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Savest, banalnost zla i ideja reprezentativnog počinioca

Author(s): Dana R. Villa / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

U knjizi Hitlerovi dragovoljni dželati Danijel Goldhagen razotkriva nekoliko »konvencionalnih objašnjenja« za motive koji leže u pozadini delovanja onih koje on zove »pešadincima« Holokausta. Goldhagen piše kako »shvatanja da su izvršioci doprineli genocidu zato što su bili primorani, zato što su bili nepromišljeni, poslušni izvršioci državnih naređenja, zbog sociopsihološkog pritiska, zbog izgleda za lično napredovanje, ili zato što nisu shvatali ili se nisu osećali odgovornim za ono što čine«, »nisu održiva«. Njegova opsežna analiza pojedinaca uključenih u ubijanje Jevreja, u policijskim bataljonima, u radnim logorima i marševima smrti, izdvaja virulentan, rasni antisemitizam kao nužan i dovoljan uslov za dragovoljno i oduševljeno učestvovanje tih »običnih Nemaca« u genocidnom projektu nacista.

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Politički procesi u Hrvatskoj neposredno nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata

Author(s): Nada Kisić Kolanović / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Political and cultural changes in Croatia immediately after the conclusion of the Second World War in 1945 and the early years of communist rule created a new historical reality which transformed the basis of the legal system. The concept of ≪rights≫ and ≪justice≫ in this system did not primarily rest on ≪normative≫ categories, rather on ≪political≫ ones. At the same time, the concept of socialist legality≫ enabled the courts to ≪creatively≫ change laws. Along with this, the very concept of criminal activities was based on ≪material, rather than ≪normative≫ concepts which demanded a precise description of the act in law that led to many infractions in judicial practice at the expense of the rights of the accused. From 1945 to 1950, the first period of the communist Yugoslavian state, although the legal system was not defecient in laws, during this 5 year span the National Assembly of the Federated People’s Republics of Yugoslavia (FNRJ) enacted more than 200 basic laws. A new criminal code was introduced in 1951 which in the domain of criminal law was codified on a relatively modern expert basis. Nevertheless, it is important to point out that courts were not tied to legal norms, that is ≪to the letter of the law≫, but to the ≪notion and spirit of socialist law≫. When dealing with the concept of ≪socialist legality≫ we necessarily encounter the political trials which were carried out of leaders of the defeated Independent State of Croatia, Church dignitaries and ideological opponents of communism who belonged to the bourgeois political parties. Historical documentation supports the conclusion that these trials enabled the communist government to carry out a specific type of ideological violence. In political trials the judiciary was put in a situation where it negated formal legalities, and because of this the Yugoslav concept of punishing ≪war crimes≫ at the time received international criticism. Thus a large number of extradition demands of Yugoslavian citizens were disputed because the regime was suspected of using charges of war crimes to settle political scores.

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САЩ, 1865: Робството е мъртво! Да живее робството!

Author(s): Simeon Simeonov / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The study focuses on the problem of 'master-slave' relations in Modern Times. Analysing the ideology of slave ownership in the United States, the author puts forward the arguments about the continuity of the 'master' attitude in the conditions of the liberal democratic West.

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CSD Policy Brief No. 66: Динамика на конвенционалната престъпност 2015 – 2016 г.

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

Crime rates in 2015 continue their downward trend with a decrease of 0.4% compared to 2014 levels. It must be noted, however, that the level of reporting crime to the authorities falls compared to officially registered numbers by the MoI in 2015. This means that latent crime is on the rise, which signifies a drop in public confidence in the MoI. One of the main reason for this discrepancy are the so-called police filters, which lead to diverging levels of officially recorded conventional crimes and crimes reported by the citizenry. These are some of the results of the National Crime Survey for 2015, presented in the current publication.

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CSD Policy Brief No. 63: Extortion racketeering: the vulnerability assessment approach

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Extortion racketeering has long been pointed out as the defining activity of organised crime. It has also been identified as one of the most effective tools used by organised crime in the accumulation of financial resources and the penetration of the legal economy. Although in recent years this crime has not been among the top listed organised crime threats in the strategic EU policy documents, it still remains ever present in European countries. The seriousness of the phenomenon has been recognised at the EU level and the crime has been listed in a number of EU legal acts in the field of police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters.

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Foreign Policy and National Security in the Context of Bulgaria`s Accession to the European Union

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

The text includes the conference proceedings of the event held on 29 June 1995.

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Политически брифинг № 26 на CSD: Организирана престъпност и корупция: национални характеристики и политики в страните членки на ЕС

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

The European Commission (EC) contracted the Center for the Study of Democracy (CSD) to analyse the links between organised crime and corruption. The main objectives of the study were to identify: • causes and factors that engender corruption by organised crime (including white-collar criminals); • the scope and the impact of that corruption on society and institutions; • organised crime’s main corruption schemes, the areas or risks they create, and the related differences amongst European Union (EU) Member States (MS); • best practices in prevention and countering corruption linked to organized crime; framework for a future assessment of trends in the link between organized crime and corruption, as well as corresponding counter measures.

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Политически брифинг № 41 на CSD: Динамика на конвенционалната престъпност 2012 – 2013 г.

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

In 2012 there was a sharp increase in both the number of victims and the number of crimes compared to 2011. These trends take place in the context of a 10-year drop in crime rates. Meanwhile, the Ministry of Interior (MoI) statistics of registered crimes in 2012 showed the opposite trend - a 6% drop from 114,781 in 2011 to 107,828 registered crimes in 2012. This difference is explained by the rising level of unregistered crimes that are not part of the official statistics. Victims of crime in South Central and South Eastern regions of the country are least likely to report crimes to the police. These areas are also characterized by high levels of crime victimisation.

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CSD Policy Brief No. 63: VALUTARE LA VULNERABILITÀ ALL’ESTORSIONE ORGANIZZATA IN DETERMINATI SETTORI ECONOMICI E COMUNITÀ DI MIGRANTI

Author(s): / Language(s): Italian

Extortion racketeering has long been pointed out as the defining activity of organised crime. It has also been identified as one of the most effective tools used by organised crime in the accumulation of financial resources and the penetration of the legal economy. Although in recent years this crime has not been among the top listed organised crime threats in the strategic EU policy documents, it still remains ever present in European countries. The seriousness of the phenomenon has been recognised at the EU level and the crime has been listed in a number of EU legal acts in the field of police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters.

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CSD Policy Brief No. 64: Скритата икономика в България: 2015 – 2016 г.

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

In Bulgaria the high level of hidden economy undermines the economic development of the country and requires serious and persistent political attention. The unprecedented growth in the field of digitization of economic activities, the convergence between some of them, and the emergence of brand new services creates an opportunity for achieving a desirable environment, which may reduce the hidden cash flows and boost the economic development of the country. Comprehensive reforms focused on the functioning of the market mechanisms and administrative effectiveness are needed in order to promote the process of economic convergence within the European Union and limit the harmful effects of the hidden economy in Bulgaria.

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HELSINŠKE SVESKE №04: Individualna i kolektivna prava manjina

Author(s): Rada Beronja,Dragan Dabić,Tatjana Ivelić,Nedim Sejdimović,Vladeta Stanković,Vlastimira Stanković / Language(s): Serbian

In view of the key importance of inter-ethnic relations and status of national minorities in Serbia for development of democracy, Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia, Centre for Regionalism, the Vojvodina Club and Centre for Multiculturality have organised the round-table "National Minorities in Serbia" on 8 and 9 September 2000 in Novi Sad. Participants in this round-table were representatives of several dozen NGOs from Vojvodina and Serbia, representatives of political parties, prominent public personalities and experts for minority rights and ethnic relations. In a two-day debate participants in the round-table underscored that peace, tolerance and democratization of the society represent the basic prerequisite of the exercise of individual and collective rights and freedoms in the Republic of Serbia. Considering that a social community in the Republic of Serbia has a markedly heterogeneous cultural character and the fact that it is faced with pronounced ethnification of politics and intolerant nationalism, our discussion confirmed that the majority nation, that is, the ruling political establishment, were to be blamed for such a poor status of inter-ethnic relations. Hence the current political authorities cannot be relieved of responsibility from catastrophic consequences of internal conflicts and external and internal isolation. After analysing institutions and real social and political processes and actions of the most influential political protagonists, it was established that we all must insist on comprehensive implementation of ideas and legal-constitutional norms determining the Republic of Serbia as a state of equitable citizens, and the one guaranteeing corresponding standards in attainment and exercise of collective rights of national minorities in Serbia. Unfortunately during our discussion we identified through a host of examples a pronounced gulf between proclaimed norms and concrete reality in the sphere of protection of national minorities rights, notably in development and expression of their cultural identity. After the SFRY disintegration, the problem of "new minorities", notably Croats, Bosniaks, and Macedonians, emerged in Serbia. This problem entails official recognition of those minorities and concrete legal regulation of their status and rights. During preparations for the 2001 census scientific and cultural institutions and representative bodies should lay the groundwork for facilitating the free declaration of nationality by citizens. This particularly applies to Bosniaks, who have been deprived of that right to date. It is also expected that the democratic opposition of Serbia shall take a clear public stand on manner of resolution of minority problems, and incorporate pertinent proposals into their program of changes, offered as an alternative to the current regime. We brought into prominence the need to revive earlier initiatives for adoption of the Act on National Minorities in the Republic of Serbia, aimed at removing current shortcomings and imprecise points, and boosting harmonisation of domestic legal and political practice with the European standards on the Protection of Minorities. Our discussion indicated that the Republic Serbia in its relations with almost all neighbouring countries disregards the issue of minorities, and that this negligence is in turn reflected in the status of minorities and has a negative impact on relations between the majority and minorities. The role of ecological issues was discussed in the context of good-neighbourly relations, for they alike the minority issue clear the way for establishment of broad and efficient communications. Considering regional trends within the context of Europe those two issues can play an important role in the inclusion of Serbia in the project of European regions. Participants think that the Stability Pact is a conceptual framework for analysis of the most important problems and devising models of their resolution.

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Ostvarivanje socijalnih prava u BiH: nejednakost građana

Author(s): Nikolina Obradović / Language(s): Croatian

The article analyzes the issue of achieving social rights in Bosnia and Herzegovina through the amount of cash benefits for people with disabilities in accordance with Entity regulations on social security, veteran - disability protection, protection of civilian victims of war, and pension and disability insurance. In fact, despite the constitutional provisions on guaranteeing social rights and prohibition of discrimination, and international commitments of the state and all levels of governments, which have become valid upon entry into force of the UN Convention on the Rights of disabled persons, and other international legal documents pertaining to insure social rights in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the most vivid example of inequality is visible in the treatment of persons with disabilities by the government. This inequality is reflected in set conditions and the amount of cash benefits, as well as other rights guaranteed which is done in accordance with cause of disability, but should be done according to estimate of needs of persons with disabilities (regardless of the cause of the disability) for more effective inclusion in society.

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Izvještaj Mreže pravde u Bosni i Hercegovini za 2. Univerzalni periodični pregled o stanju ljudskih prava u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bosnian

(B/H/S edition) The Justice Network in BiH is an informal network of 64 non-governmental organizations established in January 2010 to support development of efficient, independent, and accountable judiciary, in order to instigate more efficient protection of human rights and establishment the rule of law in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). To this end, the Network launched monitoring of the implementation of UPR recommendations in BiH in the same year. During the last 4 years, i.e. in period from January 2010 to March 2014, based on the monitoring, evaluation and research activities conducted by the members of the Network gathered around the Working Group for monitoring the implementation of UPR recommendations, we have published 4 annual reports on implementation of UPR recommendations pertaining to the justice sector. The reports were submitted to an extensive number of the justice sector stakeholders and the international community. The process of monitoring and evaluation was based on the methodology which included the identification of measurable indicators for each UPR recommendation, data collection and processing in a period of 6 to 8 months, and drafting the report and additional recommendations for the local decision-makers to ensure that UPR recommendations are adequately and timely implemented. This summary, which was the subject of extensive consultations within and outside the Network, was prepared on the basis of the aforementioned reports.

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Intervjui (2000-2001)

Author(s): Gordana Stojanović,Grujica Spasović,Zoran Lučić ,Jovanka Matić,Borka Pavićević,Leposava Karamarković,Ljubodrag Stojadinović,Gordana Suša,Aleksandar Nenadović,Mirko Đorđević,Mihajlo Mihajlov,Nikola Barović,Lazar Stojanović,Veran Matić,Freimut Duve,Milanka Šaponja-Hadžić,Čedomir Čupić,Jovica Trkulja,Snežana S. Đorđević,Žarko Trebješanin,Vukašin Pavlović,Snježana Milivojević,Alija Halilović,Želimir Bojović / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

Interviews by Želimir Bojević, with: 1. Halilović, Alija 2. Stojanović, Gordana 3. Spasović, Grujica 4. Lučić , Zoran 5. Matić, Jovanka 6. Pavićević, Borka 7. Karamarković, Leposava 8. Stojadinović, Ljubodrag 9. Suša, Gordana 10. Nenadović, Aleksandar 11. Đorđević, Mirko 12. Mihajlov, Mihajlo 13. Barović, Nikola 14. Stojanović, Lazar 15. Matić, Veran 16. Duve, Freimut 17. Šaponja-Hadžić, Milanka 18. Čupić, Čedomir 19. Trkulja, Jovica 20. Đorđević, Snežana 21. Trebješanin, Žarko 22. Pavlović, Vukašin 23. Milivojević, Snježana

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Polityka równościowa i antydyskryminacyjna w Polsce po roku 2004

Author(s): Piotr Burgoński / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

W artykule dokonano analizy "Krajowego programu działań na rzecz równego traktowania na lata 2013–2016", przyjętego przez rząd RP w 2013 r. Celem jest określenie ramy konceptualnej, na jakiej wspiera się polityka równościowa i antydyskryminacyjna polskiego rządu (policy frame). Badanie zmierza do określenia elementów tej ramy, a w szczególności pokazania, w jaki sposób polski rząd, formułując swoją politykę równościową i antydyskryminacyjną, postrzega, nazywa i strukturalizuje porządek społeczny, jak postrzega aktorów społecznych i relacje między nimi, jakie z tym postrzeganiem związane są wartości, idee oraz interesy.

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Przemiany instytucjonalne w Unii Europejskiej na przykładzie wspólnej polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa

Author(s): Tadeusz Gadkowski / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

Zarówno w przedlizbońskim, jak i obecnym stanie prawnym wspólna polityka zagraniczna i bezpieczeństwa, jako płaszczyzna współpracy w ramach Unii Europejskiej, wyróżniała się i nadal wyróżnia na tle innych rodzajów polityki prowadzonych w traktatowych ramach tej organizacji. Najważniejsze kierunki ewolucji WPZiB wytyczyły dwa traktaty, a wiec traktat amsterdamski i traktat lizboński. Ten ostatni zasadniczo zmienił usytuowanie WPZiB w ramach UE, co wiązało się z likwidacją charakterystycznej, trójfilarowej konstrukcji prawnej UE oraz z istotnymi zmianami instytucjonalnymi w jej strukturze. Specyfika współpracy w ramach WPZiB spowodowała jednak, że została ona wyraźnie wyodrębniona zarówno z całego katalogu pozostałych unijnych rodzajów polityki, jak i z całej grupy działań zewnętrznych Unii.

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Ocena polityki Unii Europejskiej w zakresie sankcji - przykład Islamskiej Republiki Iranu

Author(s): Katarzyna Radwan / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

W ramach wspólnej polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa Unia Europejska stosuje sankcje mające wspomóc egzekwowanie jej celów, a zwłaszcza przestrzegania praw człowieka, demokracji i praworządności. Celem artykułu jest analiza skuteczności polityki sankcji Unii Europejskiej wobec Islamskiej Republiki Iranu. Zastosowaną metodą badawczą jest analiza porównawcza. Pierwsza część artykułu została poświęcona teoretycznemu ujęciu sankcji oraz czynnikom mającym wpływ na ich skuteczność. W następnym opisano podstawy systemowe wspólnej polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa Unii Europejskiej oraz zastosowanie sankcji jako jej elementu. W trzeciej części przedstawiono próbę oceny efektywności unijnej polityki sankcji wobec Iranu.

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Wpływ traktatowych rozwiązań Unii Europejskiej na organizację procesów gospodarczych w Polsce (w kontekście zasady społecznej gospodarki rynkowej)

Author(s): Katarzyna Kokocińska / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

Podejmując problem granic polityczno-gospodarczej działalności państwa rozumianej jako dopuszczalny zakres publiczno-prawnej ingerencji w stosunki gospodarcze, podkreślić należy konieczność analizy uwarunkowań ustrojowych. W przypadku Polski wynikają one z krajowych regulacji konstytucyjnych i z praw podstawowych oraz zasad ustroju gospodarczego Unii Europejskiej. Wpływ na organizację gospodarki unijnej i krajowej mają również pozaprawne regulacje zachowań gospodarczych, czyli polityka gospodarczo-społeczna prowadzona przez instytucje unijne oraz krajowe organy władzy publicznej. Autorka prezentuje szczególnie formułę społecznej gospodarki rynkowej, a także aksjologiczne podstawy publicznoprawnej ingerencji w gospodarkę w obszarze rozwoju i spójności.

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10+1 Good Practices in Preventing Intolerance, Discrimination, and Group Hatred in Central and Eastern Europe

Author(s): Gergana Tzvetkova / Language(s): English

This compendium was created by the consortium members of the CEE Prevent Net initiative. Its development is the result of a robust exchange of good practice methods among various organizations and civil society actors in the areas of youth work and (non-formal) education aimed at preventing intolerance, discrimination, and right-wing populism and extremism in the region of Central and Eastern Europe. Initially, this volume was supposed to present 10 good practices for working with young people directly; however, the CEE Prevent Net network decided to expand this initial enterprise gratuitously. This additional section provides youth workers, educators, and other civic actors with recommendations and advocacy strategies for youth work that fosters tolerance, facilitates dialogue, and prevents discrimination and far right ideologies.

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Evropa u mom gradu - O čemu pregovoramo i što nam pregovori sa EU donose?

Author(s): Ana Vujošević,Boris Marić,Chiara Gaia Iascone,Daliborka Uljarević,Danilo Ajković,Eliška Veselá,Jelena Žugić,Marko Šošić,Milan Marković,Mladen Perazić,Nemanja Tepavčević,Nikola Djonović,Petar Đukanović,Snežana Kaluđerović,Tamara Milaš,Vera Šćepanović,Vučić Ćetković / Language(s): Montenegrine

Crna Gora će proći do sada najzahtjevniji i najsloženiji put pregovora sa Evropskom unijom (EU). Činjenica da će pregovori početi poglavljima 23 – Pravosuđe i temeljna prava i 24 – Pravda, sloboda i bezbijednost, kao i da će ova poglavlja ostati otvorena do samog kraja, ukazuje na veličinu izazova sa kojim će biti suočena Crna Gora tokom pregovaračkog procesa. U publikaciji pred vama je kratak osvrt na ono čime će se veliki broj ljudi uključenih u pregovore po raznim osnovama, a posebno crnogorske nadležne institucije, baviti kroz usklađivanje crnogorskog pravnog okvira sa komunitarnom tekovinom EU, ali i kroz riješavanje raznih nivoa problema tokom cijelog procesa pregovora i nakon njih. Naša je namjera da približimo široj javnosti sadržaj pregovaračkih poglavlja projektujući ih na crnogorski model pregovora. Naime, jedna dimenzija ovog složenog procesa je to što će hiljade ljudi konkretno, dugo i naporno raditi na ispunjavanju preporuka EU i usklađivanju pravnog okvira sa standardima EU, odnosno izgradnji institucionalnih i demokratskih kapaciteta crnogorskog društva. Ali, druga, podjednako važna dimenzija jeste što će se paralelno svi građani i građanke Crne Gore, polako ali sigurno, kretati ka razumijevanju i prihvatanju konteksta koji će oblikovati pregovori po ovim poglavljima, a što će pratiti učinkovite reforme. Poglavlja su kreirana po društvenim oblastima i cio proces je vrlo precizno razrađen da prvo skenira stanje društva koje treba da postane punopravni član EU, kroz eksplanatorne i bilateralne sastanke, nakon kojih se kroz napredak i realizaciju akcionih planova dolazi do mjerila za otvaranje pojedinih poglavlja koje prati dalji napredak i efikasnost i efektivnost realizacije utvrđenih zadataka do dostizanja mjerila za zatvaranje pojedinih poglavlja. Ova procedura pregovora može asocirati i na pravila neke društvene igre. Ko prođe sve baze na koje naiđe pobijedio je. Lijepo bi bilo da su pregovori igra, ali oni su najzahtjevniji i najizazovniji proces sa kojim se crnogorske institucije sistema, pa i crnogorsko društvo, u cjelini suočavaju. Dešava nam se da stavljamo svoje kapacitete na provjeru na način koji nam do sada nije bio svojstven. Provjeravamo mogućnosti pune izgradnje institucionalnih kapaciteta, istražujemo sopstvene demokratske potencijale, suočavamo se sa razbijanjem tabua i predrasuda, otvaramo se za drugosti, postajemo spremni da preuzmemo odgovornost. Možda se nekom čini da smo ovo nekada ili makar nešto od ovoga već radili. Pokušaja jeste bilo, ali sistemskog pristupa izgradnji funkcionalne demokratije i nečega što kratko možemo definisati kao evropeizaciju društva zasigurno nije bilo. Danas i Unija ima brojne probleme, a posebno su izraženi problemi ekonomske prirode. Sumnjičavi bi mogli postaviti pitanje da li je uopšte opravdano kretati se ka evropskim integracijama, da li su iste možda prevaziđene? Kvalitet evropskih integracija je upravo u tome što je Unija uspjela da izgradi mehanizme demokratskog rješavanja svih pitanja. A taj kvalitet je vrlo potreban na ovim prostorima. EU nije samo uspješna ekonomska priča, ona je prije svega uspješna demokratska priča. Sve i da, hipotetički gledano, Crna Gora odustane od evropskih integracija, ona ne bi imala budućnost funkcionalne i prosperitetne demokratije bez pretresanja i izgradnje društveno-političke i ekonomske osnove na vrijednosnoj osnovi izgrađenoj u Uniji.

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