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The Putin doctrine: The formation of a conceptual framework for Russian dominance in the post-Soviet area
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The Putin doctrine: The formation of a conceptual framework for Russian dominance in the post-Soviet area

Author(s): Marek Menkiszak / Language(s): English

The statements made in recent weeks by Russian of cials, and especially President Vladimir Putin, in connection with Moscow’s policy towards Ukraine, may suggest that the emergence of a certain doctrine of Russian foreign and security policy is at hand, especially in relation to the post-Soviet area. Most of the arguments at the core of this doctrine are not new, but recently they have been formulated more openly and in more radical terms. Those arguments concern the role of Russia as the defender of Russian-speaking communities abroad and the guarantor of their rights, as well as speci cally understood good neighbourly relations (meaning in fact limited sovereignty) as a precondition that must be met in order for Moscow to recognise the independence and territorial integrity of post-Soviet states. However, the new doctrine also includes arguments which have not been raised before, or have hither- to only been formulated on rare occasions, and which may indicate the future evolution of Russia’s policy. Speci cally, this refers to Russia’s use of extralegal categories, such as national interest, truth and justice, to justify its policy, and its recognition of military force as a legitimate instrument to defend its compatriots abroad.This doctrine is effectively an outline of the conceptual foundation for Russian dominance in the post-Soviet area. It offers a justi cation for the efforts to restore the unity of the ‘Russian nation’ (or more broadly, the Russian-speaking community), within a bloc pursuing close integration (the Eurasian Economic Union), or even within a single state encompassing at least parts of that area. As such, it poses a challenge for the West, which Moscow sees as the main opponent of Russia’s plans to build a new order in Europe (Eurasia) that would undermine the post-Cold War order.

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WE ARE EUROPE IV: LIBERAL VOICES FROM THE EU NEIGHBOURHOOD
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WE ARE EUROPE IV: LIBERAL VOICES FROM THE EU NEIGHBOURHOOD

Author(s): Anes Hodžić,Ahmed Kosovac,Nikola Tamburkovski,Nevena Lujinović,Mariam Usenashvili,Dejancho Cvetanovski,Luka Nikolić,Gor Badalyan,Monika Zajkova / Language(s): English

In the past, it would have been impossible to discuss enlargement of the European Union to the East and Western Balkans without determining whether accession to the EU was still an option. The issue has been discussed in the aforementioned regions and within the EU. While some were arguing that ever-expanding EU is extremely challenging, others found it to be rather fortunate and essential for strengthening the EU's geopolitical position. However, most people believe that the process was, at most, comatose. The Russian invasion of Ukraine has a wide-ranging impact on the entire world, and it has resuscitated discussions about potential EU enlargement. The expert analyses are mainly focused on who or what has caused the shift in EU processes after a decade of stagnation. If the EU enlargement is not an option for EU's neighbouring countries, then these regions will become of strategic importance for other geopolitical interests, particularly those of Russia and China.

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Policy Briefs: ProgWeB 2023 V Generation
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Policy Briefs: ProgWeB 2023 V Generation

Author(s): Renis Bakalli,Jonida Lama,Heglion Hekuranaj,Anesa Habota,Jasmina Ibrahimpašić,Nudžejma Karajić,Admir Pivić,Elvedin Šarić,Rita Zhubi,Taulant Ferati,Laberion Nitaj,Ina Gjozo,Jane Velkoski,Amona Zemon,Mihailo Maletić,Sanja Vasić,Moma Kovačević / Language(s): English

ProgWeB (Progressive Politics in Western Balkan) is a year-long educational initiative designed for aspiring young liberals and social democrats coming from the Western Balkans region. The primary objective of the Academy is to educate and empower politically active young individuals by equipping them with knowledge and skills needed for their future political involvement within their respective political parties and in the broader political landscape in their countries. This project is structured into three modules, covering practical and theoretical lectures, interactive discussions, workshops, and collaborative group assignments conducted between these modules. In 2023, ProgWeb celebrated its fifth generation, bringing together young activists from Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, North Macedonia, and Serbia. The programme hosted meetings in Montenegro (June), Serbia (July), and a concluding event in Bosnia and Herzegovina (October). The common focus for all participants this year was centered around green policies and a green agenda. This emphasis allowed participants to develop their own national projects addressing these topics and to create policy briefs that are included in this publication. With the guidance and mentorship of their supervisors, our young participants formulated ideas and policies aimed at fostering a more progressive and prosperous Western Balkans region.

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Podrivanje institucija sektora sigurnosti – crveno svijetlo za uzbunu
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Podrivanje institucija sektora sigurnosti – crveno svijetlo za uzbunu

Author(s): Denis Hadžović / Language(s): Bosnian

Bosna i Hercegovina je najveće institucionalne pomake napravila u reformi svoga sigurnosnog sektora, koji je ujedno i dio šireg društvenog rješenja na putu konsolidacije demokratije, smanjenju siromaštva i uspostavi održivog razvoja. Put ka izgradnji modernih demokratskih institucija u sektoru odbrane, carine, policije, te obavještajnom ili pravosudnom sektoru nije bio nimalo lak i u velikoj mjeri ga možemo smatrati okarakterisati uspjehom međunarodog djelovanja u BiH. Ono što je možda još važnije je doprinos ovih institucija vezan za suzbijanje mogućnosti izbijanja ponovnog konflikta u BiH, te njihov dopinos na putu ka euro-atlanskim integracijama. Urušavanje državne konstukcije u sektoru sigurnosti nesumnjivo će dovesti do usložnjavanja sigurnosne situacije u BiH, a posljedice mogu biti nesagledive da ne kažem deja vu. Stoga, svi osvješćeni i razumni građani Bosne i Hercegovine, kojih ima u velikom broju ali su nažalost samo pasivni posmatrači svojih nacionalnih političkih demagoga, moraju dići svoj glas u odbrani najvrednije tekovine ostvarene u post ratnoj BiH, tekovine mira i stabilnosti. Političke karikature koje su udobno zavaljene u svoje finansijsko i poslovnopolitičko carstvo, pokušavaju nam nametnuti istinu i sliku koja se uklapa u njihove sebične potrebe a pokušavaju zamagliti ono što jasno vidimo. Reformisane vojne snage svojim angažmanom u mirovnim misijama doprinose međunarodnom miru u svijetu. Sa našim vojnicima možete razgovarati na engleskom jeziku a oni su osposobljeni da rukuju najmodernijim oružjima i da komuniciraju putem najsofisticiranijih uređaja. Ne troše više 8% društvenog bruto prihoda ove države kao prije, nego simboličnih 1,3%. Ono što je možda najvažnije žive i rade zajedno 24 sata i nisu opterećeni svojom prošlošću kada su u rovovima neki od njih pucali jedni na druge. Nije bilo lako to ostvariti i da su se pitali samo političari a ne ovi naši sugrađani u uniformi, vjerovatno se ne bi sada na konkurs u oružane snage prijavilo po deset kandidata na svaku slobodnu poziciju. Funkcionišu vojne strukture, na žalost nekih povampirenih retrogradnih snaga, na modernim demokratskim principima i u skladu sa konstitutivnom odredbom o ravnopravnosti i zastupljenosti svih naroda i ostalih. Na sličnim principima djeluju i naše agencije za provođenje zakona, uprkos zaustavljenoj reformi policije od strane nadobudnih političkih struktura. Koliko je samo uspješnih akcija imala SIPA na razotkrivanju organizovanog kriminala i privođenju sudu pravde osoba osumnjičenih za ratne zločine? Koliko je manje droge na našim ulicama i koliko je osoba sa terorističkim pretenzijama predato istražnim organima i Službi za strance Ministarstva sigurnosti BiH na daljnji postupak?

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Nacrt izvještaja o parlamentarnom nadzoru nad sektorom sigurnosti za 2012. godinu
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Nacrt izvještaja o parlamentarnom nadzoru nad sektorom sigurnosti za 2012. godinu

Author(s): Mirela Hodović,Denis Hadžović / Language(s): English

Parliamentary oversight of the security sector in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in spite of its evident headway in employing oversight functions, has not yet achieved its full capacity. For the purpose of this project, the Centre for Security Studies has prepared a Report draft aimed at providing an assessment work efficiency of the parliamentary committees. This report seeks to address the issue of fulfilling the key-responsibilities in the democratic oversight of the security sector in the year 2012. The objective of this research is to determine the improvement of the overall quality and efficiency in implementing parliamentary oversight of the security sector in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This segment of civil society involvement is important for achieving greater accountability and transparency of defense and security institutions over which Parliamentary Committees maintain oversight, consistent with positive legislation. This research has thrown up many questions in need of further investigation. Further work needs to be done to establish a more comprehensive discussion amongst the members of Parliamentary Committees and representatives of defense and security institutions, in particular on the need of structural planning and implementing a more efficient parliamentary oversight of the security sector in the upcoming period.

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Unapređenje parlamentarnog nadzora sektora sigurnosti na zapadnom balkanu
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Unapređenje parlamentarnog nadzora sektora sigurnosti na zapadnom balkanu

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Bosnian

Parlamentarni nadzor i kontrola nad sektorom sigurnosti u Bosni i Hercegovini regulisan je odredbama Ustava BiH, ustavima entiteta i kantona, te velikim brojem zakona, podzakonskih akata i pravilnika. S obzirom na komplikovano ustavno uređenje države, oblast parlamentarnog nadzora i kontrole nad sigurnosnim institucijama i akterima sigurnosti u Bosni i Hercegovini može se okarakterisati kao pozitivan iskorak u promicanju demokratskih vrijednosti u stavljanju sektora sigurnosti pod kontrolu i nadzor legitimnih i demokratskih izabranih organa vlasti, u prvom redu parlamenta, odnosno nadležnih parlamentarnih komisija

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Rizik korupcije u obavještajnoj službi
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Rizik korupcije u obavještajnoj službi

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Bosnian

Pojava korupcije posebna je prijetnja za države u tranziciji, odnosno zemlje u kojima demokratski, institucionalni i vrijednosni sistemi nisu dovoljno razvijeni. Razlog je, što u ovakvim sistemima pravni i politički mehanizmi ne pružaju dovoljne garancije za efikasnu kontrolu vlasti čija se zloupotreba ovlaštenja manifestuje u korupciji. Korupcija narušava vladavinu zakona, podriva povjerenje građana u institucije države, a samim tim i reputaciju države, predstavljajudi jedan od oblika kriminala koji je najteže suzbiti.

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Oversight Actors of the Use of Special Investigative Measures
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Oversight Actors of the Use of Special Investigative Measures

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

From the security point of view, we can identify two main purposes as to why state authorities seek to use the secret data collection. The use of secret data collection may be to improve national security, prevent risks and threats to the security of citizens, national security, society, institutions, economic and other vital interests of society and the state from the various terrorist and extremist groups. Considering that this is a preventive activity, these actions are characteristics of intelligence and security agencies. It is important to emphasize that with these kind of activities, intelligence and security agencies are reaching "for collection of data and information on the activities, plans and intentions of various domestic and foreign, state and non-state actors, their processing and analysis are a very important segment that is often neglected in our country, which is the timely dissemination of information to the different users" (Petrovic 2015: 15).

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Subjekti nadzora nad primjenom posebnih istražnih radnji
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Subjekti nadzora nad primjenom posebnih istražnih radnji

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Bosnian

Sa sigurnosnog aspekta možemo identifikovati dvije glavne svrhe zbog kojih državni organi posežu za primjenom prikupljanja podataka tajnim putem. Kao prvo, svrha primjene tajnog prikupljanja podataka može biti prevencija rizika i prijetnji po nacionalnu sigurnost, unapređenje nacionalne sigurnosti, kao i predupređivanje rizika i prijetnji po sigurnost građana, društva, institucija, ekonomskih i drugih vitalnih interesa društva i države od raznih terorističkih i ekstremističkih grupa. Obzirom da se radi o preventivno-predupređivačkoj aktivnosti ove aktivnosti su karakteristične za obavještano-sigurnosne agencije. Važno je naglasiti da u ovakvim aktivnostima obavještajno-sigurnosne agencije posežu „za prikupljanjem podataka i informacija o aktivnostima, planovima i namjerama različitih domadih i stranih, državnih i nedržavnih aktera, njihovu obradu i analizu i veoma važnim segmentom koji je često kod nas zapostavljen, a to je blagovremeno dostavljanje informacija različitim korisnicima“ (Petrovid 2015:15).

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Identifying Inconsistencies in the 2022 European Commission’s Country Reports for WB6
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Identifying Inconsistencies in the 2022 European Commission’s Country Reports for WB6

Author(s): Strahinja Subotić,Miloš Pavković / Language(s): English

The European Commission’s annual reports on the state of play of reforms within negotiating chapters, applicable to all (potential) candidates, play a pivotal role in evaluating their commitment to EU integration. Moreover, these reports serve as the basis for the EU Council’s decisions to open clusters or close chapters during the negotiation process. Yet, in practice, there is an increasingly evident rift between these two EU institutions. It has now become a customary practice for the Council to diverge from the Commission’s opinions in cases where it positively assesses a country’s progress in reforms and recommends advancing its accession process. Although, at times, the Council’s lack of affirmative decisions can be attributed to the unilateral misuse of the process by a single member state, member states continue to demonstrate a notable level of mistrust when it comes to the Commission’s approach to reform monitoring and assessment. This is compounded by the fear that the Commission’s reports tend to paint a brighter picture than what is observed through the individual and separate scoping missions of member states. Similarly, civil society organisations (CSOs) from the region have also actively and repeatedly called for the Commission’s findings to become consistent and evidence-based, in order to render the annual reports more objective, accurate, impartial, verifiable, and comparable. It is, therefore, crucial to improve the Commission’s approach to tracking reforms and ensure greater credibility of its reports.

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Unveiling Challenges in Serbian Public Procurement
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Unveiling Challenges in Serbian Public Procurement

Author(s): Ana Milinković,Andrija Mladenović / Language(s): English

Public procurement, as a process through which government agencies acquire goods and services from external sources, represents one of the essential areas in Serbia’s EU accession process, covered by Chapter 5. The importance of this chapter was heightened in 2020 with the introduction of the Revised Enlargement Methodology. The inclusion of public procurement as an integral component of the Fundamentals cluster was a pivotal development, aligning it with other indispensable domains such as the rule of law, democratic institutions, public administration reforms, economic criteria, and more. Upon entering the EU, Serbian companies will gain the valuable right to participate in every public procurement opportunity across the EU alongside businesses from member states. Therefore, Serbia’s entire public procurement system, post-accession, must be carefully designed as a level-playing field, ensuring equal opportunities for all potential bidders from across the EU. This proactive preparation will not only facilitate the EU accession process but also equip Serbian companies to access the significantly larger public procurement market within the EU. Additionally, public procurement holds a central position in managing EU Structural Funds because each country independently conducts procurements through these funds. This strategic approach plays a pivotal role in fostering economic growth and enhancing competitiveness during and after the accession process.

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State administration in Serbia: A thorny road to equal opportunities and access for all
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State administration in Serbia: A thorny road to equal opportunities and access for all

Author(s): Milica Škorić,Miloš Đinđić / Language(s): English

The state administration has been reforming for almost two decades, since 2004. With the adoption of the new strategic framework in 2021, it seems that the reform has gained a new momentum, with a greater orientation towards citizens and the economy. Not stopping at such a generally defined goal, the Public Administration Reform (PAR) Strategy offers an even more specific commitment towards the administration as a customer centre, that provides user-oriented services that are reasonably priced, while taking care of minority and vulnerable groups.

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Accessibility and Equal Opportunities in State Administrations in the Western Balkans: What Civil Servants and Civil Society Actors Have to Say?
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Accessibility and Equal Opportunities in State Administrations in the Western Balkans: What Civil Servants and Civil Society Actors Have to Say?

Author(s): Miloš Đinđić,Milena Mihajlović / Language(s): English

Accessibility is considered a priority in a modern-day state administration. As an important precondition for achieving broader societal goals of social inclusion and welfare, accessibility has also become a clear-cut administration issue. Rising demands for accessible administrations - services, building, workplaces – but also for more equitable opportunities for getting jobs, including civil service employment, result from the fast-paced socio-economic and technological changes, which in turn require to accommodate as many needs of the population as possible. The COVID-19 pandemic outbreak is only one, but largely important example of how suddenly such needs for fast adaptations occur. On their EU accession path, the countries in the Western Balkan region must demonstrate that basic accessibility principles are sufficiently secured, as part of a broader, but fundamental public administration reform. According to international assessments that measure the compliance with such principles, the work is far from done – the legislative and policy frameworks are in place, the digital services accelerated, but mechanisms for improving the accessibility of services are weak across the region. The results of the surveys of civil servants and civil society organisations (CSO) implemented by the WeBER initiative, analysed in this brief, tell a similar story of weak guarantees for accessibility of state administrations. Specifically, their reflections on the opportunities for accessing civil service jobs, workplaces, facilities, and services, indicate that those most vulnerable have fewer chances and struggle the most.

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Public consultations and policymaking in Serbia: Form over substance
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Public consultations and policymaking in Serbia: Form over substance

Author(s): Milica Škorić,Miloš Đinđić,Milena Lazarević / Language(s): English

Public consultation is the process employed to involve the public and stakeholders in policymaking. The core values of this process are participation and transparency – in a process open to the public, the competent authorities, together with the target groups and stakeholders, come to policy solutions and define the desired change. According to the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), public consultations are one of the crucial regulatory tools used to improve the transparency and effectiveness of regulations and policy documents.

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(Non)transparency as a mirror of (ir)responsibility: How do the government and state administration bodies report on their performance?
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(Non)transparency as a mirror of (ir)responsibility: How do the government and state administration bodies report on their performance?

Author(s): Milica Škorić / Language(s): English

Good governance implies governance that focuses on citizens, their well-being and satisfaction. One of the main attributes of good governance is transparency in the work of institutions and the decision-making process, in order to provide the public with timely information about activities and decisions that may have an impact on everyday life. With transparent insight into decisions of public interest, citizens in democratic societies have the opportunity not only to be informed but also to point out shortcomings and demand accountability, thus creating an unbreakable link between transparency and public accountability for the results achieved. Public reporting about work and performance is one of the ways to ensure government transparency in practice. In Serbia, the long-standing problem of non-transparent annual reporting on the work of the Government and the administration results in a lack of accountability towards citizens.

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Financial Management and Control
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Financial Management and Control

Author(s): Nemanja Šormaz,Pavle Medić / Language(s): English

Even though it has been “on paper” for a whole decade, the actual level of implementation (and impact) of Financial Management and Control (FMC) in Serbia remains low. The focus of decision-makers is more on the form - harmonising regulation with the standards and expectations of the European Union, rather than on the essence - implementing, followed by monitoring, and measuring the concrete results of FMC. However, the environment in which FMC is expected to be developed and implemented is, as well, unfavourable, given the lack of strategic planning, managerial responsibility and open and meaningful communication with, above all, citizens, who need to be assured that the money raised from them is spent in a smart and responsible manner. This brief analyses the key achievements, indicates main obstacles in its establishment and implementation and sums up the measures needed to be implemented in order to “move” FMC from strategy on paper towards concrete benefits for the citizens.

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EU Sentiments of Serbia’s Citizens: Unpacking the Motivations Behind the Ayes, the Nays, and the Undecided
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EU Sentiments of Serbia’s Citizens: Unpacking the Motivations Behind the Ayes, the Nays, and the Undecided

Author(s): Dušan Pjevović,Strahinja Subotić / Language(s): English

Throughout the past decade, Serbia has made progress on its path towards the EU. Important milestones range from the obtainment of visa liberalisation in 2009 and candidate status three years later, to starting the accession negotiations in 2014 and opening the first negotiating chapters in 2015. What remains a predicament, however, is the fact that the aforementioned accomplishments were often not accompanied by increased public support for the EU accession process. In fact, public support has proven to be quite volatile and relatively independent from Serbia’s EU progression rate.

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The Senior Civil Service System in Serbia: 12 Years of Simulated Depoliticisation
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The Senior Civil Service System in Serbia: 12 Years of Simulated Depoliticisation

Author(s): Vladimir Mihajlović / Language(s): English

Following the adoption of amendments to the Civil Service Law (CSL) in December 2018, the Serbian Government has put the goal of depoliticisation on its 2019 agenda of priorities. The country has wrestled with this issue since the early days of its democratic transition, which started in 2000. This effort is one of the key preconditions of Serbia’s admission to the European Union (EU). Also, the depoliticisation of the public administration is important for citizens, as the public interest is best served by professional, politically independent, and competent civil servants.

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Getting results in Public Policy: Monitoring and Evaluation with Evidence Supplied by the Civil Society
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Getting results in Public Policy: Monitoring and Evaluation with Evidence Supplied by the Civil Society

Author(s): Sena Marić / Language(s): English

Evidence clearly demonstrates that implementation of public policies in Serbia leads to broken promises. Although the Government Work Programme sets goals and planned activities, these goals are often left unachieved in practice, while there is no mechanism to measure the activities’ results or impact. In contrast to Serbia, the decision makers in countries with a more developed political culture are under constant public scrutiny that demands effective policies, credible and reliable data and evidence-based policy making in general.

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Belgian Presidency of The Council of the EU: Presidency Returns to the Heart of Europe
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Belgian Presidency of The Council of the EU: Presidency Returns to the Heart of Europe

Author(s): Đorđe Dimitrov,Strahinja Subotić / Language(s): English

On 1 January 2024, Belgium, one of the European Union’s founding members, will assume the presidency of the Council of the European Union. This will be Belgium’s 13th presidency overall and its second since the Lisbon Treaty. The country finds itself at a critical juncture in the twilight of the current European institutional cycle and ahead of the European Parliament (EP) election, highlighting the utmost urgency to finish some pertinent pending issues. Moreover, the Belgian federal election will take place along with the EP election, thus further burdening the Presidency. Under the guiding principles of “protect our people,” “strengthen our economy,” and “prepare for our shared future,” the Belgian presidency is poised to grapple with the multifaceted challenges confronting the EU. This insight seeks to unravel the strategies, policies, and diplomatic endeavours that Belgium will employ in leading Europe in the upcoming six months.

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