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Целью настоящей статьи является продемонстрировать историкам прессы и театра, материалы о С. Выспянском, которые публиковались в 1906-1907 годах на страницах виленских ежедневних газет „Kurier Litewski” и „Dziennik Wileński”. Данный материал обсуждается хроно логически, (т.е. так как печатались обе газеты) и включает в себя нетолько статьи, театральные рецензии и статьи после смерти С. Выс- пянского, но и небольшие заметки, редакционные информации свя занные с автором Свадьбы. 1905-1907 годы это период возрожения польской политически- культурной жизни на территории бывшего Великого Литовского Кня жества. Особенно обращалось тогда внимание на национально-патрио тическую роль польского театра, которого выдающимся представителем был тогда С. Выспянски. Обсуждаемый материал показывает как виленские поляки относились к творчеству С. Выспянского и какова бы ла реакция польской критики в Вильно, Ковно и Минске после смерти поэта в 1907 году.
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![A Polish argument for the underlying status of [ɨ]](/api/image/getissuecoverimage?id=picture_2016_34129.jpg)
This article argues against the single-phoneme approach discussed in Padgett (2001, 2003, 2010), which does not recognize the phonemic status of the vowel [ɨ]. The relevant data are drawn from the processes of Polish palatalization in the class of velars, while the presented analyses are couched in the theory of Lexical Phonology. It is argued that the lack of [ɨ] enforces the use of diacritics and leads to the proliferation of rules that are necessary to accommodate diacritically-specified contexts of palatalization. It is also shown that the singlephoneme approach leads to the morphologization of processes that are typically phonological. On the other hand, assuming the existence of underlying [ɨ] allows for a transparent and uniform account of palatalization effects.
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This article argues that a double-verb construction built around the verb wziąć and the element i – the so-called J(uncture)-WZIĄĆ gram – is a less canonical Serial Verb Construction (SVC). The gram complies with all the traits postulated as inherent to the prototype of SVCs with one noticeable exception – it exhibits an element that is homophonous with the conjunctive coordinator i ‘and’. However, i in the J-WZIĄĆ gram is not a true coordinator, nor is the J-WZIĄĆ gram a genuine coordinated structure. Rather, i functions as a dummy juncture, and the J-WZIĄĆ gram constitutes an example of pseudo-coordination – a stage on the grammaticalization path from coordination to verbal serialization.
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Specialised dictionaries fulfil a plethora of linguistic and cognitive functions in specialised communication. In particular, such reference works help introduce, harmonise and standardise national terminologies, thus playing an indispensable role in disseminating high quality specialised knowledge. An even more important role may be attributed to bilingual and multilingual specialised dictionaries, whose primary goal is to facilitate the flow of scientific and technical information at an international level. This function has come to the fore in today’s multinational and interconnected professional world. In light of the developing and ever stronger cooperation between Poland and Ukraine, an attempt is being made to evaluate bilingual and multilingual terminographic works containing Polish and Ukrainian which have been published in Poland to date. The aim is to assess the positive developments and to identify the gaps in Polish-Ukrainian terminography. It is hoped that the findings presented in this paper will be applied by terminographers in order to compile terminological dictionaries of higher quality, which satisfy the needs of specific users and follow terminographic principles.
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Автор рассматривает ассимиляцию славянских слов в сербохорватском тексте. В основном он касается адаптации фонологической, а лишь изредка рассматривает ассимиляцию этих слов на морфологическом уровне. Как известно, славянские народы не достигли той взаимности культурноГг и литературной, о которой мечтали чешские „будители” и хорватские „иллирийцы. Тем не менее сотрудничество между отдельними славянскими народами никогда не переставало. В наше время существует уже 12 славянских литературных языков. На Балканском полуострове функционирует теперь 4 языка: в Югославии 3 (сербохорватский, словенский и македонский), в Болгарии 1 — болгарский. Словенцы используют латинский шрифт, Болгары и Македонцы употребляют кириллицу а носители сербохорватског языка употребляют два алфавита. Среди восточных Славян формировались 3 литературных языка: белорусский, украинский и русский. Среди западнославянских народов формировались 5 литературных языков: в Чехословакии 2 — чешский и словацкий, в Польше 1 — польский, а в Чехословакии 2 — чешский и словацкий, в Польше 1 — польский, а в Немецкой Демократической Республике — 2 славянских языка: верхнелужицкий и нижнелужицкий. Все восточнославянские народы употребляют кириллицу, а все западнославянские народы используют латинский шрифт. Автор даёт оценку, насколько удачны некоторые решения сербохорватского правописания. Как известно, орфография сербохорватског языка является. фонетически. Именно с этой точки зрения автор даёт свои критические замечания относительно последовательного применения прокламированных принципов (фонетических) сербохорватского правописания. В частности автор ратует за то, чтобы русские названия содержащие смягчённые Л и Н переда вать сербохорватским LJ и NJ. На пример, Koroljov, Bunjin за русское Королёв Бунин, С другой же стороны, автор предлагает в польских названиях писать сербохорватские согласные Š и Ž вместо польских Š, Ž. Его аргумент в том, что названные польские согласные представляют собой Ш-звук и Ж-звук (а не С-звук и 3-звук, как это казалось би в теперешнем написании.) На пример, Zošja, Kažjo за польское Zosia, Kazio. Вообще, автор считает, что в процессе перенимания славянских слов в сербохорватский текст мы должны стремится максимальной верности, но одновременно мы нс должны забывать, что в этом деле фонетика должна подчиняться фонологии.
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Nowadays, Turkic languages are world languages with more than 600 thousand words, which roots date back to the early estimates of history. In the background of the fact that Turkic people are so widespread and then influencing other languages, these languages are strong languages of political administration, rich in phonetic structure and literary power. Slavonic languages and Turkic languages associations started in the first century. Scientists classify these associations according to many historical circles. The first period is estimated to be І-VІІІ centuries. The Avars, which lie between the Slavs living in the Eastern European regions and the Huns, are the economic relations between the Khazars and the Bulgarians living in the banks of the Edil River. In this age, Slavic tribes generally passed names, places and water (river) names. Second cycle is ІХ-ХІІ centuries. According to some Turkologists, this periodical Turkic quotation words are of Kipchak language.
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Simeon Polotski is very interesting as an individuality and writer. His creative work and lifestyle provoked a lot of contrary opinions. Some condemned him, others admired him. Never theless, it is useful to remember that Polotski left a huge poetic heritage, the close study of which has not been made of up to nowadays. It happened because of the fact that he was appreciated as the writer who had no readers. Generally he wrote for the royal family, which limited mainly the spreading of his books, and after the poet’s death all his books were banned by the Church. Among the numerous works by Simeon Polotski Akapist do Pana Naszego Jezusa Chrystusa and Akapist Najświętszej Pannie written in Polish attract our attention and witness that the Polish culture which he knew very well influenced the young poet a lot. One of the authors he read was Jan Kochanowski whose Psalter Rhymed he quoted. But these acathistuses are not just the translations but above all pieces of art. They have their own structure, composition, stylistic and linguistic devices. Keeping mainly the traditional form of the mass, Simeon enriches it, makes it more poetic, gives it baroque colouring. It is to be noted that Polotski has a very emotional attitude to Jesus and God’s Mother which is clearly visible in the vivid forms of address. The acathistus had been changing in due course, it had been readjusted and was not well preserved in the original and clear form to the present day. That is why the poetic version of Simeon Polotski appears to be a very important evidence, which has kept the curtain phase of the development of this genre.
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The aims of this paper are to introduce existing Ukrainian translations of Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland and their respective translators; to discuss some reasons for recent retranslations of Lewis Carroll’s works; and to show some aspects of translators’ work which are characteristic of translations into Ukrainian and which primarily serve as a means of transferring the equivalent of the creative attributes of Lewis Carroll’s text for Ukrainian readers. The book is gaining in popularity in Ukraine and has been published four times in the last 10 to 15 years. Although it may be said that recent retranslations of Alice in Wonderland show the translators’ response to the demands from the publishers, these retranslations also expand the communication chain of literary reception which continues to cross linguistic boundaries, bringing new readers to the circle of Carroll’s admirers and opening up to them the boundless meaningful perspective of the Alice story. Preserving general equivalence to the original, each translator has tried to make use of the creative arsenal of language resources that exist in the Ukrainian language, bearing in mind – much like Lewis Carroll himself – different groups of readers.
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The article presents new etymological interpretations of the words kori : korja ‘hearth’, melek(as) ‘stock pigeon’, rahe(-): rahejalg, kooljarahe ‘bier’ and rikkuma ‘to spoil, ruin, break, etc’. Kori : korja ‘hearth’ is a forgotten word in modern Estonian, which is known from northwestern Läänemaa as well as Hiiumaa. Nikolai Anderson suggested over a hundred years ago that kori belongs together with the Finnish word korju ‘bear’s (above-ground) winter lair’. Anderson’s comparison has been cited by Andrus Saareste as well as, with some hesitation, in Finnish etymological dictionaries. Julius Mägiste did not attempt to explain the word’s origin in his Estnisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Due to both phonetic and semantic considerations, an etymological link between Estonian kori : korja and Finnish korju is impossible. I suggest that kori : korja is a Baltic loan from the word family represented in modern Baltic languages by Lithuanian kùrti (kùria, kū́rė) ‘to heat up, start a fire etc’, ùžkura(s) ‘oven full of wood; widower’, užkurỹs ‘man who has married a widow and moved into her home; man living in his wife’s parents’ house’. This Baltic word family has equivalents with fire- and hearth-related meanings in other Indo-European languages, e.g. Old Russian курити ‘to start a fire, ignite’, Old English here ‘fireplace, hearth, small oven’ and the stem variant with a final dental consonant heorð ‘hearth, fireplace, home etc’. Kori : korja presumes a Baltic loan base with the stem i̯a-, *kuri̯a-, presumed original meaning ‘fire, fireplace’. Melek(as) ‘stock pigeon’ occurs sporadically in different parts of northern Estonia. This bird name has been seen as onomatopoetically motivated (Andrus Saareste, Mart Mäger, and with hesitation Alo Raun), a view which has been rejected by Julius Mägiste. Another suggestion is that melekas derives from a common Finnic-Mordvin stem, in which -l- may have developed from the affricate *č, cf. dialectal Finnish mettinen ‘turtle dove’, Erzya Mordvin m´eče, m´eča ‘dove’ (Y. H. Toivonen, Mikk Tooms), but Mägiste is skeptical of this explanation as well, and sees the word as more likely a contamination of mehikas ~ mehekas ‘wood dove’ + meltsas ‘green woodpecker, wood dove’. I argue that the explanation of the origin of the word melek(as) must take into account the observation of the Lithuanian linguist, who in the 1880s-1890s drew a parallel to the Lithuanian bird name meletà ‘Picus viridis, Dryocopus martius, Merops apiaster, Coracias garrulus; chatterbox, sweet-talking person’. Baltic *melatā ~ *meletā is etymologically related to the Balto-Slavic word family *mel- ‘to rub, grind; chatter’: Lithuanian málti ‘to grind; speak too much, blather, prattle’, dialectal Russian мелея́ ‘grinder; blabbermouth etc’, dialectal Belarusian мэ́ лю́х ‘lblabbermouth’. Phonetically, there is no reason not to accept the Baltic etymology. The final syllable *-tā of the Baltic loan base has been replaced by the very productive affix k(as), which appears in many bird names. (k)rae- in the compound words (k)raejalad, (k)raepuud ‘trestle table, stretcher, barrow’ derives from the Low German schrage ‘(transverse) stand (with two pairs of crossed legs) etc’ (Udo Uibo). According to older lexicography, Estonian has known the compound words kooljarahe and rahejalg ‘bier, coffin base’, which are not related to the aforementioned Low German loan base, because in Low German loans in Estonian, word-internal -g- is replaced by the partially voiced medial stop -g-, in some cases also -j-, but never -h-. Mägiste has presumed that rahe(-) is related to the Finnic word family rahi: Courland Livonian ra’i ‘chair’, dialectal Finnish rahi : rahin ‘bench with no backboard; stool etc’, Ingrian rahi ~ rähi ‘bench, stove-bench etc’, North Karelian rahi ‘bench’. I propose a Baltic etymology for the word rahi: < Baltic *krasi̯a-, cf. Lithuanian krãsė ‘chair, reclining chair, stool; low footstool; seat’, krasià ‘sofa-like wooden bench with backboard; (reclining) chair; standing/walking chair for a small child; footrest etc’. This Baltic stem has plausible etymological correspondences only in Eastern and Western Slavic languages, e.g. Russian крéсло́ ‘armchair, reclining chair, backrest in a sleigh’. An analogous substitution, i.e. Finnic h < Baltic *s, is e.g. Estonian lahja ‘lean, thin’, dialectal lahi, laih, Finnic laiha etc < Late Proto-Finnic *laiha < Early ProtoFinnnic *lajša < Baltic *laisa-. Estonian rahe ‘hail’ has conformed to other nouns ending in e. Rikkuma, in dialects also rikkima, rikma ‘to break, ruin, damage, smash, destroy; negatively influence someone; decay, deteriorate; (dialectally) go bad, become spoiled’ is a wide-ranging word family found in all Finnic languages: Finnic *rikkoi- < Early Proto-Finnnic *rikka. A Germanic etymology has been proposed for it (Christfrid Ganander 1787), which is rejected by etymological dictionaries of Finnic languages. Another rejected explanation is that of Lauri Hakulinen, who suggested that it is related to the word family rikka : rikan ‘dust, scrap, litter’. I propose a Baltic etymology for this Finnic verb stem, deriving from either 1. Baltic *rika-, on the successors of which are Lithuanian rìkti (riñka ~ reñka ~ rinksta, rìko) ‘to disintegrate, break into pieces, be crushed; to be wrong, confuse, err, act wrongly or imprecisely (e.g. when speaking or enumerating), stumble’, aprìkti ‘to confuse, mix up, garble; to be wrong, do something wrong etc’ or 2. Baltic *trika-, the successors of which are Lithuanian trìkti (triñka, trìko) ‘to be wrong, make a mistake, stumble, get stuck (when speaking, enumerating, etc), stutter; disintegrate; break, be ruined; to be ruined, go out of order (e.g. health); to prematurely give birth; to go crazy, lose one’s mind, rave; to get rabies (of dogs); to get angry; to get confused, puzzled; to engage in mischief, act strangely, impolitely; bother, disturb, annoy etc’. Phonetically, the German and Baltic loan bases are equally plausible, but semantically the Baltic explanation is a better fit. The core meaning of both the Baltic and Finnic word families is ‘to do material damage (i.e. break, ruin)’, from which (likely independently of one another) the other semantic lines have branched off.
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Translation in cognitive linguistics is a point of intersection and a means of communication and interpretation between cultures. Currently, the studies which are carried out in the sphere of cognitive linguistics acquire significance due to their interdisciplinary character. This is because of the fact that their results are applicable to diverse fields, particularly in research on translation, as they present the issue of concept transfer, which construes complex mental categories. In this article, we are going to carry out a parallel analysis of the concepts страх // fear in Russian and miedo // fear in Spanish with a view to addressing two issues: 1) the translation of the noun страх into Spanish, and 2) the translation of actions associated with this noun.
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The article deals with the coding of semantic information in language and examines the coding models of semantic information in verbs following the results of the analysis of the verb in Turkish-Russian language pair. The necessity of differentiation between ‘action’ and ‘verb’ categories is underlined. The connection of the action category with the logic and the verb category with the language is highlighted. The idea that different languages can name actions differently and the verbs in two languages can describe the same action using different images and different morphemes is emphasized. Following the results of the comparative study of some examples from Turkish-Russian language pair the interaction between the logic categories and the language forms, the coding models of the logic categories in the language, the nature of cognitive models are discussed. The applicability of the results for the foreign language education and translation training is highlighted.
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Review of: Anna Romanik "Sposoby nominacji przedmiotów odzieży we współczesnym języku rosyjskim,"; Białystok 2012, 189 ss. by: Jolanta Chomko
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This paper is a critique of the book “Lewis Carroll in Russia: Translations of Alice in Wonderland 1879–1989” by Fan Parker, Ph.D., which reviews eleven Russian versions of the children’s classic. Detailed analysis of Dr. Parker’s book has led the author to conclude that most of its principal arguments and findings are unsubstantiated, mistaken, biased or inexpert, and that it cannot possibly be seen as a source of authority in literary translation studies.
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All the substances with which man is encountered, saw through the prism of their physical, human beings, therefore mushroom shape resembles a human figure. Fungi, specifically their fruiting bodies sees as a people, and therefore their classification uses similar criteria as to the classification of people. The basic criterion for the classification of people is their gender. According to this criterion man “pigeonhole” the mushrooms and their names. The oldest pre-Slavic names of mushrooms are female (hliva, bedľa, holubinka, čírovka), most of them concerns slim species with lamella. Word hríb gradually became established as the name of the large mushrooms with tubular hymenofor. Under this cognitive scheme people in our region named by other species of fungi. So mushrooms, that evoke feminine qualities and attribute, are receiving feminine names. Massive mushrooms, or mushrooms having a variety of unpleasant physical and olfactory qualities can be classified as masculine. We know very ancient names of fungi belonging to one species today, for example: rýdzik (Lactarius deliciosus and related species), surovička (Lactarius volemus), biel (Lactarius piperatus and related species). While exploring the Slavic and old Slovak names of mushrooms are very helpful Hungarian words coming from the ancient Slavic.
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The monograph is concerned with the issue of distinguishing arguments (actants, complements) from modifiers (circumstants, adjuncts). While this distinction is widely assumed in contemporary linguistics (also in Polish grammars and valency dictionaries), it is difficult to define it operationally. The book questions the existence of this dichotomy and proposes an approach to the formal grammar and to the valency dictionary which does not rely on this distinction.
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This study analyzes Theological Memorandums, found in two out of ten transcripts, in which there is a translation of Sermons against Arians by Athanasius of Alexandria. These memorandums allow us to broaden our idea for the reasons how the Sermons were copied, referring to that the scholars were based on Luther and were reading Athanasius throughout the prism of the Orthodox-Protestant controversy from XVI – XVII century. The analyzed memorandums are divided in five groups: icons, filioques, Christology, adoration and church. The article has applications with transcription of the memorandums and excerpts to which they are found, parallelly accompanied by a Greek text.
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