vyšší dynamika a růst poptávky na globálních trzích i oživení domácí poptávky, včetně soukromé domácí spotřeby, v jednotlivých členských zemích EU.

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Lidskoprávní rozměr české zahraniční politiky

Lidskoprávní rozměr české zahraniční politiky

Author(s): Veronika Bílková / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Rok 2010 byl pro zahraniční politiku ČR v oblasti lidských práv rokem bilancování a přehodnocování obsahových priorit i způsobů jejich dosahování. Podnět k tomu daly jednak zkušenosti získané během předsednictví v Radě EU v roce 2009, jednak proměny na domácí politické scéně, kde úřednickou vládu zformovanou po pádu vlády na jaře 2009 vystřídala vláda trojkoalice ODS, TOP 09 a Věcí veřejných vzešlá z květnových voleb do Poslanecké sněmovny PČR. K nejvýraznějším a nejviditelnějším změnám došlo v oblasti transformační politiky, kde byla schválena nová Koncepce transformační politiky. Obdobný dokument pro oblast vlastní lidskoprávní zahraniční politiky bohužel nevznikl, MZV ale alespoň zveřejnilo Tematické priority zahraniční politiky ČR v oblasti lidských práv pro tuto sféru.

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Kulturní rozměr české zahraniční politiky

Kulturní rozměr české zahraniční politiky

Author(s): Jana Peterková / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Pro kulturní rozměr české zahraniční politiky představoval rok 2010 období, zčásti charakterizované určitým útlumem, zejména ve srovnání s intenzivní činností a množstvím kulturních projektů realizovaných v období českého předsednictví v Radě Evropské unie. Zároveň však probíhala další z mimořádných akcí, a to česká účast na Světové výstavě EXPO 2010 v Šanghaji. Tuto událost je také možné označit jako jeden z vrcholů činnosti v oblasti kultury v uplynulém roce. Paralelně ovšem probíhala celá řada dalších projektů a akcí, zaměřených na posílení obrazu České republiky v zahraničí a rozvoj jejích kulturních kontaktů.

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